#21st Canadian Infantry Battalion

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

"Ormond 'Report' Held Up To Light Effort To Deceive Public Expose," Toronto Globe. September 2, 1933. Page 1 & 2. --- W. M. Nickle Tears Off Mask; Tells How Ormond Sat Silent As Inmates Cited Cruelties ---- Son of Former Attorney- General Directs Attention to Misleading Statements of Penitentiary Superintendent and Discloses Facts as He Learned Them at Riot Trials and on Visits to Prison - One Convict in "Close Confinement," Without Trial, for Over Two Years ---- URGES OPEN PROBE (Special to The Globe by Staff Writer.) KINGSTON, Sept. 1. - "Mr. Daniel Ormond, Super-intendent of Penitentiaries, was subpoenaed as a witness for the defense in the Kirkland trial for the sole purpose of making him available as a witness for the Crown, so that he could not say afterward that evidence of cruelties and brutalities and other grievances had been given in his absence, or claim that, had he been in the court, he could have refuted this or that particular evidence. It is interesting to note that Mr. Ormond did not go into the box and refute one single statement made on oath by any inmate during the Kirk- land trial.

"Why?

"Mr. Ormond sat in court and heard the full text of Judge Deroche's judgment in the Kirkland case, in which his Honor stated he was convinced that there was some merit in the demands of Kirk- land and others as to inhuman treatment-not years ago, but at the time of the disturbances - adding, from the Bench, the assurance that a number of rules, under which such treatment as was complained of became possible, had, since the riot, been ameliorated by certain amendments."

A Soldier Speaks. So spoke W. M. Nickle. K.C., who, with his father, Hon. W. F. Nickle. K.C., former Attorney-General of Ontario, defended the inmate Kirk- land at his trial-when interviewed by The Globe and asked for his view, as one closely associated with what occurred, as to the intrinsic honesty and truth of the statement recently issued by Superintendent Ormond from Ottawa, alleging that there had been no inhuman treatment of prisoners since his appointment, and that eighteen changes in regulations, improving conditions for them, had been instituted "between Aug. 1, 1932," and the date of his report.

Mr. Nickle speaks with incisive directness. Evidently he has no use for the evasive and the deceptive. It may be that his experience in wartime overseas service helps him in getting to the root of things. For Mr. Nickle was a real soldier, and, unlike Superintendent Ormond, he holds the men who fought in the ranks in respect, admiration and affection. He was their comrade and colleague, for Private W. M. Nickle went overseas in April, 1915, in the ranks of the Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry, won his commission with the 21st Battalion from Kingston on the field and later had the distinction of being the youngster Major in the Canadian Corps. He was wounded three times and won the Military Cross from Britain and the Medal of Honor from France-altogether the sort of man with whom public service is regarded as an obligation and a responsibility. It was characteristic of him -and of his father - that, believing ugly wrongs to have been suffered in the penitentiary, they gave their legal services without remuneration to the prisoners they defended at the recent court trials for rioting.

"Distinctly Misleading" Statement. "It would appear, then," The Globe suggested, "that the Ormond statement is not a straightforward, four- square one, such as might be expected from official sources?"

"According to press reports of it," replied Mr. Nickle, "it is distinctly misleading. The headline in The Globe of Aug. 28 to the effect that Superintendent of Penitentiaries Daniel Ormond alleged that the evidence of convicts concerning cruelties, sworn at recent trials, was untrue is, as I have said, distinctly misleading, In that his Honor Judge George E. Deroche, in the convict trial of Murray Kirkland, which lasted for nine days, when much evidence was given as to the brutalities and cruelties prac- ticed on the inmates between Jan. 1. and Oct. 17, 1932, found as a fact that the inmates had for months and possibly years-been asking for the removal of certain grievances, with little or no response. They then decided, on Oct. 17, at 3 p.m., that they would walk out of the shops and make a peaceful demonstration.

Pronouncement From the Bench. "I use the word 'peaceful," Mr. Nickle continued, "in the sense that there was no intention on the part of the men to do violence to either person or property, and no intention to escape. Such was the finding of the Judge. The words of his judgment are:

"This peaceful demonstration which developed into a riot was for the purpose of emphasizing the demands of the men for redress of certain grievances which long and repeatedly had been denied them. Many of the grievances for which this demonstration was staged have already been granted to the men, proving conclusively to my mind that these demands have been reasonable."

"Dealing with the charge of inhuman treatment in the penitentiary," Mr. Nickle proceeded, when question- ed further by The Globe, "his Honor found that, as he put it in his judgment, he was satisfied from evidence produced that the men had some reason to believe that there was in- human treatment, but, he added. there had been certain amelioration in rules since the riots, certain amendments in regulations since the riots."

"Forced upon the system since the riots?" asked The Globe.

"The Judge stated that the reforms had taken place since the riots."

"And was Ormond aware of this before he issued his statement?"

"As I said," reiterated Mr. Nickle, "Mr. Ormond was subpoenaed by the defense in order that he should be present and could not afterward allege that evidence of brutalities and cruelties had been given in his absence. Mr. Ormond did not attempt to refute the testimony given, and he sat in court and heard the full finding of the Judge."

Questioned concerning inaccuracies in the Ormond statement, published as an official document. Mr. Nickle related an amazing story. "Мг. Огmond," he stated, "alleges that wide circulation has been given to the statement that one convict had been kept in solitary confinement for two years, adding that the rumor was without foundation.

The Facts for Mr. Ormond. "Mr. Ormond, unfortunately, has been wrongly advised in reference to this particular case," Mr. Nickle proceeded. "The case is that of John Price O'Brien. Now, what are the facts?

"In August, 1931, inmate J. Maurice (No. 1744) wrote a letter to Warden Ponsford stating that O'Brien, with several other inmates whom he did not mention by name, was conspiring to escape. As a result of this communication, O'Brien was promptly put in the 'hole' in the Prison of Isolation, where he has remained from that day to this, except when he attended the trial of Murray Kirkland as a witness for the defense.

"When I saw O'Brien in his cell at the Prison of Isolation, I found on one side of him a raving drug addict from Windsor, and, on the other side of him, an inmate by the name of Slugess, who was prattling and pacing up and down his cell like a caged lion. Each of these inmates was separated from O'Brien by some five or six cells. Outside of O'Brien's cell gate was an extra safety steel gate, resembling a baseball catcher's face mask.

"O'Brien," continued Mr. Nickle, "is kept in his cell for twenty-three and a half hours out of the twenty-four. The drug addict takes no exercise and one cannot imagine a mental case being much company for an active-minded, healthy Inmate like O'Brien.

"With a view to showing the court the way O'Brien had been treated. I subpoenaed Slugess as a witness for the defense. Three or four days before the trial was resumed, on the recommendation of Dr. Cumberland of Rockwood Hospital, Slugess was taken to Penetang, an institution for the criminally insane.

"O'Brien had been offered a knitting machine by Mr. Ormond. This he refused. O'Brien had a skipping rope, and the guards took it from him because another inmate had hanged himself in his cell. Skipping was O'Brien's form of exercise since he was confined to his cell, which faces the west windows of the Prison of Isolation, these windows being painted a heavy, dull white. He gets little or no sunshine.

"Mr. Ormond, in his report on the disturbances at the Kingston Penitentiary in October, on page seven, states that O'Brien had never been tried and his case would eventually be the subject of a special investigation.

"A Killer," Says Newcomer. "What was the 'Investigation'?" asked Mr. Nickle, and proceeded to tell the interviewer. 'On Jan, 18 Mr. Ormond wrote to Mr. Megloughlin, the Warden, asking for a full report on O'Brien, Mr. Megloughlin, experienced to a degree in prison matters in that he only took over his duties about Oct. 24, made a prompt reply to the Superintendent's letter on Jan. 20, stating that O'Brien was a 'killer.' It seems far-fetched to imagine how Mr. Megloughlin could make such a serious statement about O'Brien in such a short space of time. My experience has been that an investigation meant a thorough inquiry.

"In any event, Mr. Megloughlin's letter must have had tremendous weight with the department, for the reason that, on Jan. 30, O'Brien received memorandum from Warden Megloughlin notifying him that Ottawa had approved his 'continued detention in close confinement."

Mr.. Nickle produced the original memorandum, a photographic copy of which appears on the front page of this issue of The Globe.

"A friend of mine on the staff at the penitentiary," he continued, "in- formed me in the last day or two that O'Brien is still spending twenty-three and a half hours out of every twenty-four in his little cell in the Prison of Isolation.

"Moreover, it is interesting to note that the inmate Maurice, on whose letter O'Brien was put in the 'hole' in the Prison of Isolation over two years ago, was moved to St. Vincent de Paul Penitentiary by Guard Thomas Clark on Tuesday, Aug. 8, last.

Worse Than Solitary Confinement. "O'Brien has been in worse than solitary confinement," declared Mr. Nickle, indignantly. "He has been locked up alone and has had to listen to the ravings and prattlings of demented men. Perhaps the public will be able to judge better than Mr. Ormond whether or not O'Brien is in solitary confinement.

"Is the institution, which had only 88 guards at the time of the disturbance in October, and which now has 140-odd guards, so inefficiently manned that O'Brien cannot be given the ordinary work of an ordinary inmate? At the present time, after the lapse of over two years, I am advised that O'Brien has yet to be tried as a result of the charges level- led against him in the Maurice letter."

A Broken Agreement. Discussing the disturbances of October last and the damage done, Mr. Nickle said: "I have often wondered why Crown Counsel Keiller MacKay prosecuted the inmates only for what took place on the seventeenth, at which time $450 in damage was done to the doors of the shops, when, as a matter of fact, on Oct. 20, $3,600 in damage was done by inmates breaking up their cells after Mr. Ormond had locked the men up and broken the agreement arrived at with Acting Warden Smith that the men would go back to their shops on the eighteenth and carry on as if nothing had happened. This the men did. One would have thought the men who broke up their cells would have been charged under the Criminal Code with damaging Government property. Whose instructions prohibited prosecutions of this nature and kind? Judge Deroche found that the men on the seventeenth had grievances; that there was inhuman treatment, and that since the disturbances changes have come into effect for the better. If one man were guilty for what happened on Oct. 17 three hundred and fifty were guilty. In- mate after inmate in the convict trials went into the box and stated he did thus and so, which made him just as guilty as the accused in the dock charged with rioting. The men, on the seventeenth, could have injured $118,000 worth of machinery, and not as much as a wire was bent or a screw broken. It has always seemed to me ridiculous to punish twenty-eight men because they acted. reasonably, when they had grievances which, an extent, were rectified by Mr. Ormond after the disturbances.

The "Hole." "The 'hole' under the Keeper's Hall is not fully described by Mr. Ormond," continued Mr. Nickle. "There is no ventilation through the cells when the wooden doors are closed. There is a pipe that goes from the top of the cell into the Keeper's Hall, into which is fitted a wooden plug. An inmate in the 'hole' is not sup- posed to speak, and all a guard has to do to find out if any Inmate is breaking the rule is to pull out the wooden plug and put his ear to the pipe.

"The 'hole' is the most foul-stinking place I was ever in. In each cell is an old latrine bucket. I have seen inmates in the 'hole,' and the foul atmosphere from the buckets in question is sickening and disgusting. There is no running water in the cells in the 'hole,' and the body smell in the Penitentiary is bad enough, but is many times worse in the 'hole.' where men are kept day and night, according to the term of the sentence imposed by the Warden. The worst condition existing in the Kingston Penitentiary is in reference to the venereal patients. Samuel Stein, at the Kirk and trial, swore that he was suffering with syphilis. His file and records were produced by Crown Counsel, and they showed that such was the case. Stein testified that there were pussy sores on his body and in his mouth. He was admitted to the hospital of the Kingston Penitentiary. There are no toilet arrangements except the latrine bucket in the cells of the patients, and no running water. The dishes of the patients in the hospital were washed in the bathtub three times a day, which bathtub Stein (and other patients) used when allowed by the prison doctor to take a bath and cleanse his body from dry and infectious pus. His underclothes and towel were washed with the laundry of the other inmates. He asked for a colored drinking cup so as to keep it separate from the ordinary steel mug. His request was refused.

"Such conditions," Mr. Nickle add ed, "exist today." Ormond's Statements Challenged. "Inspector H. C. Fatt, in giving evidence in the Kirkland trial, was asked this question: 'I suppose you will agree that it was an inhuman treatment? A.-Mr. Fatt: I agree to nothing of the kind. It is amusing to read the Ormond statement that eight incorrigible convicts were shackled to the bars. The fact of the matter is that men were shackled to the bars according to the whim and humor of the Warden. If any impartial citizens were to inquire carefully into the record and character of those who were shackled to the bars, they would, without doubt, come to this conclusion. The statement by Mr. Ormond on this matter Is inconsistent with the facts. Mr. Ormond, in his statement, gives a number of changes authorized since Aug. 1, 1932. What are the facts? Take a sample case. When Mr. Ormond took office he received a letter from Acting Warden Smith of the Kingston Penitentiary, recommending cigaret papers and more recreation for the inmates, On Sept. 7 Inmate Albert Garceau (No. 1965) had an Interview with the Superintendent at the North Gate and urged upon him the importance of changing some of the rules and regulations at the Institution and working out proper employment for the men. Mr. Ormond did nothing, and it was not until after Oct. 17 that any change was made in reference to any rule or regulation. It seems to me there is far too much research and too little action."

What Is Needed. Asked for constructive suggestions as to necessary reforms, Mr. Nickle spoke with emphasis. "What is needed first at the Kingston Penitentiary is proper segregation of the lads from 15 to 18 years of age from the older and hardened individuals. There are only three shops at the Kingston Penitentiary which are any good at all-the machine, engineer's and carpentry. The others are useless and simply serve as a purpose for the assembling of the inmates until their time is up. The first three shops mentioned can look after, only from 125 to 150 inmates. There are over 900 men in the institution. In other words, 750 men are wasting away. To make the Kingston Penitentiary efficient there should be responsible and fair officials, who possess tact, firmness and dignity. What is needed today at the Kingston Penitentiary is a Royal Commission comprised of fair, courageous, broad-minded citizens to fully investigate the present system, methods and administration so that when the inmate leaves the Institution he will be better instead of worse; so that he will have some qualifications for a particular trade or calling rather than be turned out, and he is at the present time, as many= years backward as has been the length of his term."

[k2kid]

4TH CANADIAN INFANTRY BRIGADE NARRATIVE OF OPERATIONS. SOUTH OF SCARPE 26TH, 27TH, AND 28TH AUGUST, 1918.

4TH CANADIAN INFANTRY BRIGADE NARRATIVE OF OPERATIONS. SOUTH OF SCARPE 26TH, 27TH, AND 28TH AUGUST, 1918.

[greatworldwar2]

• Polish 1st Armoured Division

The Polish 1st Armoured Division was an armoured division formed as part of the Polish Armed Forces in the West during World War II.

After the fall of Poland and then France in 1940, the remaining Poles that had fought in both campaigns retreated with the British Army to the United Kingdom. Stationed in Scotland the Polish 1st Armoured Division was formed as part of the Polish I Corps under Wladyslaw Sikorski, which guarded approximately 200 kilometres of British coast in 1940-1941. The commander of the Division, General Stanislaw Maczek, was Poland’s premier mechanized commander, and many of his subordinate officers from the unit he commanded in 1939, the 10th Mechanized Brigade, had made their way to Britain with him. They were organized on the British Armoured Division model, equipped with British uniforms, weapons and tanks. They were initially equipped and trained on Crusader tanks but in late 1943 and early 1944 these were replaced with Sherman tanks and Cromwell tanks.

By the end of July 1944, the 1st Armoured had been transferred to Normandy, its final elements arriving on August 1st. The unit was attached to the First Canadian Army as part of the 21st Army Group. This may have been done to help in communication, as the vast majority of Poles did not speak English when they arrived in United Kingdom from 1940 onwards. The Division joined combat on August 8th, during Operation Totalize. It suffered serious casualties as a result of "friendly fire" from Allied aircraft, but achieved a victory against the Wehrmacht in the battles for Mont Ormel, and the town of Chambois. This series of offensive and defensive operations came to be known as the Battle of Falaise, in which a large number of German Army and SS divisions were trapped in the Falaise Pocket and subsequently destroyed. Maczek's division had the crucial role of closing the pocket at the escape route of the trapped German divisions, hence the fighting was desperate and the 2nd Polish Armoured Regiment, 24th Polish Lancers and 10th Dragoons, supported by the 8th and 9th Infantry Battalions, took the brunt of German attacks by units attempting to break free from the pocket. Surrounded and running out of ammunition, they withstood incessant attacks from multiple fleeing panzer divisions for 48 hours until they were relieved. The total losses of the division from August 7th when it entered combat until the end of the battle of Falaise on August 22nd were 446 killed, 1501 wounded, and 150 missing, or 2097 soldiers in total during about two weeks of fighting.

After the Allied armies broke out from Normandy, the Polish 1st Armoured Division pursued the Germans along the coast of the English Channel. It liberated, among others, the towns of Saint-Omer, Ypres, Oostnieuwkerke, Roeselare, Tielt, Ruislede, and Ghent. During Operation Pheasant a successful outflanking manoeuvre planned and performed by General Maczek allowed the liberation of the city of Breda without any civilian casualties. The Division spent the winter of 1944-1945 on the south bank of the river Rhine, guarding a sector around Moerdijk, Netherlands. In early 1945, it was transferred to the province of Overijssel and started to push with the Allies along the Dutch-German border, liberating the eastern parts of the provinces of Drenthe and Groningen including the towns of Emmen, Coevorden and Stadskanaal.

