#'no place for hamas' which really means no kind of palestinian resistance

[beepmeepmeepbeep]

the eu is beyond fucking annoying

[because--palestine]

“They have left us no choice other than to take the decision in our hands and to fight back,” said Dr. Basem Naim, a senior member of Hamas’s political bureau and a former government minister in Gaza. “October 7, for me, is an act of defense, maybe the last chance for Palestinians to defend themselves.” He said “If we have to choose, why choose to be the good victims, the peaceful victims? If we have to die, we have to die in dignity. Standing, fighting, fighting back, and standing as dignified martyrs.”

“It's kind of like telling the folks in the Warsaw uprising that you should have known that the German military was going to respond the way they did and you are going to be responsible for the deaths of other residents in the Warsaw ghetto,” Susan Abulhawa said. “Maybe that's true, but is it really a moral point to make? I don't think there has ever been so much scrutiny on an indigenous people, on how they're resisting their colonizers.” She said “As a Palestinian, I'm grateful for it. I think what they have done is something that no amount of negotiation was ever able to achieve. Nothing else we did was able to achieve what they did on October 7. And I should say, actually, it's not so much what they did, but it was Israel's reaction that led to a shift in the narrative because they're finally naked before the world.”

In his past media interviews, Sinwar has spoken of Hamas as a social movement with a military wing and framed its political goals as part of the historic struggle to reestablish a unified state of Palestine. “I am the Gaza leader of Hamas, of something much more complex than a militia—a national liberation movement. And my main duty is to act in the interest of my people: to defend it and its right to freedom and independence,” he said. “All of those who still view us as an armed group, and nothing more, you don't have any idea of what Hamas really looks like.... You focus on resistance, on the means rather than the goal—which is a state based on democracy, pluralism, cooperation. A state that protects rights and freedom, where differences are faced through words, not through guns. Hamas is much more than its military operations.”

“The battle between us and the occupation who desecrated our land, displaced our people and are still murdering and displacing Palestinians—confiscating lands and attacking sacred places—is an open ended battle,” Sinwar said. When asked about the killing of Israeli civilians by Hamas rockets, Sinwar became animated. “You can’t compare that to those who resist and defend themselves with weapons that look primitive in comparison. If we had the capabilities to launch precision missiles that targeted military targets, we wouldn’t have used the rockets that we did,” he shot back. “Does the world expect us to be well-behaved victims while we’re getting killed? For us to be slaughtered without making a noise? That’s impossible.”

“If you go back to the 1940s after the Nakba, there was a decade or so when Palestinians were just pleading with international bodies, going from one place to another, trying to negotiate for justice, trying to go home, trying to figure out a way. And there was no movement. We were completely irrelevant. Nobody even acknowledged us,” Abulhawa added. “It was only until Palestinians resorted to armed resistance that the world finally admitted that, ‘Oh wait, this is an indigenous population that does exist.’ It was only after we started hijacking planes and resorting to guerrilla warfare in the spirit of leftist guerrilla movements of that era that there was any movement towards liberation.”

[marta-bee]

Long-winded thinky thoughts about current events of an Israeli-Palestinian sort beneath the cut. Possibly triggery, and hopefully not reductive.

I read a headline today that two Israeli hostages had been rescued in a raid, then mentioned almost as an afterthought that fifty Palestinians had been killed in the raid.

No context. It's hard to believe even 5% of those Palestinians weren't civilians, maybe even children. And even for people we wouldn't classify as "innocents," even if they were all terrorists steroetypically evil enough for a Hollywood casting call, they would still have reasons why they felt the need to resist Israel. How many had had family killed, suffered poverty and lost opportunities their whole lives because of Israeli policies and restrictions on Palestinian growth? It's so very easy to imagine how good people could become justifiable targets of war, even if those were the only ones killed in this raid.