In April 1945, the 1st Armoured entered Germany in the area of Emsland. On May 6th, the Division seized the Kriegsmarine naval base in Wilhelmshaven, where General Maczek accepted the capitulation of the fortress, naval base, East Frisian Fleet and more than 10 infantry divisions. There the Division ended the war and, joined by the Polish 1st Independent Parachute Brigade, undertook occupation duties until it was disbanded in 1947; it, together with the many Polish displaced persons in the Western occupied territories, formed a Polish enclave at Haren in Germany, which was for a while known as "Maczków". The majority of its soldiers opted not to return to Poland, which fell under Soviet occupation, preferring instead to remain in exile. Many artefacts and memorabilia belonging to Maczek and the 1st Polish Armoured Division are on display in the Polish Institute and Sikorski Museum in London.

[rcmilitaryhistorytoday-blog]

On this day, 13th Sept 1759, The  Battle of the Plains of Abraham: Wolfe defeats Montcalm, to secure Canada for Britain.

A Soldier's Account of the Campaign on Quebec, 1759 Edited by Robert Henderson

Written by the Sergeant Major of the 40th Regiment’s Grenadiers (part of the Louisbourg Grenadiers), A Journal of the Expedition up the River St. Lawrence was published as a pamphlet in Boston in November 1759. Not only was it the first account to be published on the siege of Quebec , but is one of the few works by a member of the other ranks. While it lacks the flare of officer’s account, it does present one of the best records of the day to day movements of the part of Wolfe’s Army, namely the Louisbourg Grenadiers. The Louisbourg Grenadiers themselves were made up of the Grenadier Companies of the 22nd, 40th, and 45th Regiments who had been left to garrison Louisbourg, captured the year earlier. General James Wolfe, while forming his expedition against Quebec at Louisbourg, personally oversaw the training of the Louisbourg Grenadiers in the "New Exercise", which was an improved infantry drill. As fate would have it, on September 13th , 1759 on the Plains of Abraham, Wolfe would fall mortally wounded next to the Louisbourg Grenadiers. A few days later, Quebec surrendered and the duty fell upon the Louisbourg Grenadiers to form the honour guard and first to enter the walls of Quebec. In his account, the Sergeant Major skips a day around the time of the battle of the Plains and records it incorrectly as occurring on the 14th of September.

"A Journal of the Expedition up the River St. Lawrence;

Containing

A True and Particular Account of the Transactions of the Fleet and Army, From the Time of Their Embarkation at Louisbourg ‘Til After the Surrender of Quebec

by the Serjeant-Major of Gen. Hopson’s Grenadiers

Louisbourg, June 1st, 1759

We embark’d on board the Transport Harwood, bound on the Expedition to Canada ...

The 4th Day we set Sail for the River St. Lawerance, which we made on the 9th Day, and there we lay 'til the 16th, before we got into the River; which is very wide and Mountainous. For about forty Leagues up the River the Depth of Water is 100 Fathoms. The 16th Day we came into seventeen fathom Water; and on the 23rd we join'd Admiral Durell, who had 7 Sail of the Line, with some Frigates with him, which lay as a Guard to Protect the River, at a Place call'd the Island of Coudre… This island is pleasantly situated, lies partly high, and was very well peopled before we came up : - And passing this Island about a League up, we anchor'd, and two of our Boats went in Shore and was attack'd by a small Party of Canadians and Indians, and was obliged to retreat to their Ships.

The 25th we made the out End of the Island of Orleans, and on the 27th we landed on it without the loss of a Man. A small Party of Rangers were almost surrounded by a large Party of Indians; but the Rangers rush'd through them with the Loss of only one Man; what damage the Enemy sustain'd is uncertain.

On the 29th the French sent five Fire Ships down among our Fleet; but, thank God, they did no Damage. The same Day we marched about 6 miles, under the Command of Col. Carlton, and encamped that same Night in Sight of the French Army, and likewise in Sight of the Town – Gen. Monckton’s Brigade and a party of Rangers landed on the South Side; we had a small Attack, by which we had 3 kill'd, 2 wounded and 4 taken Prisoners.

July 1st, the Enemy came against our Detachment on the South-side of the River with floating Batteries; but our Shipping soon drove them off ; --the Damage they suffer'd is not known. Same Day the Louisbourg Grenadiers went a Foraging; we had two kill'd and scalp'd belonging to the 22d Regiment. The same Day we marched to the West End of the Island, in order to join the Louisbourg Battalion. A Party of the Enemy fired out of the woods, and wounded two men.

July the 5th, a Barge between the Island and the main Land, to sound the Depth of Water: The French fir’d four Cannon-Shot at her, and came down on a large Bar of Sand, from whence they fir'd small arms; also five Canoes came down the River, loaded with Indians, who took the Barge, made one Man prisoner, and wounded another belonging to the 22d Regiment. On the same Day their floating Batteries attack'd our Shipping but was soon obliged to quit their Firing. --Gen. Monckton opened a small Battery upon the South Side; The first Day they canonaded and bombarded on both Sides; but lost never a Man.

The 8th, we landed on Quebeck-Shore, without any Interception, and marched up the River about two miles; when the Louisbourg Grenadiers being order'd out to get Fascines, they had scarce set down to take a small Refreshment, and detach’d a small Party of Rangers to guard the Skirts of the Wood, before a large Party of Indians surrounded them, kill'd and scalp'd 13, wounded the Captain-Lieutenant and 9 Privates; they likewise kill'd and wounded 14 of the Royal Americans, wounded 2 of the 22d and one of the 40th Regiment : we got only 3 Prisoners, and kill'd 2 of the Savages.

The third Day our Shipping was drove off by the Enemy's Shells. - We got only some few Prisoners, 'til the 12th Day, when the French built a Battery against us, but had not Time to mount any Guns on it; for we soon demolish'd it with our Field-Pieces and Hawitzers. The fourteenth Day their floating Batteries came out after our Boats, but we soon drove them back again. -The 16th, we set the Town on Fire, about 12 O'clock, which continued burning all that Day.

On the 17th we went out a Fascining, and to make Oars, with a small Party to cover us; --5 were kill'd of which 4 were scalp'd, and we was oblig'd to quit the Wood directly ; the Indians came up very close, and kill’d and scalp'd one Man close by us; the Grenadiers of the 45th Regiment fir’d upon them, and I saw one drop; but the Indians took him off in a minute. We had 5 kill'd, belonging to the 35th Regiment, and one dangerousIy wounded; the 15th Reg. had one wounded very bad; but our People returning upon them, made them fly so fast that they were oblig’d to leave their Blankets and Match-coats, with several other Things, behind them; but we could not get one of them Prisoners. A Deserter came to us, from whom we had an imperfect Account of their Forces; which, however, gave us some Encouragement.

July 18th, the Deserter went out with our Light-Infantry, to show them a Place where to cross the Falls; the Indians fir'd on them, but hurt none: Likewise the same Night some of our Shipping pass’d the Town, and one run ashore on the South Side of the River. The 19th Day the floating Batteries came out to attack Our Shipping round the Harbour; but our Batteries on the Land-Side drove them off, so that the Shipping receiv'd but two Shot. On the 20th an accident happen'd in the Light-Infantry's Camp; a Man sitting in his Tent, with his Firelock by him, taking hold of the Muzzle to pull it towards him, it went off and wounded him in the Thigh so that he died the same Night.

The 21st Day of July all the Grenadiers cross'd over to the Island of Orleans; the Indians attack’d us very smartly, as we was marching to the Water-Side.--Same Day the Enemy open'd two batteries on us, which raked our Camps. Our Troops, with Seamen, stormed a Battery on the S. Side, spiked the Cannon, broke the Mortars, broke into their Magazine, took all their powder, and threw all the Shot and Shells into the Water.

July 22d we set the Town on Fire, which burnt all the next Day: Some of our Shipping went to pass the Town ; but they fir'd so hot, that they were oblig’d to turn back.

The 23d 300 Provincials landed on the Island of Orleans, which was some Reinforcement.

July 25th, the Louisbourg Battalion and three more Companies of Grenadiers, with 3 Companies of Light-Infantry, went round the Island of Orleans. -- The 27th we arrived at our Camp; and we receiv'd News That our Forces on Montmorancy Side had been attack'd the Day before, and likewise got the Better of the Enemy ; we had an Account that we kill'd 300 of them, but the Number of wounded none of us could tell: Our loss was 5 Officers and 32 Privates, 12 of whom were kill'd and the rest wounded. The same Day we went to get our Plunder, which we discovered on our march round the Island, consisting of Gowns, Shirts, Petticoats, Stockings, Coats and Waistcoats, Breeches, Shoes, and many other Articles too tedious to mention and some Cash ; which, if the Things had been sold to the Value, would have fetch'd upwards of 500 l. Sterl. The same Night the French sent five Fire-Floats down, which made great Confusion among our Fleet; but the Men of War sent their Boats and tow'd them ashore, where they burnt out without further Damage.

July 29, Otway’s and Hopson’s Grenadiers went on board the Three-Sisters, Witmore’s and Warburton’s on board the Russell, the rest in flat-bottom Boats and other Vessels, with a full Intent to land on a Part of the French Shore; so as by that Means we might come at the Town :

The First Push we made was on the 31st of July: with 13 Companies of Grenadiers, supported by about 5 Thousand Battalion-men;-- as soon as we landed we fixed our Bayonets and beat our Grenadier's-March, and so advanced on ; during all this Time their Cannon play'd very briskly on us; but their Small-Arms, in their Trenches, lay cool 'till they were sure of their Mark; then they pour 'd their Small-Shot like Showers of Hail, which caus'd our brave Grenadiers to fall very fast: Brave Gen. Wolfe saw that our attempts were in vain, so he retreated to his Boats again: The number of kill'd and wounded that Day was about 400 Men; - in our Retreat we burnt the two Ships, which we had ran ashore on that side to cover our Landing.

The 3d Day of August a Party of Capt. Danks's Rangers went from the Island of Orleans to Quebec Side, a little down the River; they were attack'd by a Party of French, and was smartly engag'd for the Space of half an Hour; but the Rangers put them to flight, kill'd several and took one Prisoner: The Rangers lost one Lieutenant, who died of his Wounds soon after, and 2 or 3 others. They got a great deal of Plunder.

Aug 4th the French made an Attempt of crossing the Falls; but our Train fir'd Hawits and Cohorns so fast, that they were oblig'd to retreat without accomplishing any Thing;----what Damage was done them I know not.

On the 6th a Victualing Ship sail'd from our Fleet, and went below the Falls, the French hove Shot and Shells in great Number at them; but did them no Harm.

The 8th of Aug. two Centinels being at the Falls, they took an Indian and bro't him Prisoner to the General, who sent him on board the Admiral. At 12o'Clock at Night we threw a Carcass and one Shell on the Enemy's Battery of 9 Guns, which blew up their Magazine, Platforms, and burnt with such Violence that some of the Garrison were oblig'd to get into Boats to save themselves from the Flames. The 9th Day we set the Town on Fire, being the 3d Time.

On the 10th the French floated a Thing down in the Form of a Floating-Battery; one of our Ships sent out a Boat to see what it was, and just as the Seamen were going to jump on board, it blew up and kill'd one midshipman and wounded four Sailors…….The same day about 30 Sailors went a Plundering on the South-side of the River, and as they were about their Prey, they was surpriz'd by a Party of Indians and drove off; but they all got safe to their Boats, tho' not without the Loss of their Plunder.

The 11th Instant there was an Engagement between our Scouting-Parties and the Indians, Our People drove them off, we had a great Number wounded, several very badly, but the most slightly; there was but few kill'd: There was one of the 35th Reg. told me, he saw an Indian who fir'd at him, but miss'd him; that he levelled his Piece and fir'd at the Indian and miss'd him likewise; upon which the Indian immediately threw his Tommahawk at him and miss'd him; whereupon the Soldier, catching up the Tommahawk, threw it at the Indian and levell’d him, and then went to scalp him; but 2 other Indians came behind him, and one of them stuck a Tommahawk in his Back ; but did not wound him so much as to prevent his Escape from them.

The 12th Day We had an Account of General Murray's going to land above the Town--He made all Attempt to land twice and was beat off; he made the third Attempt, and landed at the South-Shore with the Loss of about 100 kill'd and wounded. The same Day we had an Account from the Enemy, That Gen. Amherst's Army was taken very badly and that they were oblig 'd to turn back again.

On the 13th we had an Account by one of the French Gunners, who deserted to us that Night, That the enemy had very little provisions; he likewise gave an Account what a Body of French and Indians came over the Falls, the same Side that our Army was on, and that they had four Days Provisions with them, and remain'd there still.

The 14th a Sailor belonging to the Dublin Man of War, endeavour'd to swim over to the French, over the River; but the Current ran so strong, that he was driven on Shore on the Island-Side and was taken up by one of Hopson's Grenadiers and carried to their Quarter-Guard, from whence he was carried on board his own Ship again, stark naked.

The 15th of Aug. Captain Gorham returned from an Incursion, in which Service were employ 'd, under his Command, 150 Rangers, a Detachment from the different Regiments, Highlanders, Marines, &c. amounting in the whole to about 300, an arm'd Vessel, three Transports, with a Lieutenant and Seamen of the Navy to attend him, of which Expedition they gave the following Account:

"That on the 4th of August they proceeded down to St. Paul’s Bay, (which is opposite to the North Side of this Island) where was a Parish containing about 200 men, who had been very active in distressing our Boats and Shipping --At 3 o 'Clock in the Morning Capt. Gorham landed and forced two of their Guards; of 20 Men each, who fired smartly for Some Time; but that in two Hours they drove them all from their Covering in the Wood, and clear'd the Village which they burnt, consisting of about 50 fine Houses and Barns; destroy'd most of their Cattle, &c. That in this one Man was kill'd and 6 wounded ; but that the Enemy had two kill'd, and several wounded, who were carried off.— That from thence they proceeded to Mal Bay, 10 Leagues to the Eastward on the same Side, where they destroyed a very pretty Parish, drove off the Inhabitants and Stock without any Loss; after which, they made a Descent on the South Shore, opposite the Island of Coudre, destroyed Part of the Parish of St. Ann's and St. Roan, where were very handsome Houses with Farms, and loaded the Vessels with Cattle; after which they returned from their Expedition."

The same Day 1 of our Schooners went from the Fleet below the Fall, and the French fir'd 8 or 9 Shot at her; but miss'd her. This Day a Party of young Highlanders came to the Island of Orleans from Gen. Monckton’s Encampment; on Purpose to destroy all the Canaada-Side.-- The same Day our People set one of the Enemy's Floating-Batteries on Fire; --and in the Night General Monckton set the Town on Fire, (being the 4th Time) and the Flames raged so violently, that 'twas imagin'd the whole City would have been reduc'd to Ashes.

August 18th, a Sloop and Schooner went below the Falls ; the French hove Shot and Shells at them, but did 'em no Damage. The same Day the Enemy hove a Bomb from the Town, which kill'd one Man and wounded 6 more,--one Man had his Arm cut off by a Piece of the same Shell.

On the 20th the Louisbourg Grenadiers began their March down the main Land of Quebeck, in order to burn and destroy all the Houses on that Side---- On the 24th they were attack’d by a Party of French, who had a Priest for their Commander; but our Party kill'd and scalp'd 31 of them, and likewise the Priest, their Commander ; They did our People no Damage. The three Companies of Louisbourg Grenadiers halted about 4 Miles down the River, at a Church called the Guardian-Angel, where we were order'd to fortify ourselves till further Orders; we had several small Parties in Houses, and the Remainder continued in the Church.----The 25th , began to destroy the Country, burning Houses, cutting down Corn, and the like: At Night the Indians fired several scattering Shot at the Houses, which kill'd one of the Highlanders and wounded another ; but they were soon repulsed by the Heat of our Firing. --It was said that the Number of the Enemy consisted of 800 Canadians and Indians. Sept 1st we set Fire to our Houses and Fortifications, and marched to join the Grand Army at Montmorancy; the 3 Companies of Grenadiers ordered to hold themselves in Readiness to march at a Minute's Warning.

The 26th a Serjeant of the 35th Regiment deserted across the Fall, and our people fir'd several Grape-Shots after him; notwithstanding which he got clear off to the Enemy.

The 27th of August some of our Shipping went past the Town, which fir'd so hot at them with Shots and Bombs, that one would have thought Vessel to pass ; but they receiv'd little or no Damage. The 29th, 5 Sail went to pass the Town, up the River; the Town fir'd very warm all the Time of their passing, and I was very well informed, That only 15 of their Shot took Place out of all their Firing; Likewise the 30th Instant four of our Ships pass'd the Town, where they kept a continual Firing ; but did us very little Damage.

Sept. 1. all the Sick and Women that was on Montmorancy-Side, came over to the Island of Orleans; on the 2d Intant a a large Body of Wolfe’s Troops came over, with the Louisbourg Grenadiers, and encamped that Night on the same Island.

The 3d Day all the Army left Montmorancy-Side and we set all the Houses and Fortifications on Fire, and then we embark'd in flat-bottom Boats and came above the Fall; the French fir'd very brisk all the Time of our passing, but did us no Damage, and we went over to Point Levee and encamped there.

Sept. 4th the Louisbourg Grenadiers and the Remainder of the Army, cross'd over to Point-Levee from the Island of Orleans, and encamped there.--The Same Day 4 Men came from Gen. Amherst's Army; they was 26 Days on their Journey, and inform’d us, That we had got Ticonderoga, and likewise Crown-Point.

Sept 5th about 5 or 6000 Men Marched up the River on Point-Levee Side, to go above the Town, and carried one Month's Provision up in Sloops· The same Day one of the Royal-Americans, who was taken Prisoner by the French-Indians the 31st of July last, made his Escape and came to the Porcupine Sloop of War, that lay a little below the Fall; he informs us That there is no more than about 300 Indians that carries Arms; but that there are a great number of Women and Children, that they were very scant of Provisions; likewise that he himself had been 48 Hours without any thing to eat: He further said, that the Enemy they were very numerous in their Intrenchment", consisting of at least, 14,000 Men of which 11,000 were Canadians and the rest Regulars, the latter of whom were heartily tir'd with the Siege.

Sept. 6th the Schooner Terror of France went above the Town, in the middle of the Day, as she pass'd they kept up a constant Fire at her, and she receiv'd five of their Shot; one in her Jib, two in her Mainsail and 2 in her Foresail; but lost none of her Hands, nor did she sustain any further Damage.

The whole Army being on Point-Levee Side, the main Body were order'd to get ready to march above the Town, on the South Side, and to take only one Shirt and one Pair of Stockings, besides what we had on. We marched up the River about 8 Miles, and then embark'd on board the Men of War and Transports that were up the River: the Number that embarked was 3349 Men, with a Party of the Train of Artillery.

Sept. 10. the Weather being very wet, and the Troops very much crowded on board the Men of War and Transports, the General thought proper to land us on the South Side again; which was a great Decoy to the French : We marched to the Church of St. Nicholas, under the Command of General Monkton, where we halted. The next Day we received intelligence of a small Number of French and Indians, who were driving some Cattle;......we dispatched a Party of 500 Men, who took the Cattle, but the Enemy got off.

The 12th we received Orders to embarked on board our Ships again.

The 13th we had Orders to land ; so we fell down the River in the Ships and Boats till we came a little above the Town, where the Enemy least suspected us (for where the Enemy thought we should have landed, they had about 600 Horse; but what Number of Foot we could not say; we could perceive that they was intrench'd and had 5 Floating-Batteries to intercept our Landing.)

On the 14th we landed, at break of Day, and immediately attacked and routed the Enemy, taking Possession of a Battery of 4 24-Pounders, and one thirteen Inch Mortar, with but an inconsiderable Loss. We then took Post on the Plains of Abraham, whither M. Montcalm (on hearing that we had landed, for he did not expect us) hasted with his whole Army (consisting of Cavalry as well as Infantry) to give us Battle; about 9 o'Clock; we observed the Enemy marching down towards us in three Columns, at 10 they formed their Line of Battle, which was at least six deep, having their Flanks covered by a thick Wood on each Side, into which they threw above 3000 Canadians and Indians, who gauled us much; the Regulars then marched briskly up to us, and gave us their first Fire, at about Fifty Yards Distance, which we did not return, as it was General Wolfe's express Orders not to fire till they came within twenty Yards of us --They continued firing by Platoons, advancing in a very regular Manner till they came close up to us, and then the Action became general: In about a Quarter of an Hour the Enemy gave way on all Sides, when a terrible Slaughter ensued from the quick Fire of our Field Pieces and Musquetry with which we pursue'd them to the Walls of the Town, regardless of all excessive heavy Fire from all their Batteries. The Enemy lost in the Engagement, Lieut. Gen. Montcalm, (who was torn to Pieces by our Grape Shot) 2 Brigadier-Generals; one Colonel; 2 Lieutenant-Colonels ; and at least 130 Officers and Men kill'd and 200 taken Prisoners at their very Sally-Ports, of which 58 were Officers. On our Side was killed the brave and never to be forgotten General WOLFE; with 9 Officers, 4 Serjeants and 44 Privates ; wounded, Brigadier-General Monckton , Colonel Carlton, Quarter-Master-General; Major Barre, Adjutant-General; and 50 Other Officers, with 26 Serjeants and 557 privates.-- This Action was the more glorious, as the Enemy were at least 12,000 strong, besides 500 Horse; whereas we, at the utmost, did not consist of above 3500, some of whom did not engage;--for at the Time of the Engagement Colonel Scott was out burning the Country with 1600 Men; Col. Burton was at Point-Levee with 2000 Men; and on the Island of Orleans there were 1500; whereas our whole Army, at our first embarking at Louisbourg, did not exceed 8240 Men.

At Ten o'Clock at Night we surpriz'd their Guard and took Possession of their Grand Hospital, wherein we found between 12 and 1500 Sick and Wounded.

We lay on our Arms all Night, and in the Morning we secured the Bridge of Boats which the Enemy had over Charles River, and possessed ourselves of all, the Posts and Avenues that was or might be of any Consequence leading to the Town, and broke Ground at 100 Yards Distance from the Walls; we likewise got up 12 heavy 24-pounders; six heavy Twelve Pounders, some large Mortars, and the 46 inch Hawitzers, to play upon the Town, and we had been employed three Days, intending to make a Breach, and storm the City Sword in hand, but we were prevented by their beating a Parley, and sending out a Flag of Truce with Articles of Capitulation, and the next Day- being the 17th of September, we took Possession of the City, where we found 250 Pieces of Cannon, a Number of mortars, from 9 to fifteen Inches, Field-Pieces, Hawitzers, &c. with a large Quantity of Artillery-Stores.

M. Vaudreuille, the Governor-General of New-France, stole out of the City before the Capitulation; leaving only about 600 Men, under the Command of Mon. Ramsay, by whom the Capitulation was signed. The poor Remains of the French Regulars, with about 10,000 Canadians, retired to Jaques Quartiees under the Command of M. Levy; but the Canadians deserted him in great Numbers, and came in and surrendered themselves.

Sept 19th the French Garrison were embarked on board Transports: Such of the Inhabitants as would come in and take the Oaths of Allegiance, were permitted to enjoy their Estates.

Brigadier General Murray is Governor of the Town, and the whole Army left to Garrison it.

During the whole Siege from first to last, 535 Houses were burnt down, among which is the whole eastern Part of the lower Town (save 6 or 8 Houses) which make a very dismal Appearance. We also destroyed upwards of Fourteen Hundred fine Farm-Houses in the Country, &c. FINIS"

Source. Access Heritage website.

[aroundtheworldinsearchofcoke]

Day Sixteen: Journey’s End

[Illustrated Version: https://aroundtheworldinsearchofcokev.blogspot.com/2019/07/day-sixteen-journeys-end.html]

Today we went to the bridge at Arnhem, to the Airborne Museum at Oosterbeek at to the cemetary at Oosterbeek. We then spent the afternoon in Arnhem. I’ve decided to focus on the history today, as it explains much of what I want to say better than a blow-by-blow account.

---

The British 1st Airborne Division dropped on Oosterbeek on the morning of 17 September 1944 - about five miles from their objective of Arnhem. The RAF had feared possible anti-aircraft guns around the Rhine Bridge, and refused to drop any closer.

Shortly after landing, General Roy Urquhart, having made his headquarters in a hotel recently evacuated by Generalfeldmarschall Walter Model, left to reconnoiter the area. By evening, he had not returned, and a dispute had broken out over who was to be in command while he was gone. He'd designated Brigadier Lathbury, but he was not the ranking officer. 1st Airborne command fell into paralysis.

In the mean time, a hodge-podge of the 2nd and 3rd Battalions of the Parachute Regiment had reached the bridge and dug in. They were under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel John Frost, who expected to have to hold the bridge for three days until XXX Corps arrived.

By the next day, he'd recieved no reinforcements from either Oosterbeek or the south. A reconnaissance column of the 9th SS Panzer, commanded by Victor Graebner, charged the bridge that morning but was without support and destroyed - Graebner was killed. But more and more of the SS were mobilising and moving in. The sitaithon became worse and worse.

Eventually, Urquhart returned to Oosterbeek - he had had to hide to evade German patrols. An attempt was made to relieve Frost, but by now the Germans had reached Arnhem in force. It was repulsed. The paratroopers on the bridge were doomed.

The Paras fought on until the end, and Arnhem was heavily damaged. At last, on the early morning of the 21st, Frost surrendered. At about five in the morning, a final radio transmission reported ‘out of ammunition; god save the King.’ The last hope of ending the war in 1944 died with them.

With Arnhem retaken, the SS scented blood. They began to push on the Oosterbeek pocket. John Barskeyfield, now a sergeant, manned an anti-tank gun and knocked out several tanks - it was enough to win the Victoria Cross. It was not enough to save his life. He died on the 20th of September, aged 21.

By now, XXX Corps had finally reached the southern bank of the Rhine, and the Polish had secured Driel. Horrocks advised an attempt to relieve the 1st Airborne to be performed by the Poles - Sosabowski, now commanding them, refused. He had never believed in Market Garden, and now perceived an attempt to sacrifice them in a doomed charge in boats in darkness over the Rhine. Correspondingly, XXX Corps sent some of its infantry - all it achieved was to trap even more men on the wrong side of the river - but Sosabowski’s refusal to send his brigade in made him an easy scapegoat for the ultimate failure of Market Garden, and he lost his command.

At last, the Allies bowed to the inevitable. Operation Berlin saw infantry of XXX Corps rowing over the Rhine to relieve their comrades in the 1st Airborne - or what remained of them. Of a division of around ten thousand men, only two thousand made it back over the river - another two thousand were killed, and the rest taken prisoner. Urquhart’s division had been effectively destroyed for no material gain.

For his part, Montgomery was content to claim that the operation was ninety percent successful. Nobody else saw it in such optimistic terms. Sosabowksi and Ramsey’s concerns were vindicated, and the Canadians began the bitter task of clearing the Scheldt Estuary. Monty’s reputation among the Americans, never great to begin with, never really recovered. American historians have savaged him (and often by extension, the British Army) ever since.

Market Garden was perhaps the nadir of Anglo-American cooperation. To the Americans, the British soldier was slow, unintelligent and at worst, dishonest, relying on Americans to do the bleeding for him. To the British, the American GI was unprofessional, impetuous, overly gung-ho and more than a little pompous. These stereotypes have persisted in the works of many historians to this day.

Yet the fact remains that all of the troops deployed in the battle performed to the best standard they could. Time and time again, they were let down by high command - particularly Browning and Gavin. They had been given a plan that was optimistic, rushed and made no account for the existence of opposition. Given what was asked, that they managed to be ‘ninety percent successful’ is itself astounding.

The Germans enacted a terrible revenge on the Dutch, who had supported the Allies every step of the way. The civilian population of Arnhem was forcibly removed, and nearly all food production, already meagre, was directed away from the Netherlands. Let this be clear; this was not wartime shortage, but a deliberate policy of punishment by Adolf Hitler, who had given up the last of his pretence of civility in an insane attempt to bring Europe down in flames with him. The Hunger Winter killed twenty thousand. This was not famine. It was murder.

Today the Netherlands are rebuilt. The road from Neerpelt to Arnhem can be driven in about two hours, three at most. The area has never forgotten Market Garden, and the road is pockmarked with memorials and museums to those September days. None of these are more stark then the rows of white headstones in graveyards along the way.

Over a thousand men still lie in Oosterbeek. Each grave is the same at a glance, with only the names and inscriptions distinguishing them in death. Many have epitaphs from family - wives, brothers, sisters and parents. Most are in their twenties. Many are eighteen or nineteen. Lieutenants barely out of college commanded men at thirty or even older.

Historians, particularly military historians, like the word ‘only.’ When compared to the titanic battles on the Eastern Front, onlythirty thousand were killed, wounded or captured. Yet every single person who died meant something to somebody. They were somebody’s son, somebody’s daughter, somebody’s girlfriend, boyfriend, wife, husband, father or mother. They worked for somebody. They had friends and enemies. They lived and breathed and loved and lost. For some the end came instantly, for others only days.

Perhaps the most famous of the war poets was Wilfred Owen, who died on the 4th of November 1918, just a week before the war ended. One of his most famous works was Anthem for Doomed Youth- written for the men in the trenches of the First World War, but I feel is still fitting for the men dropped into Arnhem in 1944;

What passing-bells for these who die as cattle?

Only the monstrous anger of the guns.

Only the stuttering rifles' rapid rattle

Can patter out their hasty orisons.

No mockeries now for them; no prayers nor bells;

Nor any voice of mourning save the choirs,—

The shrill, demented choirs of wailing shells;

And bugles calling for them from sad shires.

What candles may be held to speed them all?

Not in the hands of boys, but in their eyes

Shall shine the holy glimmers of goodbyes.

The pallor of girls' brows shall be their pall;

Their flowers the tenderness of patient minds,

And each slow dusk a drawing-down of blinds.

[atlanticcanada]

Royal New Brunswick Regiment celebrates 250 years

The Royal New Brunswick Regiment marked a major milestone this weekend, with the infantry battalion celebrating 250 years in operation.

If objects could talk, the uniforms on display at the Royal New Brunswick Regiment would have many stories to tell.

“This is the khaki drill uniform they would have world in the Second World War,” explains Captain David Hughes, regimental historian.

Tales of New Brunswick’s military history and heritage dating back two and a half centuries.

“The Regiment has seen two World Wars, also some of our antecedent units found in the war of 1812. So 250 years actually touches four different centuries from the 18th century through to the 21st century,”

The infantry battalion headquarters in Fredericton showcases a history that can be traced back to October 11, 1770, and predates not only New Brunswick, but Canadian confederation.

Thanks to historians like David Hughes, that history remains strong, despite a number of name changes and reorganizations over the years, 

“Our roots go back, pre-date Canada, pre-date New Brunswick, and we also stem from many other regiments that are now kind of boiled down to what you see today as the Royal New Brunswick Regiment,” explains Hughes.

Today, the Royal N.B. Regiment is made up of 200 men and women with Lieutenant Colonel Brent Whalen at the helm as commanding officer.

Lt.-Col. Whalen says the role is humbling, especially given the regiment’s deep and historic roots.

“We are coming up on 250 years, and we take a look back at the regiment and what they’ve accomplished. The First World War, the Second, Korea, Afghanistan, the domestic operations. It’s incredible,” recalls Whalen.

This weekend, the troupe markets its 250th Regimental birthday. Like so much else in the world, plans for a big celebration had to be shelved because of the COVID-19 pandemic.

“We were going to be having a trooping of the colours ceremony parade. We were going to be having a regimental gala ball in the evening of the birthday, and it was going to be a lot bigger than its boiled down to today,” explains Hughes.

“We scaled it down, for the health and safety of our soldiers at the same time,” adds Whalen.

While the celebration has been toned down, the regiment will be live-streaming the event on its Facebook and Instagram pages for anyone who wishes to participate virtually.

A battalion birthday of historic significance, with stories yet to be told. 

from CTV News - Atlantic https://ift.tt/3jmkCjH

[esprit-de-corps-magazine]

A Day Of Missed Opportunities

(Volume 26 Issue 5)

By Vincent J. Curtis

In June we celebrate the seventy-fifth anniversary of D-Day, regarded as the beginning of the end of the Nazi regime. The greatest success that day, in terms of ground gained and objectives met, was by the Canadians coming off Juno beach.

Nevertheless, a close study of the movement off Juno leaves one with the impression of opportunities lost on account of failures of leadership.

The senior Canadian leadership of World War I were militia officers, civilian professional men, who had not commanded anything above a battalion before the war.  They reached Corps and Division command on account of proven worth. They had no preconceptions about how war should be fought. They learned from Julian Byng the value of battle studies, and of applying the lessons learned (and adding new wrinkles of their own like sound-ranging) to the next battle. That’s why Vimy Ridge was such an astonishing success.

Prior to D-Day, the allies had landed in Sicily, Italy, and Anzio. The Sicily invasion went well in part because the commander of the American forces, the audacious LGen George S. Patton, Jr., exploded off the beaches. He wanted to beat Montgomery to Messina, and he wasn’t going to do it “protecting Monty’s left flank” through the central mountains of Sicily. Patton immediately sent a “reconnaissance in force” in the direction of Palermo, creating space and confusion, and got there practically unopposed.

The failure was at Anzio. The landings caught the Germans completely by surprise. The road lay open to Rome and to the complete dislocation of the German Winter Line – had the landing force moved off the beaches. But no, MGen John Lucas had to establish and consolidate first, and the resulting delay gave Kesselring time to react. He blocked movement off the beaches for four months.

Such were the lessons which ought to have been known. The French military theorist Ardant du Picq taught that a small force cannot afford to get involved in a melee because in a melee its organization, the real strength of the force, is lost.

In practical terms, this means that a superior attacking force can afford to by-pass pockets of resistance because doing so involves the defence in a melee. None of the lessons; of the importance of gaining space rapidly, of the value of by-passing small pockets of resistance, of closest infantry-tank coordination were applied by the Canadian commanders on D-Day.

The objective in the Commonwealth sector on D-Day was the capture of Caen. The Canadian landings began at 08:00 hours, but not until 14:30 was the beach deemed secure and movement inland ordered by Major General Rod Keller, Commander of the Canadian 3rd Division. The advance would not last long nor go far.

A troop of Sherman tanks, No. 2 Troop, C Squadron, 1st Hussars, led by Lieutenant William F. McCormick, nevertheless did their job. They found an unopposed route from Camilly on Phase Line Elm all the way to the objective: Phase Line Oak, the Caen-Bayeux rail line and the Carpiquet airfield. Despite frantic signalling, McCormick was not reinforced. Where was his Squadron Commander? His Regiment Commander? Why wasn’t anyone wondering where their lost Troop was? And why were the Canadians digging in back at Phase Line Elm with four hours of daylight remaining and an open road ahead?

They were digging on order from British Lieutenant General Miles Dempsey because the British 3rd Division on Sword was being attacked in flank by elements of the German 21st Panzer Division. Three divisions halted because one of them was counterattacked. The Canadian 9th Brigade halted three miles from Caen, the farthest inland of any allied force.  The rest of the day was wasted. In the night the Germans moved in the 12th SS Panzer Division (Hitlerjugend) and then the Panzer Lehr Division. Caen wasn’t captured until a month later.

Many life-saving opportunities created by surprise that day went unexploited from a lack of Patton-esque audacity on the part of senior Canadian leadership.