And on the flip-side, even assuming the hostages were Israeli soldierws.... conscription/the draft is very much a thing in Israel. And even if they were willingly fighting because they believed Hamas was some sort of existential threat to Israel, that doesn't mean they deserved to be held hostage. On 9/11 I was in university maybe an hour from Fort Bragg, so yes, quite a lot of my classmates were some combination of active military, reservists, and veterans, many of whom got sent to Afghanistan or Iraq. I remembered thinking of them as brave and principled; I'm sure they thought of themselves the same way. In hindsight I know those wars were a poor object for them to apply their character to, but maturity and being capable of nuance means I can criticize the war and still recognize the goodness of so many of the people I knew who got swept up in it. I can easily imagine Israeli soldiers today in the same kind of situation.

Put more simply: those Israeli hostages probably didn't deserve to be there, either.

All of which makes me more convinced of my pacifism than ever. The moral arithmetic in situations like this is simply obscene, but it's also so damned unavoidable once the war starts in the first place. Once you're willing to point a gun (or something more deadly and less personal) at another human, and expect him to be doing the same ot you, all manner of barbarity becomes not just possible but commonplace. And it's so easy to forget the kind of vice you almost have to put soldiers and local civilians in just by the nature of living in a warzone, when you let situations like this start. There's so few situations in this world that are worth creating that kind of a space for all those people in Palestine and Israel to have to live in. Or Ukraine and Russia. Or anywhere, really.

Just: *bleh*

[chiseler]

‘The Essence of Being Palestinian’: What the Great March of Return is Really About

Palestinian paramedic Razan al-Najjar ‘deliberately and fatally shot’ by Israeli sniper — B’Tselem

The aims of the Great March of Return protests, which began in Gaza on March 30, 2018 are to put an end to the suffocating Israeli siege and implementing the Right of Return for Palestinian refugees who were expelled from their homes and towns in historic Palestine 70 years earlier.

But there is much more to the March of Return than a few demands, especially bearing in mind the high human cost associated with it.  

According to Gaza's Ministry of Health, over 250 people have been killed and 6,500 wounded, including children, medics and journalists.

Aside from the disproportionately covered ‘flaming kites’ and youth symbolically cutting through the metal fences that have besieged them for many years, the March has been largely non-violent. Despite this, Israel has killed and maimed protesters with impunity.

A UN human rights commission of inquiry found last month that Israel may have committed war crimes against protesters, resulting in the killing of 189 Palestinians within the period March 30 and December 31, 2018.

The inquiry found “reasonable grounds to believe that Israeli snipers shot at children, medics and journalists, even though they were clearly recognizable as such,” the investigators concluded as reported by BBC online.

Many in the media, however, still do not understand what the Great March of Return really means for Palestinians.

A cynically titled report in the Washington Post attempted to offer an answer. The article, "Gazans have paid in blood for a year of protests. Now many wonder what it was for," selectively quoted wounded Palestinians who, supposedly, feel that their sacrifices were in vain.

Aside from providing the Israeli military with a platform to blame the Hamas Movement for the year-long march, the long report ended with these two quotes:

The March of Return "achieved nothing," according to one injured Palestinian.

"The only thing I can find is that it made people pay attention," said another.  

If the Washington Post paid attention, it would have realized that the mood among Palestinians is neither cynical nor despairing.

The Post should have wondered: if the march 'achieved nothing', why were Gazans still protesting, and the popular and inclusive nature of the March has not been compromised?  

“The Right of Return is more than a political position,” said Sabreen al-Najjar, the mother of young Palestinian medic, Razan, who, on June 1, 2018, was fatally shot by the Israeli army while trying to help wounded Palestinian protesters. It is “more than a principle: wrapped up in it, and reflected in literature and art and music, is the essence of what it means to be Palestinian. It is in our blood.”

Indeed, what is the ‘Great March of Return’ but a people attempting to reclaim their role, and be recognized and heard in the struggle for the liberation of Palestine?

What is largely missing from the discussion on Gaza is the collective psychology behind this kind of mobilization, and why it is essential for hundreds of thousands of besieged people to rediscover their power and understand their true position, not as hapless victims, but as agents of change in their society.

The narrow reading, or the misrepresentation of the March of Return, speaks volumes about the overall underestimation of the role of the Palestinian people in their struggle for freedom, justice and national liberation, extending for a century.