[newstfionline]

In the era of Donald Trump, Germans debate a military buildup

By Anthony Faiola, Washington Post, March 5, 2017

SESTOKAI, Lithuania--A vermilion-colored locomotive slowed to a halt, its freight cars obscured in the blinding snow. A German captain ordered his troops to unload the train’s cargo. “Jawohl!”--”Yes, sir!”--a soldier said, before directing out the first of 20 tanks bearing the Iron Cross of the Bundeswehr, Germany’s army.

Evocative of old war films, the scene is nevertheless a sign of new times. Seven and a half decades after the Nazis invaded this Baltic nation, the Germans are back in Lithuania--this time as one of the allies.

As the Trump administration ratchets up the pressure on allied nations to shoulder more of their own defense, no country is more in the crosshairs than Germany. If it meets the goals Washington is pushing for, Germany--the region’s economic powerhouse--would be on the fast track to again become Western Europe’s biggest military power.

Any renaissance of German might has long been resisted first and foremost by the Germans--a nation that largely rejected militarism in the aftermath of the Nazi horror. Yet a rethinking of German power is quickly emerging as one of the most significant twists of President Trump’s transatlantic policy.

Since the November election in the United States, the Germans--caught between Trump’s America and Vladimir Putin’s Russia--are feeling less and less secure. Coupled with Trump’s push to have allies step up, the Germans are debating a military buildup in a manner rarely witnessed since the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Perhaps nowhere is the prospect of a new future playing out more than here in Lithuania--where nearly 500 German troops, including a Bavarian combat battalion, arrived in recent weeks for an open-ended deployment near the Russian frontier. The NATO deployment marks what analysts describe as Germany’s most ambitious military operation near the Russian border since the end of the Cold War. It arrived with a formidable show of German force--including 20 Marder armored infantry fighting vehicles, six Leopard battle tanks and 12 Fuchs and Boxer armored personnel carriers.

“Maybe, with respect to the United States, you need to be careful what you wish for,” said Lt. Col. Torsten Stephan, military spokesman for the German troops in Lithuania. “Mr. Trump says that NATO may be obsolete, and that we need to be more independent. Well, maybe we will.”

The German-led deployment--also involving a smaller number of troops from Belgium, the Netherlands and Norway--is designed to send a muscular message from Europe to Putin: Back off.

Yet on a continent facing the prospect of a new Cold War, the deployment is also offering a window into the risks of renewed German strength--as well as the Russian strategy for repelling it by dwelling on Germany’s dark past. In the 21st-century world of hybrid warfare, the first proverbial salvos have been fired.

Recently, coordinated emails were sent to Lithuanian police, media and top politicians, falsely claiming that the new German troops had gang-raped a local 15-year-old girl. The Lithuanian government quickly disproved the allegations--but not before a few local outlets and social-media users had spread the false accounts. Officials are investigating whether the Russians were behind it.

“But if you ask me personally, I think that yes, that’s the biggest probability,” said Lithuanian Defense Minister Raimundas Karoblis.

As Germany grows bolder, outdated imagery is roaring back to life through Russian propaganda. Last week, the Russian Defense Ministry announced the building of a reproduction of the old German Reichstag at a military theme park near Moscow, offering young Russians a chance to reenact the 1945 storming of the structure during the fall of Berlin.

Yet in Lithuania, a former Soviet republic now living in the shadow of Russia’s maw, the Nazi legacy is seen as ancient history. To many here, modern Germany is a bastion of democratic principles and one of the globe’s strongest advocates of human rights, free determination and measured diplomacy. And facing a Russian threat in times of uncertain NATO allegiances, the Lithuanians are clamoring for a more powerful Germany by its side.

“I think U.S. leadership should be maintained, but also, we need leadership in Europe,” Karoblis said. Noting that Britain is in the process of breaking away from the European Union, he called Germany the most likely new guarantor of regional stability.

“Why not Germany? Why not?” he said.

For many Germans, however, there are many reasons--including overspending and fears of sparking a new arms race. According to a poll commissioned by Stern magazine and published this year, 55 percent of Germans are against increasing defense spending in the coming years, while 42 percent are in favor.

The German military has staged several military exercises in Poland and other parts of Eastern Europe, and its pilots form part of the air police deterring Russian planes buzzing the E.U.’s eastern borders. It has also begun to take on more dangerous missions--deploying troops to the Balkans, Afghanistan and, last year, to Mali. The military also has taken on a logistical support role in the allied fight against the Islamic State.

But the Germans are slated to do much more. In 2014, German officials agreed with other NATO nations to spend at least 2 percent of its gross domestic product on defense within 10 years--up from about 1.2 percent in 2016. Until recently, however, many German officials privately acknowledged that such a goal--which would see Germany leapfrog Britain and France in military spending--was politically untenable.

Since Trump’s victory, however, German politicians, pundits and the media have agonized over the issue, with more and louder voices calling for a stronger military. Last month, the Defense Ministry announced plans to increase Germany’s standing military to nearly 200,000 troops by 2024, up from a historical low of 166,500 in June. After 26 years of cuts, defense spending is going up by 8 percent this year.

Chancellor Angela Merkel has called for cool heads, but also for increased military spending. Her defense minister, Ursula von der Leyen, has been more forceful, saying recently that Germany cannot “duck away” from its military responsibility. Although considered a distant possibility, some outlier voices are mentioning the once-inconceivable: the advent of a German nuclear bomb.

“If Trump sticks to his line, America will leave Europe’s defense to the Europeans to an extent that it hasn’t known since 1945,” Berthold Kohler, publisher of Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, wrote in a recent opinion piece. That could mean “higher defense spending, the revival of the draft, the drawing of red lines and the utterly unthinkable for German brains--the question of one’s own nuclear defense capability.”

Germany, along with its regional allies, has begun exploring an increase of military activity through joint European operations--and experts see that, and NATO, as the most likely funnels for German military power. Germany’s deployment in Lithuania, for instance, is part of a broader allied deterrent in Eastern Europe, with the Americans, Canadians and British leading other contingents in Poland, Latvia and Estonia.

In some of Germany’s neighbors--particularly Poland--there remain pockets of opposition to renewed German military might, positions based at least in part on war memories. But old prejudices are dying fast.

Take, for instance, tiny Lithuania--a nation the Nazis overran in 1941, kicking out the occupying Soviets. The Third Reich held on there through 1945, exterminating more than 200,000 Jews. After World War II, Lithuania reverted to Soviet domination before winning independence at the end of the Cold War. Over the past decade, Lithuania hitched its star to the West--joining the E.U. and NATO in 2004, much to the chagrin of the Russians.

Now, Lithuanians’ fear of the bear on their doorstep is surging. Since the de facto invasion of Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea, Russian politicians have begun speaking ominously about a key warm-water port that they say was wrongly “gifted” to Lithuania after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Hackers thought to be linked to the Russians have targeted government servers and national television channels.

In the city of Jonava, about six miles from the barrack housing the new NATO troops, the Nazis killed more than 2,000 Jews in the 1940s. Yet in the oral histories, the German occupation is portrayed in a far better light than the Soviet era that followed.

Nadiezda Grickovaite, 86, the town’s only living resident with vivid memories of the World War II era, said she recalled her mother taking her into the woods “so we didn’t see the shooting of the Jews.” But she said the Soviets were comparatively worse--a history she has passed down in speeches and talks at local schools.

“I don’t feel any bad feelings against the Germans because of the past,” she said. “This was history. We can’t blame them now.”

The new German troops, meanwhile, have received special sensitivity training about the Nazi legacy in Lithuania and to insist on gentle interactions with locals. Jonava’s acting mayor, Eugenijus Sabutis, said the only incident since the troops arrived in late January was an altercation between an American GI and local men over the attentions of a woman.

“I don’t feel part of that history--the history of Germans who were here before,” said Sebastian, a 27-year-old German private stationed in Lithuania who only gave his first name per the German army’s rules for the interview. “What I know is that we are in a kind of new Cold War, and now we are here to help.”

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

"W.M. NICKLE IS KING'S COUNSEL," Kingston Whig-Standard. June 3, 1933. Page 3. --- Included in King's Birthday Honor List-Others in District ---- William McAdam Nickle, member of the law firm of Nickle and Parrell, is now a King's Counsel, probably one of the youngest lawyers in the country to be so honored. Mr. Nickle's name appears in the list of lawyers selected by the Ontario Government and announced by Hon. W. H. Price, Attorney-General and Acting Prime Minister. An outstanding feature of this King's birthday honor list, which covers a two-year period, is the selection of many who served with distinction as soldiers during the Great War. Some of them have not practiced the requisite fifteen years, but in tribute to their soldier service, the Ontario Government has chosen to waive this requirement in their cases. Mr. Nickle was born in Kingston, educated here and at Osgoode Hall. He went overseas as a private soldier with the Princess Pats Canadian Light Infantry and was promoted in France to the rank of Heutenant; he served with the 21st battalion as captain and major. In March, 1918, he was appointed private secretary to Sir Richard Turner, V.C.. chief of staff of the Canadian army. He wounded three times, received the Military Cross of Britain and Medal of Honor of France and three service medals, the Mons star, the Victory. medal and the general service medal. He was the youngest major in the Canadian army. Two other members of the 21st Battalion have been honored by being made K. C.'s, John A. McGibbon. of Oshawa and Hugh Cameron of St. Thomas. Other lawyers in this district who have been honored are John M. Simpson of Napanee and Bryson C. Donnan of Belleville. J. P. Twiggs of Windsor, formerly of Kings- ton, is also included in the list.

[k2kid]

Bouvigny Huts.

Bouvigny Huts.

The precise location of the camp has not bee determined. Note the Bois de Bouvigny at grid 32. For reference Lens is almost due East 12 Kms to city center.

Those two words may have spelled mixed feelings with the Battalion. This would be the first time they ware billeted there but other battalions of the Canadian Expeditionary Force reported the conditions for this facility in the rear as “…life in the trenches was less irksome and monotonous and no more beastly than in places like Bouvigny Huts.”[i] It appears at odds with the common conception that the further back from the line a unit it was, the safer it was. But several incidents in the Battalion history would not bear this out.

It was at Bouvigny Huts that one such event occurred and will be viewed through the experience of one of the soldiers that was directly affected by it.

Operational Order No. 127

Operational Order No. 127[ii] from the Officer Commanding the 4th Brigade, 2nd Division of the Canadian Corps would seal the fate of some of the men of the 18th. On July 3, 1917, the order stipulated that the units of the Brigade, of which the 18th Battalion was a member, would move off the line to Divisional Reserve. The orders directed the 18th Battalion to move from the front line at Barlin to Bouvigny Huts. This was an approximately 9-kilometer march and that each company was to maintain a 400 yard interval. The 18th set off 3:00 PM, along with its sister battalion, the 19th. The Battalion had earned some good news, for on July 2, 1917, at a Sports Day held at Camblain-le-Abbe, the Battalion Football Team won the final 2-0 and Private David Sydney Laird won the high-jump.

Arriving that afternoon, the Battalion dispersed to billets and was involved in training on July 4 to 7 inclusive. The Battalion trained on box respirator drill; close order drill; platoon level attack drills involving trench and open warfare. The afternoons were reserved for recreational training, “…including games of all kinds.” There was also a notation that the Corps Commander, General Currie, would visit the Battalion on July 8, 1917, but he actually visited all the battalions of the Brigade on July 7. This was prescient as the next day was rainy, and it appears that all training for the 18th Battalion was called off.

On July 9, 1917, the training continued. The Battalion engaged in its training per the syllabus and at 11:30 AM “sharp” the Battalion began “Battalion drill, with the Battalion Band attending. It ended at 12:30 PM and the men of the 18th returned to their billets, probably glad for a respite, a cigarette, and then lunch before the afternoon’s activities.

It was then the shell struck. A 5.9-inch shell from a Germany gun reached out into the Divisional area and stuck a billet. It wrought havoc as it resulted in 5 men of the Battalion killed outright. Four would die of wounds shortly after, and a further 35 would be wounded to varying degrees.

18th Battalion War Diary entry for incident.

Private Eric Clement Crawford[iii] was one of those men. He, and the Battalion, had a reason to hate Bouvigny Huts. Its reputation may have preceded itself in the minds of the men of the 18th if the rumour mill and purveyors of scuttlebutt had anything to do with sharing local knowledge of the facilities in the rear.

Two sources review this billeting area, giving it a low reputation.

The 102nd Battalion remembers the Bouvigny Huts:

“This was our “job” till the 11th, when we moved back to rest in what was perhaps the worst camp outside of Vadincourt that we ever visited, Bouvigny Huts. It was a nine-mile march to this camp, which was situated in a wood on a hill above Gouy Servins; the weather was bad, the mud intense, the accommodation crowded; the 87th shared the camp with us and for eight days we lingered there with no recreation other than that afforded by one Y.M.C.A. hut which was always packed to the doors. It is a positive fact that man after man when out at rest under these conditions would emphatically declare that he was looking forward to going up the line again because life in the trenches was less irksome and monotonous and no more beastly than in places like Bouvigny Huts.[iv] This is merely a statement of fact and not a criticism of the organization: in view of the number of troops to be looked after and the limited possibilities of accommodation in the whole of the shell-shocked area round Vimy we were lucky not to be sleeping on the ground; but the statement is made to show that life behind the lines was not lived out upon a bed of roses.”[v]

Not only was the camp not “…a bed or roses,” but it was continually subject to German shellfire as this diary entry attests:

“Spent time in same sector. Last trip 28 days in line. Artillery more active. At Bouvigny Huts for eight days. Shelled. Relieved 13th Middlesex for a short time while reliefs were being made. Came into front line on March 20. On HQ, hours 8 – 12 PM. Very heavy gunfire on 21st about 5 PM. On same day Fritz put a shell through church tower at Mont-Saint-Éloi.”[vi]

The shell that exploded that day altered the life-path of Private Crawford.

University College Hospital

By July 12, 1917, Crawford had passed through the intricate organization of the Royal Army Medical Corps and its associated units and had arrived at University College Hospital at London, England. The medical notes outline his condition and treatment[vii]:

Station and Date Disease: G.S.W. R. ankle UNIVERSITY COLLEGE HOSPTIAL

Adm 12/7/17

Died 23/7/17

A very dirty suppurating wound on dorsum of Right Foot at tarsal point.

  X Ray Exam: does not show any fractures.

  17.7.17 Wound is being washed out several times daily with Dakin’s Solution.

  Three [Carol’s] tubes in wound. Right leg in Macintyres Splint. Considerable oedema of soft parts of foot and lower leg.

  19.7.17 Temp was up at 104.6 yesterday. Wound examined under anesthetic. A pocket of pus found to extend to posterior of lateral malleolus. An incision was made behind the malleolus and a tube passed.

  20.7.17 Wound looks much cleaner today. No pain. Temp down to normal. Pt. [patient] is slightly bronchitic.

  23.7.17 Dies of secondary haemorrhage ankle.

His fever, as reported on July 19, indicates an infection, and an operation was conducted to resolve this issue as the doctors must have suspected an infection that was not being resolved by the drainage and the washing of the wounds. The temperature chart shows that Crawford’s temperature appeared to resolve itself after the surgery, but on evening of the 21st his temperature was up to 103.8 degrees F. The notes do not fill in the entire circumstances of his treatment.[viii]

Graphical display of Private Crawford’s temperature, pulse and respiration rates.

At 10:38 PM on July 21, he was haemorrhaging with a temperature of 103.8. The next morning, at 4:00 AM, it has receded to 101 degrees. 12-hours later it rises to 104 degrees and another operation is completed which secured the haemorrhage that had developed from the vanti-tibial [sic] artery. This appears to stop the haemorrhage but another note on the chart at 6:45 AM on July 23, indicates another haemorrhage. He is given intra-venous saline and dies sometime after 10:00 AM that day.

It is not clear from the medical records why the doctors did not amputate but it would appear that Private Crawford’s overall condition, relating to his fever, pulse, and respiration, and other observations, precluded a more radical treatment. The valiant efforts of the doctors and nurses to sustain his life could not stop what would end up being inevitable.

Private Crawford’s grave. BROOKWOOD MILITARY CEMETERY. IX. C. 3. United Kingdom. Source: Find-A-Grave.

Private Crawford, twice wounded during his service, and dying of his second wound, would be buried at Brookwoods Military Cemetery, the largest Commonwealth War Graves Cemetery in England. He does not lie alone, but he is the lone member of the 18th Battalion to be buried here. He is not buried close to his home and his grave sites, perhaps unvisited and unadorned, as one of over 5,000.

From that day over 100 years ago, the explosive force of that German shell transformed the lives of at least 44-men of the 18th Battalion. Private Crawford survived, for a time, to become another one of the many of the Battalion to sacrifice his life.

It has been illustrated that staying at the Bouvigny Huts was dangerous and the billeting accommodation appear to give little protection from long-range German shelling. One wonders if the military authorities made any action to obviate the obvious danger of having the huts located near the Bouvigny Woods? If they did, their methods were not effective or were too late for Private Crawford and his comrades.

After the shelling the Battalion would serve in the Lens sector. Twenty-Five men would die that month, half of the deaths attributable to that one shell. The Battalion would make good its losses and move on to fight in the Battle of Hill 70. But before that it would return to the scene of the tragedy more than once.

The dreaded Bouvigny Huts.

[i] HQ 102 Canadians. (2020). Retrieved 28 September 2020, from http://www.102ndbattalioncef.ca/warpages/102chap5.htm

[ii] 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade diary entry for July 1917 Appendix 1, p. 4. RG9-III-D-3. Volume/box number: 4881. File number: 239. Container: T-10678. File Part 1=1917/05/01-1917/07/31; 2=1917/08/01-1917/08/31

[iii] Private Eric Clement Crawford, reg. no. 409106. This soldier was born in Rugby, England on March 23, 1896. He was a groom and joined the 37th Battalion at Niagara-on-the-Lake on June 11, 1915. He arrived in England and served there until he was transferred to the 18th Battalion, where he arrived on February 2, 1916. He was wounded by a GSW in the back on September 15, 1916 and was admitted for treatment of this wound in France until he was returned to the 2nd Canadian Entrenching Battalion on October 29, 1916. He served with this until he was returned to the Battalion on February 21, 1917. He served with the Battalion until his wounding on July 9, 1917.

[iv] Emphasis mine.

[v] HQ 102 Canadians. (2020). Retrieved 28 September 2020, from http://www.102ndbattalioncef.ca/warpages/102chap5.htm

[vi] Smith, A. (2020). document 62146 | Canadian Letters. Retrieved 28 September 2020, from https://www.canadianletters.ca/document-62146

[vii] It is rare to have medical notes that are legible. Doctors, event at that time, seem to suffer from terrible handwriting.

[viii] Note that this interpretation is from a lay person’s point-of-view. No medical knowledge or expertise is implied by the author.

Killed by Shell Last Name First Name Status Reg. No. Date of Death BURLEIGH WILLIAM RILEY Confirmed 124197 09/07/1917 HOLLAND SANDIESON Confirmed 226580 09/07/1917 MATTHEWS J R Confirmed 54288 09/07/1917 RATCLIFF W Likely 739723 09/07/1917 REED G H Likely 413119 09/07/1917 RIBTON R H Likely 53280 09/07/1917 STEEVES A Confirmed 444599 09/07/1917 WEBB WILLIAM Likely 675541 09/07/1917 SMITH A Likely 424389 10/07/1917 CRAWFORD C E Confirmed 409106 23/07/1917

“…because life in the trenches was less irksome and monotonous and no more beastly than in places like Bouvigny Huts” Bouvigny Huts. Bouvigny Huts. Those two words may have spelled mixed feelings with the Battalion. This would be the first time they ware billeted there but other battalions of the Canadian Expeditionary Force reported the conditions for this facility in the rear as “…life in the trenches was less irksome and monotonous and no more beastly than in places like Bouvigny Huts.”

[greatworldwar2]

• D-Day: Sword Beach

Sword, commonly known as Sword Beach, was the code name given to one of the five main landing areas along the Normandy coast during the initial assault phase, of Operation Overlord, the Allied invasion of German-occupied France that commenced on June 6th, 1944.

Following the Fall of France in 1940, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill vowed to return to continental Europe and liberate the Nazi German-occupied nations. The Western Allies agreed to open a Second Front in northern Europe in 1942 to aid the Soviet Union. However, with resources for an invasion lacking, it was postponed. The decision to postpone the invasion was due to wanting to see the Battle of the Atlantic to its closure, the lack of landing craft, invading Sicily in July 1943, and Italy in September following the defeat of Axis forces in North Africa in May 1943 resulted in the postponement of any assault on northern Europe till 1944.

Having succeeded in opening up an offensive front in southern Europe, gaining valuable experience in amphibious assaults and inland fighting, Allied planners returned to the plans to invade Northern France. Now scheduled for June 5th, 1944, the beaches of Normandy were selected as landing sites, with a zone of operations extending from the Cotentin Peninsula to Caen. Operation Overlord called for the British Second Army to assault between the River Orne and Port en Bessin, capture the German-occupied city of Caen and form a front line from Caumont-l'Éventé to the south-east of Caen, in order to acquire airfields and protect the left flank of the United States First Army while it captured Cherbourg. Overlord would constitute the largest amphibious operation in military history. After delays, due to both logistical difficulties and poor weather, the D-Day of Overlord was moved to June 6th, 1944.

The coastline of Normandy was divided into seventeen sectors, with codenames using a spelling alphabet, from Able, west of Omaha, to Roger on the east flank of Sword. Eight further sectors were added when the invasion was extended to include Utah on the Cotentin Peninsula. The Anglo-Canadian assault landings on D-Day were to be carried out by the British Second Army, under Lieutenant General Miles Dempsey. The Second Army's I Corps, commanded by Lieutenant General John Crocker, was assigned to take Sword. 6th Beach Group was deployed to assist the troops and landing craft landing on Sword and to develop the beach maintenance area. Sword stretched about 5 miles (8.0 km) from Saint-Aubin-sur-Mer in the west to the mouth of the River Orne in the east. It was further sub-divided into four landing sectors; from west to east these sectors were 'Oboe' (from Saint-Aubin-sur-Mer to Luc-sur-Mer), 'Peter' (from Luc-sur-Mer to Lion-sur-Mer), 'Queen' (from Lion-sur-Mer to La Brèche d'Hermanville), and finally 'Roger' (from La Brèche d'Hermanville to Ouistreham).

The sector chosen for the assault was the 1.8 miles (2.9 km) wide 'White' and 'Red' beaches of 'Queen' sector, as shallow reefs blocked access to the other sectors. Two infantry battalions supported by DD tanks would lead the assault followed up by the commandos and the rest of the division; the landing was due to start at 07:25 hours; the division would be the last assault division to land. Under the command of Field Marshals Erwin Rommel and Gerd von Rundstedt, the defences of the Atlantic Wall were heavily upgraded; in the first six months of 1944, 1.2 million tons of steel and 17.3 million cubic yards of concrete were laid. The coast of northern France was also studded with four million antitank and anti-personnel mines, and 500,000 beach obstacles. On and behind Sword, twenty strongpoints, including several artillery batteries, were constructed. The coastline was littered with wooden stakes, mines, hedgehogs, and Dragon’s teeth, while along the top of the beach, the Germans had constructed a network of trenches, gun pits, mortar pits, and machine gun nests. Barbed wire surrounded these positions and lined the beach.

The assault on Sword began at about 03:00 with the aerial and naval bombardment of German coastal defences and artillery sites. The landing was to be concentrated on Queen Red and Queen White in front of Hermanville-sur-Mer, other approaches having proven impassable due to shoals. At 07:25, the first units set off for the beach. These were the amphibious DD tanks of the 13th/18th Hussars; they were followed closely by the 8th Infantry Brigade, and by Royal Engineers in AVREs. The engineers set to work clearing mines and obstacles under a steady hail of small arms fire and artillery fire from Périers Ridge just south of Hermanville. Resistance on the beach was initially fairly strong, with wrecked vehicles piling up and casualties mounting; however, with most of their armoured vehicles successfully landed, the British were able to quickly secure the immediate area. By 09:30 the engineers had cleared seven of the eight exits from the beach, allowing the inland advance to begin.

British and French commandos encountered tough resistance in the seaside town of Ouistreham, on Sword's eastern extremity, but were able to clear it of enemy strongpoints. By 13:00, the 1st Special Service Brigade had reached the bridges on the River Orne and the Caen Canal, linking up with paratroops of the 6th Airborne Division, who were holding the bridges, after earlier disabling German gun batteries in a fierce night-time battle earlier. On the western flank of Sword, commandos of the 4th Special Service Brigade moved out to secure Lion-sur-Mer and effect a link up with Canadian forces at Juno Beach, but encountered strong resistance and were pinned down by heavy fire for several hours. Meanwhile, around the main landing area, the men of the 3rd Infantry Division had secured Hermanville-sur-Mer by 10:00, but were finding tougher going as they slowly fought their way up Périers Ridge and moved inland. It was gradually becoming apparent that the British would not be able to make the hook-up with the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division necessary to protect its right flank in an immediate assault on Caen. Troops of the King's Shropshire Light Infantry continued down the Hermanville-Caen road, reaching Biéville-Beuville, close to Caen, but were supported by only a few self-propelled guns, their flanks exposed.

The 21st Panzer Division, with its formidable inventory of some 127 Panzer IV tanks, was intended for use as a rapid response force; on the morning of June 6th, however, its commander, Generalmajor Edgar Feuchtinger, was in Paris, and Rommel was in Germany. The division was unable to finalize orders and preparations for a counterattack until late in the day. At about 17:00, two thrusts were launched, east and west of the River Orne. Taking advantage of the gap between the Sword and Juno sectors, elements of the 192nd Panzergrenadier Regiment were able to reach the coast at Lion-sur-Mer by 8:00 p.m.; however, with few flak units and very little support from the Luftwaffe, they too suffered devastating losses to Allied aircraft. When 250 Gliders of the British 6th Airlanding Brigade overflew their positions, on their way to reinforce the Orne bridgehead in Operation Mallard, the Germans, believing they were about to be cut off, retired.

By the end of D-Day, 28,845 men of I Corps had come ashore across Sword. British losses in the Sword area amounted to 683 men. The British and Canadians were able to link up and resume the drive on Caen the following day, but three days into the invasion, the advance was halted. On June 7th, Operation Perch, a pincer attack by the 51st (Highland) Infantry Division and XXX Corps was launched to encircle Caen from the east and west flanks. The 21st Panzer Division halted the 51st Division advance and the XXX Corps attack resulted in the Battle of Villers-Bocage and the withdrawal of the leading elements of the 7th Armoured Division.

[k2kid]

Confidential War Diary of 18th CANADIAN BATTALION – 2nd CANADIAN DIVISION

March 1, 1919 to 31 March 1919

Volume 43

Place Date Hour Summary of Events and Information Fosses I.35.75 1 Map for Reference: Namur 8 1/100,000

Battalion Training and Educational Classes as per Appendix 1. Attached. 5 O.R.s proceeded on leave this date. 1 O.R. from hospital.

2 Roman Catholic service at 09:30 in Parish Church. Battalion Church Service at 10:00 hrs. as per appendix No. 2. Attached. 4 O.R.s proceeded on and 10 O.R. returned from leave. 3 Battalion Training and Educational work as per Appendix No. 2. Attached. 3 O.R.s on leave. 1 O.R. from Hospital. 1 Officer and 6 O.R.s of the 6th Battn C.E.s who were attached to the 18th Battn. returned to their unit. 4 Battalion carried on with Training and Educational Classes as per Appendix No. 4. Attached. 4 O.R.s on leave; 3 O.R.s proceeded to 2nd Divl. M.T. Co’y., Auvelais for 2 weeks course in Motor Mechanics. 1 O.R. from hospital. 5 Battalion Training and Educational Work as per Appendix No. 5. attached. 6 O.R.s from course in Motor Mechanics at 2nd Divl. M.T. Co’y. 6 Battalion Training and Educational Classes as per Appendix No. 6. Attached. 3 O.R.s on leave. 3 O.R.s to hospital. 7 Battalion Training and Educational work as per Appendix No. 7. attached. Battalion Pay Parade was held in the afternoon. 7 O.R.s proceeded on and Lieut. A.H. Jones returned from leave. 1 O.R. to hospital. 8 At 09:00 hrs. A Battalion Parade followed by a route March was held as per Appendix No. 8 attached. Lt. A.J.R. Craig and 6 O.R.s proceeded on leave. 1 O.R. attached to Divl. Train as loader. 3 O.R.s to hospital. 9 Battalion attended Church Services as per Appendix No. 9 attached. 2 O.R.s from leave. Lt. L.E. Boulton and 19 O.R.s to Sclayn guard. 10 Battalion Training and Educational Work as per Appendix No. 10 attached. The “Band” Soccer team defeated the “Transport” team by the score of 1-0 on the Y.M.C.A. grounds. 2 companies paraded to the Baths in the afternoon. The 5th Bgde. Concert Party entertained the Battalion at the Cinema at Night. 18th. Band furnished the music. 2 O.R.s to hospital. 3 O.R.s proceeded on and 2 O.R.s returned from leave. 1 O.R. from duty at Divisional Train. 11 Battalion Training and Educational Work as per Appendix No. 11 attached. 2companies and Battalion Headquarters paraded to Baths in the afternoon. At the Y.M.C.A. grounds in the afternoon “Q.M. & Tpt” soccer team defeated “D” Company’s team by a score of 2-0 and “Bn HQ” defeated “A” Company by a score of 3-1. Lt. J.T.N. Jeffery attached to Battalion as Brigade Veterinary Officer. 1 O.R. from hospital. 12 All 4th Brigade Units were Inspected by Gen. Rawlinson, C.O.C. 4th Army at 11.00 hours on 19th Battalion Parade Grounds as per appendix No. 12 attached. Capt. R.G. Elliott and Lieut. J.N. MacRae returned from leave to Italy. 13 Battalion Training and Educational Work as per Appendix No. 13 attached. In the afternoon the following games were played on the Y.M.C.A. grounds: “HQ” defeated “A” Co’y in Baseball by he score of 13-5. “Q.M. & Tpt” defeated “B” Co’y by the score of 14-8. “Q.M. & Tpt” defeated “B” Co’y (Soccer) by the score of 14-0. Lt. W. Burns and 6 O.R.s and 9 O.R.s returned from leave. 1 O.R. to hospital. 14 Battalion Training and Educational Work as per Appendix No. 14 attached. 3 O.R.s proceeded on leave. 1 O.R. returned from hospital. 15 Battalion Training as per Appendix No. 15 attached. At 10:30 hours the Battalion paraded to Brigade Sports which were held on the 19th Battalion Parade Grounds. In the afternoon “Q.M. & Tpt” Soccer team played “A” Co’y. The score was 2-2. 21 O.R.s proceeded to England proceeded to England for return to Canada for duty as Military Police. 16 Battalion attended Church Services as per Appendix No. 16 attached. “Q.M. & Tpt” defeated “A” Co’y in Baseball on the Y.M.C.A. Grounds by the score of 6-4. “D” Co’y defeated “B” Co’y (Indoor Baseball) score 24-16. 3 O.R.s proceeded on and 1 O.R. returned from leave. 1 O.R. attached for duty to Field Cashier 2nd Cdn. Divn. 2 O.R.s attached 4th Battn. C.E.s returned to their unit. 1 O.R. from hospital. 17 Battalion Training and Educational Work as per Appendix No. 17 attached. In the afternoon on the Y.M.C.A. Grounds “Q.M. & Tpt” Soccer team defeated “HQ” by the score of 9-1. 1 O.R. to hospital. 3 O.R.s proceeded on and 2 O.R.s returned from leave. 18 Battalion carried on with Training and Educational Courses as per Appendix No 18 attached. Bath Parades were also held during the day. Lt-Col. L.E. Jones and 3 O.R.s returned from leave. 2 O.R.s to hospital. 19 Battalion Training and Educational Work as per Appendix No. 19 attached. Pay Parade and Casuals Bath Parade were held in the afternoon. “HQ” Indoor Baseball team defeated “Q.M. & Tpt” in the afternoon by a score of 6-2. 3 O.R.s returned from course at 2nd Divl. M.T. Co’y. 2 O.R.s proceeded on and 3 O.R.s returned from leave. 4 O.R.s returned from duty at 4th C.I.B. Headquarters. 38 O.R.s proceeded to England for return to Canada with their dependents. 20 Inspection of Battalion by Commanding Officer was held as per Appendix No. 20 attached. The C.11. Concert Party gave a performance to the Battalion at the Cinema tonight. 4 O.R.s to hospital. 21 Battalion Training and Educational Work as per Appendix No. 21 attached. In the afternoon “Q.M. & Tpt” Soccer team defeated “D” Co’y team by the score of 10-0, winning the Battalion Championship. 6 O.R.s returned from leave. 2 O.R.s returned from Hospital. 22 Battalion Training and Educational Work as per Appendix No. 22 attached. The Battalion was entertained in the evening by a Concert Party composed of three young ladies. 6 O.R.s returned from leave. 1 O.R. returned from hospital. 4 O.R.s returned from guard duty at 2nd Cdn. Div. Headquarters. 10 Officers and 150 O.R.s attended Corps Sports held at Brussels. 23 The Battalion attended Church Services as per Appendix no. 23 attached. Rev. Dr. Simons of Christs Church Cathedral, Montreal delivered the sermon, at the mornings service. 4 O.R.s returned from leave. 24 The Battalion carried on with Training and Educational Work as per Appendix No. 24 attached. “Q.M. & Tpt” personnel gave a dance in the Hotel de Ville at night. Music was proved by the Regimental Band. 2 O.R.s returned from leave. 1 O.R. returned from duty with 2nd Divl. Burial Officer. 25 Battalion Training and Educational Course as per Appendix No. 25 attached. Bath and Clothing Parades were held in the afternoon. Mr. Enos Bacon (Vocalist) entertained the Battalion in the afternoon. In the evening at the Cinema, the 13th Bde. Australian Concert Party gave an entertainment. 13 O.R.s proceeded to England for return to Canada with Dependents. 4 O.R.s to England for Police duties at Bramshott Camp pending demobilization. 1 O.R. for duty at 6th Field Ambulance. 4 O.R.s returned from leave. In connection with Demobilization Scheme, (re-grouping) the undermentioned O.R.s were despatched to Battalions and Units named below. 2 O.R.s to 6th Bn. C.E.s 3 O.R.s 25th Bn. 2 O.R.s 21st Bn. 2 O.R.s 22nd Battery 26 Battalion Training and Educational Course as per Appendix No. 26 attached. 2 O.R.s returned from leave this date. 27 Battalion Muster Parade was held in the morning as per Appendix No. 27 attached. 2 O.R.s from leave. 4 O.R.s returned from duty with Divl. Traffic Officer. 2 O.R.s re-grouped to 21st Cdn. Battalion. In connection with Demobilization Scheme (re-grouping) the following were re-grouped to us this date. 13 O.R.s from 27th Bn. 18 O.R.s from 28th Bn. 1 Officer and 18 O.R.s from 29th Bn. 1 Officer and 55 O.R.s from 31st Bn. 1 Officer and 2 O.R.s from 2nd C.E Bgde. 6 O.R.s from 4th Cdn. Fld. Amb. 1 Officer and 1 O.R. from 4th C.I.B. 28 Battalion Training and Educational Classes were carried on as per Syllabus for 26th inst. 2 O.R.s returned from course in M.M. at 2nd Divl. M.T. Co’y. 1 O.R. from duty at Div. H.Q. Lt. A.J.R. Craig and 2 O.R.s on leave. 2 O.R.s arrived as reinforcements. 1 O.R. regrouped to 21st Bn. 29 Battalion Training and Educational Classes were carried on as per Syllabus for 26th inst. 1 O.R. attached to Div. Train was re-grouped to 21st Bn. 2 O.R.s to hospital. 3 O.R.s from leave. 1 O.R. returned from duty at Y.M.C.A. 1 O.R. returned from duty at 4th C.I.B. 1 O.R. from duty at Divl. Signal Co’y. 12 O.R.s from duty at Divl. Train. 30 As per O.O.D. 276 attached, Appendix No. 28, “A” & “B” Co’ys paraded at 08:45 hrs. and marched to AUVELIAS leaving there at 12:00 hrs. for LE HARVE. R.C.s attending service in the Parish Church at 09:30 hrs. “C” & “D” attended Church Parade at 09:30 hrs. There was a voluntary service at the Cinema at 19:00 hrs. led by Dr. Day of Toronto. 1 O.R. from leave. 1 O.R. from hospital. 31 “C” and “D” Companies and Battalion Headquarters formed up in the square in front of the Hotel de Ville at 08:45 hours in Full Marching Order and moved off at 09:00 hours to Auvelais where they entrained for Le Harve at 11:00 hours together with three companies of the 19th. Canadian Battalion. The train was made up of Box Cars and each car was equipped with a stove and sufficient straw to ensure the comfort of each man. The men were furnished with Blankets and everything possible was done to make comfortable the journey. The Y.M.C.A. provided free tea at the station and had cars allotted to their use as a canteen. They also provided games and sporting goods of all kinds for the use of the men during the stops of the train. Reading matter also was provided. The Corps and Divisional Commanders were at the station for a short period before the train left. The train pulled away from the station at 12:30 hours- the first stop was made at Mons at 18:00 hours, for supper and recreation. The day was ideal as to weather conditions and the first day of the return journey to Canada found everyone in the best of spirits. Syllabus for the day attached, appendix No. 29.