The story of Palestine is the story of the Palestinian people, for they are the victims of oppression and the main channel of resistance, starting with the Nakba – the creation of Israel on the ruins of Palestinian towns and villages in 1948. Had Palestinians not resisted, their story would have concluded then, and they, too, would have disappeared.

Those who admonish Palestinian resistance or, like the Post, fail to understand the underlying value of popular movement and sacrifices, have little understanding of the psychological ramifications of resistance – the sense of collective empowerment and hope which spreads amongst the people. In his introduction to Frantz Fanon’s ‘Wretched of the Earth”, Jean-Paul Sartre describes resistance, as it was passionately vindicated by Fanon, as a process through which “a man is re-creating himself.”

For 70 years, Palestinians have embarked on that journey of the re-creation of the self. They have resisted, and their resistance in all of its forms has molded a sense of collective unity, despite the numerous divisions that were erected amongst the people.

The March of Return is the latest manifestation of the ongoing Palestinian resistance.

It is obvious that elitist interpretations of Palestine have failed – Oslo proved a worthless exercise in empty clichés, aimed at sustaining American political dominance in Palestine as well as in the rest of the Middle East.

But the signing of the Oslo Accord in 1993 shattered the relative cohesiveness of the Palestinian discourse, thus weakening and dividing the Palestinian people.

In the Israeli Zionist narrative, Palestinians are depicted as drifting lunatics, an inconvenience that hinders the path of progress – a description that regularly defined the relationship between every western colonial power and the colonized, resisting natives.

Within some Israeli political and academic circles, Palestinians merely ‘existed’ to be ‘cleansed’, to make room for a different, more deserving people. From the Zionist perspective, the ‘existence’ of the natives is meant to be temporary. “We must expel Arabs and take their place,” wrote Israel’s founding father, David Ben Gurion.

Assigning the roles of dislocated, disinherited and nomadic to the Palestinian people, without consideration for the ethical and political implications of such a perception, has erroneously presented Palestinians as a docile and submissive collective.

Hence, it is imperative that we develop a clearer understanding of the layered meanings behind the Great March of Return. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians in Gaza did not risk life and limb over the last year simply because they required urgent medicine and food supplies.

Palestinians did so because they understand their centrality in their struggle. Their protests are a collective statement, a cry for justice, an ultimate reclamation of their narrative as a people – still standing, still powerful and still hopeful after 70 years of Nakba, 50 years of military occupation and 12 years of unrelenting siege.

by Ramzy Baroud

[whittlebaggett8]

‘The Essence of Being Palestinian’

The aims of the Terrific March of Return protests, which began in Gaza on March 30, 2018 are to place an conclude to the suffocating Israeli siege and utilizing the Suitable of Return for Palestinian refugees who ended up expelled from their residences and cities in historic Palestine 70 many years earlier. But there is much much more to the March of Return than a number of needs, especially bearing in intellect the higher human price tag associated with it. According to Gaza’s Ministry of Well being, around 250 individuals have been killed and 6,500 wounded, which includes kids, medics and journalists. Aside from the disproportionately included ‘flaming kites’ and youth symbolically reducing via the steel fences that have besieged them for lots of several years, the March has been mostly non-violent. In spite of this, Israel has killed and maimed protesters with impunity. A UN human legal rights commission of inquiry found last thirty day period that Israel may possibly have committed war crimes from protesters, resulting in the killing of 189 Palestinians within the interval March 30 and December 31, 2018. The inquiry identified “reasonable grounds to feel that Israeli snipers shot at young children, medics and journalists, even though they have been obviously recognizable as this kind of,” the investigators concluded as described by BBC on the web. Quite a few in the media, nevertheless, however do not understand what the Wonderful March of Return actually indicates for Palestinians. A cynically titled report in the Washington Post attempted to offer you an response. The article, “Gazans have paid in blood for a 12 months of protests. Now several marvel what it was for,” selectively quoted wounded Palestinians who, supposedly, really feel that their sacrifices were being in vain. Aside from supplying the Israeli army with a system to blame the Hamas Movement for the year-long march, the very long report finished with these two quotes: The March of Return “achieved nothing at all,” according to a single wounded Palestinian. “The only detail I can discover is that it made people today fork out awareness,” mentioned yet another. If the Washington Write-up paid interest, it would have recognized that the mood amongst Palestinians is neither cynical nor despairing. The Post ought to have questioned: if the march ‘achieved nothing’, why ended up Gazans nevertheless protesting, and the well known and inclusive mother nature of the March has not been compromised? “The Proper of Return is far more than a political position,” mentioned Sabreen al-Najjar, the mother of youthful Palestinian medic, Razan, who, on June 1, 2018, was fatally shot by the Israeli army when attempting to support wounded Palestinian protesters. It is “more than a basic principle: wrapped up in it, and mirrored in literature and art and music, is the essence of what it means to be Palestinian. It is in our blood.” Indeed, what is the ‘Great March of Return’ but a men and women trying to reclaim their position, and be recognized and read in the struggle for the liberation of Palestine? What is largely lacking from the dialogue on Gaza is the collective psychology behind this type of mobilization, and why it is necessary for hundreds of countless numbers of besieged men and women to rediscover their energy and recognize their true posture, not as hapless victims, but as brokers of alter in their modern society. The slim reading through, or the misrepresentation of the March of Return, speaks volumes about the total underestimation of the job of the Palestinian people in their battle for liberty, justice and national liberation, extending for a century. The story of Palestine is the story of the Palestinian individuals, for they are the victims of oppression and the main channel of resistance, starting with the Nakba – the development of Israel on the ruins of Palestinian cities and villages in 1948. Had Palestinians not resisted, their tale would have concluded then, and they, way too, would have disappeared. Those people who admonish Palestinian resistance or, like the Post, fall short to recognize the fundamental worth of well-liked motion and sacrifices, have tiny understanding of the psychological ramifications of resistance – the perception of collective empowerment and hope which spreads amongst the men and women. In his introduction to Frantz Fanon’s ‘Wretched of the Earth”, Jean-Paul Sartre describes resistance, as it was passionately vindicated by Fanon, as a procedure by way of which “a guy is re-producing himself.” For 70 decades, Palestinians have embarked on that journey of the re-development of the self. They have resisted, and their resistance in all of its types has molded a sense of collective unity, even with the a lot of divisions that ended up erected among the people today. The March of Return is the hottest manifestation of the ongoing Palestinian resistance. It is apparent that elitist interpretations of Palestine have unsuccessful – Oslo proved a worthless exercise in empty clichés, aimed at sustaining American political dominance in Palestine as effectively as in the rest of the Middle East. But the signing of the Oslo Accord in 1993 shattered the relative cohesiveness of the Palestinian discourse, as a result weakening and dividing the Palestinian persons. In the Israeli Zionist narrative, Palestinians are depicted as drifting lunatics, an inconvenience that hinders the route of progress – a description that on a regular basis described the romance involving each western colonial power and the colonized, resisting natives. Inside some Israeli political and tutorial circles, Palestinians basically ‘existed’ to be ‘cleansed’, to make room for a various, additional deserving people today. From the Zionist viewpoint, the ‘existence’ of the natives is intended to be short-term. “We should expel Arabs and consider their put,” wrote Israel’s founding father, David Ben Gurion. Assigning the roles of dislocated, disinherited and nomadic to the Palestinian folks, without the need of thing to consider for the ethical and political implications of such a notion, has erroneously offered Palestinians as a docile and submissive collective. Hence, it is imperative that we create a clearer knowing of the layered meanings powering the Wonderful March of Return. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians in Gaza did not risk existence and limb more than the final 12 months simply simply because they demanded urgent drugs and food supplies. Palestinians did so due to the fact they understand their centrality in their struggle. Their protests are a collective assertion, a cry for justice, an greatest reclamation of their narrative as a people today – however standing, however effective and nevertheless hopeful soon after 70 several years of Nakba, 50 many years of army occupation and 12 yrs of unrelenting siege.