War Diary

Appendices

Maps

War Diary of the 18th Battalion: March 1919 Confidential War Diary of 18th CANADIAN BATTALION – 2nd CANADIAN DIVISION March 1, 1919 to 31 

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The 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade (4th C.I.B.) was engaged at Passchendaele in November 1917. Compared with some other Canadian Brigades and Battalions it was not as heavily engaged but the costs to the Brigade was high. The 2nd Canadian Infantry Brigade suffered a total of 1,268 casualties (killed in action and wounded) with 73 men taken prisoner over a four-day period spanning November 8 to 11, 1917. In contrast, the 4th C.I.B. was subject to a loss of personnel by all causes of 695 soldiers of all ranks between November 1 to 12, 1917, a span of thirteen days.

2nd Canadian Infantry Brigade Casualty Report

4th Canadian Infantry Brigade Casualty Report

Wounded Canadians on way to aid-post. Battle of Passchendaele. November, 1917. Source: LAC. Online MIKAN no. 3194341 (1 item).

The 18th Battalion War Diary combines its entries for November 9 through 12, 1917 in one large entry spanning two pages and starts its description of these days thusly: “During the whole of this Tour, the Offices and men held this part of the line under the most severe conditions possible.”

The 4th C.I.B. enumerated is casualties for the period in its War Diary and the results are replicated below:

Data replication by author of Appendix 5A. 4th C.I.B. War Diary. November 1917.

Below is a matrix summarizing the total casualties by category data:

Summary. Data replication by author of Appendix 5A. 4th C.I.B. War Diary. November 1917.

The comparative differences in the numbers of soldiers of the 4th C.I.B. shows the numbers killed, wounded, missing (mostly missing, presumed dead and not prisoners),  and gassed are apparent and the totals reflect the outcomes of the battalions most heavily engaged in the actions over those dates, the 19th and 21st Battalions. The 19th and the 21st Battalions was involved in repulsing a German attack on November 3, 1917 at 5:00 A.M. with the German attackers able to gain a foothold in the trenches of the 21st Battalion. The Battalion, with supporting units, counter-attacked and repulsed the attack with the German troops retiring. Later that morning, at 7:30 A.M., the 19th Battalion was again engaged in covering the left flank of an Australian Battalion.

On November 10, 1917, the 4th C.I.B. was involved in its own attack starting at Zero Hour at 6:05 A.M. and this engagement was successful and from the Brigade’s report on operations the engagement did not note any unusual casualty rates. It did note in its War Diary that this “Attack very successful.”

Yet, the two reports of the actions of the battalions of the 4th C.I.B. and the 18th Battalion war diary entries do no fully reflect the tempo of the action at Passchendaele. Fifty, or 86%, of the fifty-eight men of the 18th Battalion that died that month perished between November 9 and 12, 1917. The data above only shows that twenty-eight men were killed in action, with a balance of seventy-five being wounded. Clearly the “Corrected List of Casualties” is not correct and does not reflect the terrible cost of the Brigades involvement at Passchendaele.

The data is illustrative of the ratios of killed, wounded, gassed, and missing and help to give context and meaning to the events that the battalions of the 4th C.I.B. But the report on operations for the Brigade for November 12 and 13 expresses the outcome of the Brigade’s experiences at Passchendaele:

The behavior of the officers and men during the whole of these operations was of the highest standard. The conditions of the ground and the intensity of the enemy’s shelling created difficulties of [a] most severe character. The evacuation of the wounded was one of the hardest problems of the whole tour and only be the greatest devotion to duty by the stretcher bearer parties was the whole area cleared before being turned over to the relieving Brigade.

Source: 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade War Diary. November 1917. Appendix 6. Page 5.

Wounded Canadians on way to aid-post during the Battle of Passchendaele. Source: LAC. Online MIKAN no. 3397044 (1 item).

The Greatest Devotion to Duty: Casualties at Passchendaele The 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade (4th C.I.B.) was engaged at Passchendaele in November 1917. Compared with some other Canadian Brigades and Battalions it was not as heavily engaged but the costs to the Brigade was high.

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Confidential War Diary

of

18th CANADIAN BATTALION – 2nd CANADIAN DIVISION

FROM 1st August to 31st August 1917

Volume 24

With appendicis 6 – 13

Place Date Hour Summary of Events and Information Map reference, 36B Edition 6, 1/40,000.       BOVIGNY 1st. R.19.central. 1   18th. Canadian Battalion at BOVIGNY village in billets, the Brigade being in Divisional Reserve.

  Owing to heavy rain, the Battalion did no training to-day. 5 o.rs attached to Divisional Burial party.

BOVIGNY 1st. R.19.central. 2   No training carried out to-day owing to heavy rain.

  2 o.rs returned from hospital.

BOVIGNY 1st. R.19.central. 3   Heavy rain again prevented any training. Lieuts. M.R. Sloan, R.R. Hartry, J.N. Mowbray, and G.J. Spencer arrived as reinforcements. BOVIGNY 1st. R.19.central.

    Map Sheet 36c: See O.O. #B attached.

4   Battalion Pay parades. The G.O.C. 2nd. Canadian Division paid the Battalion a visit in the morning. Battalion proceeded to the line in the afternoon. The 4th. Canadian Infantry Brigade relieved the 6th. Canadian Infantry Brigade in the LAURENT sector.

  The 18th. Canadian Battalion relieved the 26th. Canadian Battalion in Brigade support (CITE ST PIERRE) M.16.b.55.25. No casualties going in and relief was completed at 11.05 p.m.

  Lieut. J.D. Parsons and 2 o.rs admitted to hospital (sick).

As yesterday 5   Quiet day for the Battalion.

  The Battalion furnished carrying parties of 350 men for carrying for Trench Mortar Batteries to their gun positions. Casualties numbering 1 o.r. killed[i] and 3 o.rs Wounded.

As yesterday 6   Battalion still furnishing Carrying parties for T.M. Bys.

  Nothing unusual to report.

  Major H.D. Dunnett returned from hospital.

As yesterday 7   Battalion again furnishing carrying parties for T.M. Bys. LAURENT SECTOR relief

  See O.O. (7) attached

8   18th Battalion relieved the 19th Canadian Battalion in the Right Sub-sector, the line was held by a series of outposts from M.18b.6.5, N13.a.8Q95. to N7b.15.20 and N.7.c.95.80. with H. Qrs at N.7.c.0.7.

  “B” coy in command of Capt. D.A.G. Parsons took the line of Outposts. “A” coy, in command of Lieut. J. McAmmond went in support at M.11.d and M.12.c.

  “C” and “D” coys remained in Brigade support. Relief was completed with anything unusual happening.

  Capt. G.H.F. Hodgins returned from course. 4 o.rs rejoined from hospital.

MAP Sheet 36 C. See O.O. (8) attached 9   In conjunction with the 20th and 21st Canadian Battalions the 18th Battalion raided the Enemy front line trenches.

  The whole raiding party was under the command of Lieut-Col. L.E. Jones, O.C. 18th Canadian Battalion. The frontage raided by the 18th Battalion was the German front line from N.13.b.1.4 to N.7.d.70.15.

  Zero hour for the raid was 4.15 a.m. Artillery support was very good.

  Although no prisoners were captured many casualties were inflicted upon the enemy, and very valuable information as regards to enemy trenches, wire and dug-outs was obtained.

  Our parties penetrated a distance of 100 yds into the German lines, our casualties being 4 o.r. Killed and 24 o.r. slightly wounded. All wounded were returned safely to our lines.

  The German barrage was very scattered. Our raiding party consisted of 35 men of “C” Coy under Lieut. H.[B]. Johnson and 65 men of “D” Coy under Lieut. D. Northcombe and Lieut. G.J. Spencer.

  Lieut. Spencer and 7 o.rs., one of whom was wounded, were unable to get back to our lines owing to daylight, remained in a demolished cellar throughout the day. Lieut. Spencer and one man found their way in, in the early part of the night and assisted by Lieut. T.R. Dougall they searched the whole area during the night but were unable to re-located the cellar in which the remaining 5 o.rs were.

  Upon the return of Lieut. Dougall and party a report came from the 4th Brigade H.Qrs that these missing men came in and hard reported to another Regimental Aid post.

Night of 9/10   The 4th Brigade was relieved in the LAURENT sector by the 6th Brigade. “A” & “B” coys were relieved by the 27th. Canadian Battalion, and “C” & “D” coys, in Brigade support, were relieved by the 31st. Canadian Battalion. Relief was completed at 3.30 a.m.

  The Battalion moved to billets at BOVIGNY village and the 4th. Brigade came into Divisional reserve.

  On roll-call at BOVIGNY village it was found that the 5 men who had been left in NO MAN’S LAND had not returned as reported by the Brigade, so a party under LIEUT. DOUGALL again went up to search for them.

  The party found the cellar in which these men had been but the men were not there. On returning, the search party reported at the Right Coy H. Qrs of the 27th Canadian Battalion where the missing men were located, having found their own way in. Total casualties as above stated.

  Nothing to report today.

BOVIGNY village 11   Battalion resting and having Bathing parades.

  Lieut. J. McAmmond proceeded on Leave.

BOVIGNY village 12   Battalion resting and having Clothing parades.

  Lieut. J.H. Warburton arrived as reinforcement.

BOVIGNY village 13   Church parade postponed yesterday was held to-day. Capt. C.G. Lawrence our new Chaplain, officiating.

  Lieuts. W. Hampton[ii], H.C. Duff and G.N. Tucker arrived as reinforcements. Lieut. D.M. Northcombe and 6 o.rs admitted to hospital (sick)

Night of

  Front Line

  Relief MAP Sheet 36 C.

See O.O. 9 attached.

13/14   The 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade relieved part of the 6th Canadian Infantry Brigade and took over their frontage.

  The 18th Battalion, less “A” and “B” coys, relieved part of the 27th Battalion and took a line of outposts from M.18.b.6.5 to N.7.d.15.20. Battalion H.Qrs were at N.7.c.0.[7]. Relief was complete at 2.30 a.m.

  Code word upon completion being “Your 144 received at…”

Outposts Line 14   Enemy artillery showed no unusual activity during to-day. 20 o.rs arrived as reinforcements. 6 o.rs attached to 4th T.M. By. Night of 14/15   “C” and “D” Coys moved into their assembly positions along the outpost line. “A” & “B” Coys came into support. “A” coy with one platoon at N.7.c.1.4. and two platoons at approximately M.12.b.3.0.

  At 4.25 a.m. the 18th Battalion in conjunction with other Units of the 1st, and 2nd Canadian Divisions attacked the enemy lines from N.13.a.9.6. to N.7.70.15. the object being to capture and consolidate the enemy support line (CHICORY TRENCH) from N.14.a.05.55. to N.13.b.60.0. thence Westerly to N.13.b.05.35. The attack was entirely successful and 26 minutes after zero hour (4.25 a.m.) we occupied our objectives, capturing some 65 prisoners (165 P.I.R.).

  Lieuts. C.H. Biscoe and L.A. Bissell being wounded just as we reached the enemy front lines.

  On the right by arrangement with the 21st Canadian Battalion we held CHICORY TRENCH up to N.14.c.15.65. and on the left pushed our posts forward to N.13.b.0.15. and controlled the railway cutting. Consolidation was rapidly proceeded with. At. 2.30 p.m. the enemy made a very strong bombing attack on the left of our Battalion and the right of the 21st Battalion and succeeded in entering a portion of our newly won trenches. During this enemy counter attack Lieut. A.A. McLean was killed. He had gathered a few men together and was leading up the LENS-BETHUNE road to give what assistance he could and was shot by an enemy sniper and instantly killed.

  15   As soon as the attack had gone forward, Lieut. T.R. Dougall and some men of the Scout Section started forward to make a reconnaissance patrol and to exploit success, they were held up for an hour by an enemy plane firing on them from immediately overhead. When the patrol reached the captured enemy position, it went forward approximately 300 yds from our newly won position.

  Lieut. DOUGALL returned with some valuable information as to the enemy position and defences, as well as a complete Minewerfer [minenwerfer] crew of 20 men as prisoners.

  Three platoons of the support Coys were sent up to reinforce “D” Coy. Lieut. J.M. Fisher with great judgement and coolness, prepared his counter attack in conjunction with the 21st Battalion.

  The counter attack was launched at 5 p.m. with the assistance of the artillery and the lost trenches were easily regained. 10 prisoners were captured.

  A/Capt. M. Dunsford.

  This officer very gallantly led his men to the attack, and, although severely wounded shortly after entering the enemy front line trenches, he continued to encourage his men by his personal example. By his intimate knowledge of the situation he was able, although incapacitated himself, to direct his men until the objective was reached, refusing to be carried out until the more serious cases had been evacuated.

  Lieut. G.G. Brachin  [Brackin] arrived as reinforcement.

Night of 15th   Upon Captain Dunsford being wounded, Lieut. H.B. Johnson took over command of the company. At night there were not attacks or counter-attacks, but enemy artillery was exceptionally heavy on all parts of our sector.   16   About noon Lieut. Dougall, L.Sgt. C.E. Routley and 19 o.rs crossed the railway cutting at N.13.b.2.2 and went forward along COTTON TRENCH to N.13.b.5.0 where there were fired upon from ALOOF TRENCH and they could see that ALOOF trench was heavily held by the enemy. Turing about they went Westward along COTTON trench to N.13.c.70.95 where they again encountered an enemy party from the South, turning about again they found that an enemy party from ALOOF trench had followed them and they were practically surrounded.

  Lieut. Dougall then sent up his artillery signals and under cover of this fire succeeded in returning to our lines with only one casualty. There was no unusual activity during the remainder of the day.

Evening 16th   The 18th Battalion was ordered to attack the enemy trenches between the LENS-GRENAY Railway and LENS-ST PIERRE Railway in conjunction with the 4th Canadian Division, the Objective being ALOOF TRENCH and thence to connect this trench to CHICORY TRENCH on the left. Two platoons of “A” coy where detailed for this attack, with one platoon of “B” coy in support, as this part of the font had not been reconnoitered except by Lieut. Dougall, a reconnoitering patrol consisting of Lieuts. Dougall, MacDonald, and Sloan, and 4 N.C.Os, where sent out to gain knowledge of Jumping Off point. They covered all the ground necessary.

  On their way back a bomb was thrown into the party which killed Lieut. MacDonald and wounded Lieut. Sloan[iii].

  On Lieut. Dougall’s report regarding the conditions of the ground it was decided to vary the attack, to push across the Railway cutting from the trenches at N.12.b.0.15 and N.13.b.2.2 immediately [after] the artillery barrage lifted.

  The later plan was sanctioned by the Brigade, Zero hour was set for 4.35 a.m.

  17   In the early hours of the morning the assaulting platoons were taken forward and it was while giving assistance to the Officers in the placing of their men, Lieut. DOUGALL was mortally wounded by an enemy 5.9 shell. However the attack went forward at the proper time, and occupied COTTON TRENCH from N.13.c.95.90 – N.13.central and N.13.b.4.1 but owing to heavy shell fire and the withdrawal of  troops on our right, a certain amount of disorganization followed.

  At 5 a.m. Capt. J.S. Bell, Adjt, went forward and succeeded in re-organizing the parties and established posts at N.13.c.85.80 – N.13.c.95.90 – N.13.central and N.13.b.4.1. and AMULET TRENCH was found to be untenable.