  Palestine

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[the-record-columns]

May 10, 2017: Columns

‘Calling them like I see them…’

 By KEN WELBORN

Record Publisher

 Like most of us, my dad answered to many names when talking to different people. He was Pa, Dad, Carley, The Preacher, C. S., Grandpa, Seldon, Carley Sr., Rev. C. S., Preacher Welborn, Paw-Paw, and, as my mother, Cary, always called him, Daddy.

 No matter what you called him, he was an honest man with everyone, a bit too honest sometimes, it seemed, but he would always defend calling it the way he saw it. Period. End of discussion.

 While he didn't answer to it, we often referred to him as The Great Stone Face—not a very demonstrative man; to me, an old man to me as long as I knew him, and, while I loved him dearly, I didn't like him too much.

 Mercifully for both of us that changed in the 80's when I began Thursday Magazine, predecessor to The Record, and my dad began making trips with me each week as we traveled back and forth to the printer in Hickory. So finally, in my mid 30s, I got to know my dad, to understand much more about him, and to like him. I have many stories to tell, but today I want to share one about honesty.

 It was an election year, and Dad was at the office waiting for me to get ready to go. I had several loose ends to tie up and was running around like a chicken with its head cut off. At last I had only one more person to deal with, and he showed up right on time.

 As I said, it was an election year and a man I had known all my life, Bill Thomas, was running for county commissioner. We had done some printing for Bill and he was there to puck it up, and, in the process of it all saw my dad sitting there. Come to find out they had been friends for many years and Bill greeted my father with “Good to see you again, Preacher, and I hope you'll remember me on election day.” My dad replied, “Good to see you too, Bill, and I'll remember you on election day, but I can't vote for you.”

 My face turned red, and I kind of stammered our way out the door.

 Once in the truck, I asked my dad why he was so pointedly honest with Bill. That perhaps he could have softened it a bit, or just said nothing and nodded to him. I was assured that he didn't want to mislead Bill, that he had already promised other candidates his vote, and had no choice. I said that maybe, just maybe, that sometimes he could be honest to a fault.

 Well, he took great exception to that comment and said Bill Thomas had been his friend for years and he wasn't going to mislead him for me or anyone else. He then went on to say that there was no “fault” in honesty and gave me his take on the subject.

 “Son,” he began, “tell the truth. Always. You have to tell the truth, even if it takes the hide off someone. You see, the hide will grow back, but lies are like cancer—before long you're eaten up with it, and there's nothing left.” There wasn't much to say after that, and I never again let my father's honesty embarrass me.

 Years later, as I got to spend some time with Bill Thomas through his faithful service with VFW Post 1142's Honor Guard, I asked if he remembered that incident at the old Thursday Magazine offices. He and assured me he did. When I told him of my conversations with my dad about that day, he smiled broadly and said, “Kenny, I had far more respect for your dad's honesty than all the folks who swore they were going to vote for me, knowing they had no intention of ever doing so.”

 My dad and I made those trips as long as he was physically able. The memories of those days, and the things I learned from him and about him, are truly precious to me.

 I came to be proud that my dad was honest with Bill Thomas that day.

 And with me.

   Random acts of kindness

By LAURA WELBORN

 “You have power over your mind, not outside events.

Realize this, and you will find strength.”

―Marcus Aurelius

 What you might think of as your destiny is really just your circumstances, and these circumstances can be changed.  

 Understanding that you are fully responsible and in control of your circumstances through your actions and attitude is crucial.  This realization means you are free to make changes as you see fit. When we feel discouraged and defeated, typically our first instinct is to look outside of ourselves for someone or something to blame.  In reality, we ought to be looking at how we’re feeling, what we’re thinking, and how we plan to respond.

 Yet feeling discouraged and defeated is a sign that it’s time to make a change (make that change). It could be a change of heart, a change in your perspective, or a change in your habits.  But the point in any case is that the way you are doing things is no longer working. One of the hardest things is to look outside ourselves to what is not working for us.  It is when we are brave enough to question our actions and look into their effects on our life that we have a chance… a chance to turn things around in a positive way.  

 It never feels good to look at what we are doing wrong- or is not working for us.  

 Your life is your responsibility. While you can’t always change what’s outside of you, you can certainly change your perception of it.  When you change the way you look at things, the things themselves change, and gives room for positive action.(Marc and Angel Hack Life)

 Part of changing our life, I believe, comes when we go outside of ourselves to take that step towards positive action.  When we are making changes in our lives I think it becomes important to remember to do things that keep us focused in a positive way.  

 One of these is to perform acts of kindness.  When we practice kindness it releases serotonin in our brain.  (Serotonin is a substance that has big time health benefits, including making us feel more blissful.)  Selflessly helping someone is a super powerful way to feel good inside. What’s great about this kindness act is that not only will you feel better, but so will people watching the act of kindness.  

   Bystanders will be blessed with a release of serotonin just by watching what’s going on.  The job of most anti-depressants is to release more serotonin which helps us ultimately feel better… which now can be done through going outside of ourselves and doing a good deed.  It is all a part of changing our path and moving beyond our world that seems full of violence to put out one small act to change our direction and the direction of others.  

Repairing Israel-U.S. alliance helps Israel and Netanyahu

By EARL COX

Special to The Record

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent visit with U.S. President Donald Trump has bolstered Israel’s security and global standing. It also shored up Netanyahu’s political leverage.  

After Bibi’s contentious relationships with Obama and Clinton, he needed results from this trip that would boost his influence at home—and the restoration of a strong Israel-U.S. alliance fits the bill. Though he didn’t get reassurances from Trump on every point he wanted, the visit was a success. For the first time in 11 years, a Republican president and friendlier, GOP-majority Congress welcomed the prime minister of Israel.

Yet the trip took place under the long shadow of the gravest political threat Netanyahu has ever faced—police investigations into alleged corruption and accepting illegal gifts—details of which are leaked daily by anonymous sources. The fact that the sources are veiled makes it harder for his coalition to stand with him against the pressure to resign—for fear of political backlash against them from unidentified but potentially powerful actors. This political scheme is being conducted in the dark, stealthily. Even if Bibi doesn’t resign, the smear campaign has been eroding his support.

Netanyahu is also down in the polls to charismatic, center-left leader Yair Lapid, and he faces battering in his coalition from Naftali Bennett’s Jewish Home Party and Likud activists to aggressively build new settlements, annex areas of the West Bank, and reject the two-state solution. Another thorn in his side is the recent state comptroller’s report on Operation Protective Edge in Gaza, which blames his administration for failing to adequately brief his security cabinet on Hamas terror tunnels. With controversy swirling about him, rightwing politicians are lining up in the wings with an eye on taking the helm.

In light of the domestic turmoil, “Netanyahu does not need a green light to build in the West Bank, a commitment to move the embassy, or a vow to tear up the Iran deal. What he needs is no hint, no sign, and no leak of the slightest public or private disagreement with Trump,” said Michael Koplow, Israel Policy Forum director. His success in reaffirming the U.S.-Israel relationship “should demonstrate his capacity to keep that relationship unbreakable.” And that ace in the hole strengthens Israel, and helps neutralize Bibi’s political opponents.

Pressures from the Right

Several White House statements such as building new settlements or expanding existing ones "may not be helpful in achieving [peace]" will help Netanyahu resist pressure from Bennett and right-wing Likud ministers on settlement policy, said former U.S. mediator Dennis Ross. A compromise with the United States that permits building only in large West Bank settlement blocs likely to remain part of Israel in a future deal would also help him withstand pressure from the Right.

Nevertheless, his hard-right coalition members were jubilant when neither leader endorsed the two-state model as the sole solution for peace with the Palestinians.  This stance instantly won Netanyahu support and credibility from his political base. The dramatic break with what has been the bedrock of U.S. Middle East policy since the Clinton administration, and is widely viewed as the formula for peace, has also been the mantra of the Israeli Left–“led by military and legal fraternities and the media—enemies of Netanyahu from the beginning,” said journalist Caroline Glick.