  He sent up further supplies of bombs and left Capt. D.A.G. PARSONS in charge. The position was completely secured by 7.30 a.m.. While this operation was in progress, Lieut. W.H. Fenton and a small party went out of our post at N.13.b.60.35 and entered the Railway cutting and searched the houses in the vincinity in the front of our lines. He found that the enemy were working very diligently and building ALOOF TRENCH to the left, to connect with CINNIBAR TRENCH. This was reported to the artillery, who took action.

  During the day enemy artillery kept up its usual fire on our trenches. From 2 to 4 p.m. our forward posts reported the enemy assembling in houses on either side of the LENS-BETHUNE road from N.13.b.9.2 to Crossroads N.14.c.4.8 and in CHICORY trench.

  This was reported to our Artillery who took very effective action. At 4.00 p.m. a small part of the enemy estimated at 15 men, attempted to raid our posts at N.13.b.65.40 but were driven off without casualties to us. The remainder of the day and evening was fairly quiet. Lieut. H.E.F. Ralph admitted to hospital, sick.

  18   At 12.00 midnight 17th-18th, a heavy enemy barrage opened on the whole Brigade front. Our Artillery replied immediately to an S.O.S. call from our left. No enemy attack was delivered on our front, although some grenades were thrown.

  At 2.00 a.m. a similar occurrence happened. It is quite certain that the enemy intended to attack both of these times but his formations were broken up by our Artillery.

  At 4.15 a.m. the enemy again opened a heavy barrage on the whole brigade front and succeeded in pushing forward some men into the front trenches on the left of the Brigade, these being immediately ejected.

  No attack occurred on our immediate front. During the day, nothing of importance occurred beyond the usual desultory shelling.

Night 18th/19th   The 18th Battalion was relieved by the 50th Canadian Battalion taking over the frontage from the LENS-GRENAY Railway to the LENS-BETHUNE Road, and the 27th Canadian Battalion from LENS-BETHUNE Road to our left boundary.

  The relief was completed at 3.45 a.m. and the Battalion proceeded to billets at BULLY-GRENAY, the Brigade being in Divisional Reserve.

  23 o.rs arrived as reinforcements, 8 o.rs returned from hospital.

BULLY-GRENAY. 19   The Battalion resting today and having bathing parades.

  LIEUT. T.R. DOUGALL Died of Wounds at No. 6 C.C.S. Barlin, and was buried at the Military Cemetery there. His courage and energy had been a source of pride in the Battalion and his work had been of the greatest value, not only to the Battalion, but also to Brigade and Division.

  4 O.R’s admitted to hospital, sick.

  20   No work carried out as Battalion was resting after a strenuous tour. 28 O.Rs arrived as reinforcements and 10 O.Rs returned from hospital. MOVE

See O.O. #11 attached

21 9.30 The Battalion left BULLY-GRENAY at9.30 a.m. and proceeded to BOUVIGNY HUTS going in Corps Reserve. On the road “D”coy sustained 52 casualties, 23 of which were fatal, by the bursting of an enemy shell (high velocity). This bringing our casualties to approximately 220 during the tour.

  Lieut. W. Hampton and 4 O.Rs admitted to hospital.

      Map Reference Sheet 36b. Edition 6, 1/40,000

See O.O. #12 attached.

MOVE 22   The Battalion moved to LE PENDU HUTS at W.30.b.central, near VILLERS AU BOIS. Lieut. V.M. Eastwood proceeded on leave. LE PENDU HUTS 23   Company and platoon inspections. Specialist training, as Lewis gunners, Bombers and Rifle-grenadiers. In the afternoon recreational gams as Football, Baseball etc.

  Lieut. D.R. Oliver arrived as reinforcement.

LE PENDU HUTS 24 a.m.

    p.m.

Company inspections of rifles and equipment. Close Order drill and specialist training.

  Recreational games. 19 O.Rs rejoined the Battalion from C.E. fatigue.

LE PENDU HUTS 25 a.m.

    p.m.

“A” coy proceeded to Rifle ranges at MAISNAL BOUCHES for musketry.

  “B” & “C” coys went to the ranges.

  5 O.Rs returned from hospital.

LE PENDU HUTS

  Syllabus #13 attached

26 10 a.m.

  p.m.

Brigade parade for Divine Service. “D” coy and H.Q. Units to ranges for Musketry.

  Recreational games.

  3 O.Rs admitted to hospital (sick).

LE PENDU HUTS 27   The Battalion together with the rest of the 4th Brigade was inspected by Field Marshall Sir Douglas Haig K.T., G.C.B., G.C.V.O., K.C.I.E., Commander and Chief of British Armies in France, who warmly complimented the Battalion both on its good work in the recent operation and its appearance on parade.

  3 O.Rs admitted to hospital (sick).

LE PENDU HUTS 28 a.m.

  p.m.

Company parades and instruction of Specialists.

  Recreational games.

  4 O.Rs returned from hospital.

LE PENDU HUTS 29 a.m.

    p.m.

Specialized training of Bombers, Lewis gunners, and Rifle grenadiers.

  Recreational games.

  Lieut. J.H. Warburton attached to 4th Trench Mortar By.

LE PENDU HUTS 30 a.m.

    3.30 p.m.

Company inspections and training of Specialists. Recreational games in the afternoon.

  A conference of all Officers of the 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade was held a Brigade H.Qrs to discuss recent operations.

  7 O.Rs reported to hospital (sick).

LE PENDU HUTS 31 a.m.

    1.30 p.m.

Company Parades and Training per syllabus attached.

  Battalion moved from LE PENDU HUTS to VILLERS HUTS.

  A/Capt. T.H.O. Rayward and Lieut’s R.C. Sheridan, J. Morgan, J.C. Spence arrived as reinforcements.

  96 O.Rs arrived as reinforcements.

  [i] Private A.E. Rennie, reg. no. 643994.

[ii] Lieutenant William Hampton was an original member of the 18th Battalion, attesting at Galt [now Cambridge], Ontario on October 25, 1914 with a regimental number of 53923. He was promoted through the ranks to Corporal and then assigned to officers training at Bexhill.

[iii] The death of Lieutenant MacDonald and the wounding of Lieutenant Sloan was due to friendly action. A soldier of “C” Company threw a grenade which resulted in this. This appears to be the first document case of friendly fire in the War Diary’s documentation. Source: “Summary Report of Hill 70 Action August 14 to 18, 1917”. 18th Battalion Canadian War Diary. August 1917.

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War Diary of the 18th Battalion: August 1917 Confidential War Diary of 18th CANADIAN BATTALION - 2nd CANADIAN DIVISION FROM 1st August to 31st August 1917…

[k2kid]

Confidential War Diary

of

18th CANADIAN BATTALION – 2nd CANADIAN DIVISION

FROM 1st August to 31st August 1917

Volume 24

With appendicis 6 – 13

Place Date Hour Summary of Events and Information Map reference, 36B Edition 6, 1/40,000.       BOVIGNY 1st. R.19.central. 1   18th. Canadian Battalion at BOVIGNY village in billets, the Brigade being in Divisional Reserve.

  Owing to heavy rain, the Battalion did no training to-day. 5 o.rs attached to Divisional Burial party.

BOVIGNY 1st. R.19.central. 2   No training carried out to-day owing to heavy rain.

  2 o.rs returned from hospital.

BOVIGNY 1st. R.19.central. 3   Heavy rain again prevented any training. Lieuts. M.R. Sloan, R.R. Hartry, J.N. Mowbray, and G.J. Spencer arrived as reinforcements. BOVIGNY 1st. R.19.central.

    Map Sheet 36c: See O.O. #B attached.

4   Battalion Pay parades. The G.O.C. 2nd. Canadian Division paid the Battalion a visit in the morning. Battalion proceeded to the line in the afternoon. The 4th. Canadian Infantry Brigade relieved the 6th. Canadian Infantry Brigade in the LAURENT sector.

  The 18th. Canadian Battalion relieved the 26th. Canadian Battalion in Brigade support (CITE ST PIERRE) M.16.b.55.25. No casualties going in and relief was completed at 11.05 p.m.

  Lieut. J.D. Parsons and 2 o.rs admitted to hospital (sick).

As yesterday 5   Quiet day for the Battalion.

  The Battalion furnished carrying parties of 350 men for carrying for Trench Mortar Batteries to their gun positions. Casualties numbering 1 o.r. killed[i] and 3 o.rs Wounded.

As yesterday 6   Battalion still furnishing Carrying parties for T.M. Bys.

  Nothing unusual to report.

  Major H.D. Dunnett returned from hospital.

As yesterday 7   Battalion again furnishing carrying parties for T.M. Bys. LAURENT SECTOR relief

  See O.O. (7) attached

8   18th Battalion relieved the 19th Canadian Battalion in the Right Sub-sector, the line was held by a series of outposts from M.18b.6.5, N13.a.8Q95. to N7b.15.20 and N.7.c.95.80. with H. Qrs at N.7.c.0.7.

  “B” coy in command of Capt. D.A.G. Parsons took the line of Outposts. “A” coy, in command of Lieut. J. McAmmond went in support at M.11.d and M.12.c.

  “C” and “D” coys remained in Brigade support. Relief was completed with anything unusual happening.

  Capt. G.H.F. Hodgins returned from course. 4 o.rs rejoined from hospital.

MAP Sheet 36 C. See O.O. (8) attached 9   In conjunction with the 20th and 21st Canadian Battalions the 18th Battalion raided the Enemy front line trenches.

  The whole raiding party was under the command of Lieut-Col. L.E. Jones, O.C. 18th Canadian Battalion. The frontage raided by the 18th Battalion was the German front line from N.13.b.1.4 to N.7.d.70.15.

  Zero hour for the raid was 4.15 a.m. Artillery support was very good.

  Although no prisoners were captured many casualties were inflicted upon the enemy, and very valuable information as regards to enemy trenches, wire and dug-outs was obtained.

  Our parties penetrated a distance of 100 yds into the German lines, our casualties being 4 o.r. Killed and 24 o.r. slightly wounded. All wounded were returned safely to our lines.

  The German barrage was very scattered. Our raiding party consisted of 35 men of “C” Coy under Lieut. H.[B]. Johnson and 65 men of “D” Coy under Lieut. D. Northcombe and Lieut. G.J. Spencer.

  Lieut. Spencer and 7 o.rs., one of whom was wounded, were unable to get back to our lines owing to daylight, remained in a demolished cellar throughout the day. Lieut. Spencer and one man found their way in, in the early part of the night and assisted by Lieut. T.R. Dougall they searched the whole area during the night but were unable to re-located the cellar in which the remaining 5 o.rs were.

  Upon the return of Lieut. Dougall and party a report came from the 4th Brigade H.Qrs that these missing men came in and hard reported to another Regimental Aid post.

Night of 9/10   The 4th Brigade was relieved in the LAURENT sector by the 6th Brigade. “A” & “B” coys were relieved by the 27th. Canadian Battalion, and “C” & “D” coys, in Brigade support, were relieved by the 31st. Canadian Battalion. Relief was completed at 3.30 a.m.

  The Battalion moved to billets at BOVIGNY village and the 4th. Brigade came into Divisional reserve.

  On roll-call at BOVIGNY village it was found that the 5 men who had been left in NO MAN’S LAND had not returned as reported by the Brigade, so a party under LIEUT. DOUGALL again went up to search for them.

  The party found the cellar in which these men had been but the men were not there. On returning, the search party reported at the Right Coy H. Qrs of the 27th Canadian Battalion where the missing men were located, having found their own way in. Total casualties as above stated.

  Nothing to report today.

BOVIGNY village 11   Battalion resting and having Bathing parades.

  Lieut. J. McAmmond proceeded on Leave.

BOVIGNY village 12   Battalion resting and having Clothing parades.

  Lieut. J.H. Warburton arrived as reinforcement.

BOVIGNY village 13   Church parade postponed yesterday was held to-day. Capt. C.G. Lawrence our new Chaplain, officiating.

  Lieuts. W. Hampton[ii], H.C. Duff and G.N. Tucker arrived as reinforcements. Lieut. D.M. Northcombe and 6 o.rs admitted to hospital (sick)

Night of

  Front Line

  Relief MAP Sheet 36 C.

See O.O. 9 attached.

13/14   The 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade relieved part of the 6th Canadian Infantry Brigade and took over their frontage.

  The 18th Battalion, less “A” and “B” coys, relieved part of the 27th Battalion and took a line of outposts from M.18.b.6.5 to N.7.d.15.20. Battalion H.Qrs were at N.7.c.0.[7]. Relief was complete at 2.30 a.m.

  Code word upon completion being “Your 144 received at…”

Outposts Line 14   Enemy artillery showed no unusual activity during to-day. 20 o.rs arrived as reinforcements. 6 o.rs attached to 4th T.M. By. Night of 14/15   “C” and “D” Coys moved into their assembly positions along the outpost line. “A” & “B” Coys came into support. “A” coy with one platoon at N.7.c.1.4. and two platoons at approximately M.12.b.3.0.

  At 4.25 a.m. the 18th Battalion in conjunction with other Units of the 1st, and 2nd Canadian Divisions attacked the enemy lines from N.13.a.9.6. to N.7.70.15. the object being to capture and consolidate the enemy support line (CHICORY TRENCH) from N.14.a.05.55. to N.13.b.60.0. thence Westerly to N.13.b.05.35. The attack was entirely successful and 26 minutes after zero hour (4.25 a.m.) we occupied our objectives, capturing some 65 prisoners (165 P.I.R.).

  Lieuts. C.H. Biscoe and L.A. Bissell being wounded just as we reached the enemy front lines.

  On the right by arrangement with the 21st Canadian Battalion we held CHICORY TRENCH up to N.14.c.15.65. and on the left pushed our posts forward to N.13.b.0.15. and controlled the railway cutting. Consolidation was rapidly proceeded with. At. 2.30 p.m. the enemy made a very strong bombing attack on the left of our Battalion and the right of the 21st Battalion and succeeded in entering a portion of our newly won trenches. During this enemy counter attack Lieut. A.A. McLean was killed. He had gathered a few men together and was leading up the LENS-BETHUNE road to give what assistance he could and was shot by an enemy sniper and instantly killed.

  15   As soon as the attack had gone forward, Lieut. T.R. Dougall and some men of the Scout Section started forward to make a reconnaissance patrol and to exploit success, they were held up for an hour by an enemy plane firing on them from immediately overhead. When the patrol reached the captured enemy position, it went forward approximately 300 yds from our newly won position.

  Lieut. DOUGALL returned with some valuable information as to the enemy position and defences, as well as a complete Minewerfer [minenwerfer] crew of 20 men as prisoners.

  Three platoons of the support Coys were sent up to reinforce “D” Coy. Lieut. J.M. Fisher with great judgement and coolness, prepared his counter attack in conjunction with the 21st Battalion.

  The counter attack was launched at 5 p.m. with the assistance of the artillery and the lost trenches were easily regained. 10 prisoners were captured.

  A/Capt. M. Dunsford.

  This officer very gallantly led his men to the attack, and, although severely wounded shortly after entering the enemy front line trenches, he continued to encourage his men by his personal example. By his intimate knowledge of the situation he was able, although incapacitated himself, to direct his men until the objective was reached, refusing to be carried out until the more serious cases had been evacuated.

  Lieut. G.G. Brachin  [Brackin] arrived as reinforcement.

Night of 15th   Upon Captain Dunsford being wounded, Lieut. H.B. Johnson took over command of the company. At night there were not attacks or counter-attacks, but enemy artillery was exceptionally heavy on all parts of our sector.   16   About noon Lieut. Dougall, L.Sgt. C.E. Routley and 19 o.rs crossed the railway cutting at N.13.b.2.2 and went forward along COTTON TRENCH to N.13.b.5.0 where there were fired upon from ALOOF TRENCH and they could see that ALOOF trench was heavily held by the enemy. Turing about they went Westward along COTTON trench to N.13.c.70.95 where they again encountered an enemy party from the South, turning about again they found that an enemy party from ALOOF trench had followed them and they were practically surrounded.

  Lieut. Dougall then sent up his artillery signals and under cover of this fire succeeded in returning to our lines with only one casualty. There was no unusual activity during the remainder of the day.

Evening 16th   The 18th Battalion was ordered to attack the enemy trenches between the LENS-GRENAY Railway and LENS-ST PIERRE Railway in conjunction with the 4th Canadian Division, the Objective being ALOOF TRENCH and thence to connect this trench to CHICORY TRENCH on the left. Two platoons of “A” coy where detailed for this attack, with one platoon of “B” coy in support, as this part of the font had not been reconnoitered except by Lieut. Dougall, a reconnoitering patrol consisting of Lieuts. Dougall, MacDonald, and Sloan, and 4 N.C.Os, where sent out to gain knowledge of Jumping Off point. They covered all the ground necessary.

  On their way back a bomb was thrown into the party which killed Lieut. MacDonald and wounded Lieut. Sloan[iii].

  On Lieut. Dougall’s report regarding the conditions of the ground it was decided to vary the attack, to push across the Railway cutting from the trenches at N.12.b.0.15 and N.13.b.2.2 immediately [after] the artillery barrage lifted.

  The later plan was sanctioned by the Brigade, Zero hour was set for 4.35 a.m.

  17   In the early hours of the morning the assaulting platoons were taken forward and it was while giving assistance to the Officers in the placing of their men, Lieut. DOUGALL was mortally wounded by an enemy 5.9 shell. However the attack went forward at the proper time, and occupied COTTON TRENCH from N.13.c.95.90 – N.13.central and N.13.b.4.1 but owing to heavy shell fire and the withdrawal of  troops on our right, a certain amount of disorganization followed.

  At 5 a.m. Capt. J.S. Bell, Adjt, went forward and succeeded in re-organizing the parties and established posts at N.13.c.85.80 – N.13.c.95.90 – N.13.central and N.13.b.4.1. and AMULET TRENCH was found to be untenable.