Pressures from the Left

After Netanyahu’s strained encounters with Obama, political rival Lapid accused him of damaging Israel’s alliance with the United States with a “condescending and disparaging attitude toward Israel's closest friend in the world, a country whose relationship with us is our greatest security asset.”  Then along came Trump, warmly welcoming the Prime Minister of Israel to the White House. In a sign of the center-left’s disarray, they issued no statement in response to the Trump-Netanyahu visit.

The two leaders  have found common ground—not only in center-right ideology and leftist “shadow” agendas working to undermine them—but also in strategies for fighting their nations’ common enemies—especially radical Islam.

“By working together, Trump and Netanyahu can defeat the common foes of their countries,” Glick said, “and the success of their joint efforts will bring about the defeat of their bureaucratic enemies and the establishments working to undermine them.”

 Banjos, Gold and a few Ghost Stories

By CARL WHITE

Life in the Carolinas

The room was filled with visual displays of history and the sounds of Bluegrass music. I found myself in the midst of the long running weekly Friday night Bluegrass gathering with an audience of enthusiastic toe tapping fans.

I’m also a big a fan of Bluegrass music and the culture that defines it.  A few years back, during an on location production trip to Leatherwood Mountains in the Blue Ridge, I had a long conversation with Jared Shumate. I had been considering producing a program about the culture of Bluegrass music for some time. I wanted to hear Jared’s thoughts because of his work as an associate producer on Life In The Carolinas. More than that we had the common experience of growing up in the foothills of North Carolina where great Bluegrass music is common place. It was during that conversation that the decision was made to launch The Bluegrass People, which can best be described as a living organic documentary project; it has a growing national and international following.

Over the years I have made several trips to Gold Hill for different stories, including the Friday night bluegrass event at the Montgomery General Store, run by Vivian and Hoppy. Vivian Hopkins is a business owner, an author, musician, Roades Scholar and the President of the N.C. Bluegrass Music Association. Most important, she has become a wonderful friend and has worked with me on many projects, including The Bluegrass People.

Gold Hill is a charming historic destination with a definite place in history. It was once said by the mayor of Charlotte that he hoped that one day Charlotte would become as prosperous as Gold Hill. It is noteworthy that his wish did come true.   The reason for the area's great wealth was due to the fact that Gold Hill was a successful gold mining community that predated the great California Gold Rush. Nearby Reed Gold Mine, established in 1799, has the prestige of being the first gold mine in America.

The dirt streets from the past have been paved. However, a wooden boardwalk on each side of the street gives you a sense of days gone by. It looks a bit like a movie set but the buildings and the people are real.

I discovered that there are many ghost stories relating to the time when Gold Hill was thriving. The area was home to thousands of miners, hotels, salons, brothels and a few churches. There are stories of fits of rage with love gone wrong, business dealings gone afoul and just plain horrific accidents that cost the lives of many. So if there were to be a place with a good offering of ghost stores, Gold Hill certainly has a past that fosters that notion.

I had the opportunity to produce a TV special on the subject of the Gold Hill’s history and ghost stories, and there were things that happened that I have no answer for. I did not feel fear or threatened in any way, but I do understand why these ghost stories have survived the passage of time.

I love discovering places that have many sides to them. You know, the kind of place where every time you visit you find something new.

Gold Hill has given me several gifts. I have enjoyed music and the family-like spirit that represents an important part of the wonderful culture of this region. I have learned more about American history and how gold was a game changer for so many.

I have walked where some of our ancestors walked and where some say they still do.

Carl White is the executive producer and host of the award winning syndicated TV show Carl White’s Life In the Carolinas. The weekly show is now in its seventh year of syndication and can be seen in the Charlotte viewing market on WJZY Fox 46 Sunday mornings at 10 a.m. For more on the show visit www.lifeinthecarolinas.com, You can email Carl White at Carl@lifeinthecarolinas.com.

Copyright 2017 Carl White / Carl White’s Life In The Carolinas