  He sent up further supplies of bombs and left Capt. D.A.G. PARSONS in charge. The position was completely secured by 7.30 a.m.. While this operation was in progress, Lieut. W.H. Fenton and a small party went out of our post at N.13.b.60.35 and entered the Railway cutting and searched the houses in the vincinity in the front of our lines. He found that the enemy were working very diligently and building ALOOF TRENCH to the left, to connect with CINNIBAR TRENCH. This was reported to the artillery, who took action.

  During the day enemy artillery kept up its usual fire on our trenches. From 2 to 4 p.m. our forward posts reported the enemy assembling in houses on either side of the LENS-BETHUNE road from N.13.b.9.2 to Crossroads N.14.c.4.8 and in CHICORY trench.

  This was reported to our Artillery who took very effective action. At 4.00 p.m. a small part of the enemy estimated at 15 men, attempted to raid our posts at N.13.b.65.40 but were driven off without casualties to us. The remainder of the day and evening was fairly quiet. Lieut. H.E.F. Ralph admitted to hospital, sick.

  18   At 12.00 midnight 17th-18th, a heavy enemy barrage opened on the whole Brigade front. Our Artillery replied immediately to an S.O.S. call from our left. No enemy attack was delivered on our front, although some grenades were thrown.

  At 2.00 a.m. a similar occurrence happened. It is quite certain that the enemy intended to attack both of these times but his formations were broken up by our Artillery.

  At 4.15 a.m. the enemy again opened a heavy barrage on the whole brigade front and succeeded in pushing forward some men into the front trenches on the left of the Brigade, these being immediately ejected.

  No attack occurred on our immediate front. During the day, nothing of importance occurred beyond the usual desultory shelling.

Night 18th/19th   The 18th Battalion was relieved by the 50th Canadian Battalion taking over the frontage from the LENS-GRENAY Railway to the LENS-BETHUNE Road, and the 27th Canadian Battalion from LENS-BETHUNE Road to our left boundary.

  The relief was completed at 3.45 a.m. and the Battalion proceeded to billets at BULLY-GRENAY, the Brigade being in Divisional Reserve.

  23 o.rs arrived as reinforcements, 8 o.rs returned from hospital.

BULLY-GRENAY. 19   The Battalion resting today and having bathing parades.

  LIEUT. T.R. DOUGALL Died of Wounds at No. 6 C.C.S. Barlin, and was buried at the Military Cemetery there. His courage and energy had been a source of pride in the Battalion and his work had been of the greatest value, not only to the Battalion, but also to Brigade and Division.

  4 O.R’s admitted to hospital, sick.

  20   No work carried out as Battalion was resting after a strenuous tour. 28 O.Rs arrived as reinforcements and 10 O.Rs returned from hospital. MOVE

See O.O. #11 attached

21 9.30 The Battalion left BULLY-GRENAY at9.30 a.m. and proceeded to BOUVIGNY HUTS going in Corps Reserve. On the road “D”coy sustained 52 casualties, 23 of which were fatal, by the bursting of an enemy shell (high velocity). This bringing our casualties to approximately 220 during the tour.

  Lieut. W. Hampton and 4 O.Rs admitted to hospital.

      Map Reference Sheet 36b. Edition 6, 1/40,000

See O.O. #12 attached.

MOVE 22   The Battalion moved to LE PENDU HUTS at W.30.b.central, near VILLERS AU BOIS. Lieut. V.M. Eastwood proceeded on leave. LE PENDU HUTS 23   Company and platoon inspections. Specialist training, as Lewis gunners, Bombers and Rifle-grenadiers. In the afternoon recreational gams as Football, Baseball etc.

  Lieut. D.R. Oliver arrived as reinforcement.

LE PENDU HUTS 24 a.m.

    p.m.

Company inspections of rifles and equipment. Close Order drill and specialist training.

  Recreational games. 19 O.Rs rejoined the Battalion from C.E. fatigue.

LE PENDU HUTS 25 a.m.

    p.m.

“A” coy proceeded to Rifle ranges at MAISNAL BOUCHES for musketry.

  “B” & “C” coys went to the ranges.

  5 O.Rs returned from hospital.

LE PENDU HUTS

  Syllabus #13 attached

26 10 a.m.

  p.m.

Brigade parade for Divine Service. “D” coy and H.Q. Units to ranges for Musketry.

  Recreational games.

  3 O.Rs admitted to hospital (sick).

LE PENDU HUTS 27   The Battalion together with the rest of the 4th Brigade was inspected by Field Marshall Sir Douglas Haig K.T., G.C.B., G.C.V.O., K.C.I.E., Commander and Chief of British Armies in France, who warmly complimented the Battalion both on its good work in the recent operation and its appearance on parade.

  3 O.Rs admitted to hospital (sick).

LE PENDU HUTS 28 a.m.

  p.m.

Company parades and instruction of Specialists.

  Recreational games.

  4 O.Rs returned from hospital.

LE PENDU HUTS 29 a.m.

    p.m.

Specialized training of Bombers, Lewis gunners, and Rifle grenadiers.

  Recreational games.

  Lieut. J.H. Warburton attached to 4th Trench Mortar By.

LE PENDU HUTS 30 a.m.

    3.30 p.m.

Company inspections and training of Specialists. Recreational games in the afternoon.

  A conference of all Officers of the 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade was held a Brigade H.Qrs to discuss recent operations.

  7 O.Rs reported to hospital (sick).

LE PENDU HUTS 31 a.m.

    1.30 p.m.

Company Parades and Training per syllabus attached.

  Battalion moved from LE PENDU HUTS to VILLERS HUTS.

  A/Capt. T.H.O. Rayward and Lieut’s R.C. Sheridan, J. Morgan, J.C. Spence arrived as reinforcements.

  96 O.Rs arrived as reinforcements.

  [i] Private A.E. Rennie, reg. no. 643994.

[ii] Lieutenant William Hampton was an original member of the 18th Battalion, attesting at Galt [now Cambridge], Ontario on October 25, 1914 with a regimental number of 53923. He was promoted through the ranks to Corporal and then assigned to officers training at Bexhill.

[iii] The death of Lieutenant MacDonald and the wounding of Lieutenant Sloan was due to friendly action. A soldier of “C” Company threw a grenade which resulted in this. This appears to be the first document case of friendly fire in the War Diary’s documentation. Source: “Summary Report of Hill 70 Action August 14 to 18, 1917”. 18th Battalion Canadian War Diary. August 1917.

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War Diary of the 18th Battalion: August 1917 Confidential War Diary of 18th CANADIAN BATTALION - 2nd CANADIAN DIVISION FROM 1st August to 31st August 1917…

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“Sports Days” were an integral part of British and Canadian Military life. In every area of operation, be it Flanders, Salonika, or Mesopotamia. For the Canadian troops, Sports Days were times of recreation and competition – a break from soldiering. Yet, the popularity of the Sports Days had a decidedly military purpose. They helped foster and maintain a competitive inter-unit rivalry which increased the feelings of identity and bond between the soldiers of the battalion in which they belonged. This was to extend to the Brigade, Divisional, and Corps level.

It would be interesting to note the differences of attitudes of the soldiers of the Canadian Expeditionary Forces from before and after the Vimy Battle and campaign during April 1917. The 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade had a chance to experience this shortly after the battle. The Sports Days were extremely popular. Contemporary images (see later in post) show the events lined with troops packed tightly together cheering on the participants. The scheduling of the events with very short intervals or delays between each event would serve to maintain the momentum of the event.

The 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade, comprising of the 4th Canadian Trench Mortar Company, 4th Canadian Machine Gun Company, 18th, 19th, 20th, and 21st Battalions had acquitted itself well from its arrival in the Ypres Sector of Belgium through its baptism of fire in the battle of St. Eloi Craters. From this sector, the 4th C.I.B. moved to the meatgrinder of the Somme and was engaged in some horrific fighting, resulting in many casualties. As each patrol, bombardment, raid, and attack occurred more of the “original” men of the initial draft were replaced due to death, wounding, illness, and re-assignment. By the time of the Brigade’s (and Canadian Corps) involvement at Vimy in the Arras Sector, the battalions were a mix of men from the original drafts from Spring 1915 and subsequent replacement drafts from battalions formed in Canada and broken up for reinforcement. The battalions of the 4th C.I.B. soldiered and slogged on in the Vimy Sector through the winter of 1917 until the attack in April 9, 1917 on Vimy where they, and the Canadian Corps, acquitted themselves in such a manner as to become part of the Canadian experience and historical iconography that is still argued about today. Whether one believes in the “nation building” outcome from the Vimy battle, or not, the soldiers on the ground had no such point of reference. They were living history, not examining it a century later.

They were assigned, followed orders, feared death, wished for their rum ration and for a myriad of other comforts and hardships to happen and not happen to them. The constant noise of combat, personal and military interactions, and other aspects of military life that we, now, would think as privations, were taken in a matter of course, to be borne until the end of the war, or their lives, whichever may come first.

We would wonder how they felt when the news went down the line that the battalions of the 4th C.I.B. were being pulled off the line for a months training. A chance to get dirty and dusty and be able to be clean soon after, instead of waiting their four to six-day rotation in the front line to go back to brigade reserve to have a bath and get clean clothes. The month of June was upon them and the 4th C.I.B. War Diary relates on several days that the weather was “fine and warm”.

With the Battalions and other support units billeted back from the line, most probably well within earshot of the artillery shelling, the units were disposed in “rest” at the following locations:

Brigade Headquarters and the 18th Battalion at Barlin,

19th Battalion at Vedrel,

20th, 21st Battalions, and the 4th Trench Mortar Company at Coupigny Huts,

And, lastly, the 4th Canadian Machine Gun Company at Gouy Servins.

The units of the 4th C.I.B. had Pay, Church, and Clothing Parades and each unit had a highly-organized training syllabus created outlining, in detail, the training programme through the next three weeks. The orders also understood that the men would need some free time and allowed the soldiers to visit estaminets from 12:00 p.m. to 2:00 p.m. and 6:00 p.m. to 8:00 p.m. with the following admonition: “Any man found in Estaminets [bar/café] other than at above hours is to be severely dealt with.”

The battalions were also warned off damaging crops and in the procurement of private billets and to be on the look out for flagged cars, which indicated a General Officer was riding in it so that they would show proper honours to the occupants of that car. Further expectations were also outlined as to proper military dress, the wearing of helmets and the saluting of the Guard for flagged cars. The battalions may be in the rear resting and training, but there was no doubt that they must maintain military bearing and comportment while in the rear area.

Such nagging details of military life and discipline encroached on every aspect of a soldiers’ life and the maintenance of such order and obedience was a constant concern for the military authorities. On June 9th, 1917, the 19th Battalion orders had two items that illustrate this:

Order 2

It has come to my notice that many men use the satchel of the Small Box Respirator for carrying brushes, combs, knives, forks, note-books, tins of polish, and similar articles.

The practice of caring in these satchels any articles other than those issued as part of the Small Box Respirator Outfit is strictly forbidden, as it exposed the troops to grave danger during gas attacks, through injury to the mask or by interfering with its rapid adjustment to the face.

Attention will be given to this point at all inspections of anti-gas appliances, and instances of failure to comply with this order will be severely dealt with.”

Order 5

The Regimental Police report that the orders regarding dress are not being carried out, and that men are walking about the streets without belts and respirators, also some without putties. Unless the orders regarding Dress are strictly obeyed severe disciplinary action will be taken, which will affect present daily half holiday.

The training was intensive and full of activity. A soldier’s day started at 5:30 a.m. with reveille and ended at “Lights Out” at 9:54 p.m. Each day had an intensive morning session of training for four hours (with an additional hour of physical training) that ended with “dinner”. After an hour and half break, two more hours of training ended at 4:00 p.m. Supper was served at 4:30 p.m. which left almost four hours for other activities, such as visiting Estaminets and other establishments in search of recreation.

Outside of these activities the normal thread of human activity and enterprise occurred, reinforcing an odd normalcy to the month that was at odds with the usual routine of an active battalion engaged in combat rotations at the front. With successive days off the line and with time to spare after training the men would be writing letters, talking, and engaged in other recreational activities.

One area of focus for this effort would be the sports days being held in June. The first was a series of independent sports days for each Battalion which determined the individuals and teams to participate at the Brigade Sports Day. The second event involving the entire Brigade was held June 18, 1917 at the Y.M.C.A. Ground located at Ruitz, France. Once these contests where held the finalist would be able to participate in a Divisional Sports Day June 23, 1917 at the Chateau Grounds in Coupigny, France.

The “sports” events were varied, from organized baseball to horseback wrestling involving a total of twenty events. Each event took a full day from 10:00 a.m. in the morning until the presentation of prizes at 6:00 p.m.

It appears that each Battalion Sports Day was held for the Battalion and not against each other. The 18th Battalion relates that its Sports Day occurred on June 15, 1917: “Battalion sports held at RUITZ. Races, Tug of War, Football and Wrestling during the day and a concert in the evening by the Battalion Band.” The 19th Battalion War Diary states simply for June 13, 1917: “Battalion sports.” Finally, the 20th Battalion makes no mention of a Battalion Sports Day.

The Sports Day had a range of events, some were conventional sports like American baseball and running races to less conventional, but more entertaining boot races and horseback wrestling. These events gave the battalions and support units of the 4th C.I.B. an outlet of competition and fun fitting for the young men of the day and, most certainly, more enjoyable than the six hours of training they had been involved with. It was also a morale and team-building event helping to cement an esprit de corps within the battalion, brigade, and division. Given the nature of military life there was very likely a hyper-competitive sense of duty to represent the home unit by the men participating and it is interesting to note the number of privates listed as winners and place-takers in the events. Only one corporal (Corporal Osler, who won two separate events) and a Sergeant Cattanach represented soldiers above the rank of private in the sport where “other ranks” participated.

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The Brigade Sports Day June 18, 1917, garnered winners of the competitions who would move on to the Divisional Sports Day. The weather was described as “beautiful” by the 21st Battalion diarist who proudly shares that: “In these sports the Battalion did exceptionally well, carrying off six first prizes, one second, & one third.” The 18th Battalion relates: “Battalion parade to Brigade sports. Battalion Football team making a draw with 20th Battalion for Brigade Championship. Prizes were presented at the close by Brig-General R. Rennie, C.M.G., V.O., D.S.O.” The 20th Battalion appears to have more success than the 18th with: “This unit won 130 lbs boxing, tug of war, and horse back wrestling, besides several seconds. The Assn. Football game was tied with the 18th Battalion, score 1 all. Very successful day.” The 19th Battalion is effectively mute only relating that on the date the event was held.

Results of the 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade Sports Day held June 18, 1917. These competitors would then participate in the Divisional Sports Day held June 23, 1917.

The 4th Brigade felt that disseminating the results of the Brigade important enough to issue a letter with the results on June 20, 1917:

Event Results Battalion 100 YARD DASH Cpl. Osler[i] 21st Pte. Devereaux[ii] 20th 100 YD DASH OFFICERS Lieut. Applegath 19th Lieut. Currie 20th 220 YARD DASH Cpl. Osler 21st 1 MILE RELAY Team 21st 19th 18th OFFICERS RELAY RACE Team 21st HIGH JUMP – FINALS Pte. Laird 18th Cpl. Herring 4th. M.G. Coy. RUNNING BROAD JUMP Sgt. Cattanach 21st Pte. Robson[iii] 18th TUG OF WAR Team 20th OBSTACLE RACE Pte. Hopkins 19th Pte. Dear 19th BAND RACE Pte. Porter 18th Pte. Grey 18th BOOT RACE Pte. Guyett 4th. M.G. Coy. Pte. Freeman 20th BLINDFOLD RACE Pte. Freeman 20th Pte. Guyett 4th. M.G. Coy. MULE RACE Pte. Flick 19th Pte. Davey 19th HORSEBACK WRESTLING Team 20th BASEBALL Team 18th INDOOR BASEBALL Team (Officers) 19th BOXING – 120 LBS Pte. Dormer 20th BOXING – 135 LBS Pte. Mallett 19th BOXING – 145 LBS Pte. Forman 18th BOXING – 160 LBS + Pte. Fisher 19th

Every unit of the Brigade, save the 4th Canadian Trench Mortar Company, was represented with no one unit dominating the events. The finalists of each sport would move on to the Divisional Sports Day and represent their Battalion and their Brigade.

On June 23, 1917, the Divisional Sports Day was held near the chateau at Coupigny and each Battalion had its finalist participate. The units’ war diaries reflect the results thusly:

18th Battalion: Company bath parades in morning. Voluntary parade to Divisional sports in the afternoon, Lieut. W.S. Caldwell[iv], J.G. Doherty, J.D. Parsons arrived as reinforcements.

19th Battalion: Drill and Training carried out as per schedule included in appendices.

20th Battalion: No training other than physical drill at 7:00 am. During balance of the day the Battalion attended the 2nd Divisional Sports. This Battalion won events as follows:- Wresting on horseback –              First. Tug-of-War –                                    Second. Boxing –                                            Second. The sports were most successful. The 18th Battalion won the final Association Football. We have yet to play off our tie with them.

21st Battalion: The Battalion attend the Divisional Sports which were held on COUPIGNY SPORTS GROUND. A massed band concert was also given on the grounds during the afternoon.

The end of June brought an end to the training. Divisional orders released June 26, 1917 would start the process of the 2nd Canadian Division preparing to relieve the 3rd and 4th Canadian Infantry Divisions. The training was over. The memories of the glory of the Sports Days would have to be that – memories. It was time for the troops of the Division and those battalions comprising the 4th C.I.B. to take their preparations for war and put them into practice as the next stage of the campaign to defeat Germany on the Western Front would start.

Passenchendaele was four months away. Nothing would prepare them for Passenchendaele.

To an Athlete Dying Young

To-day, the road all runners come, Shoulder-high we bring you home, And set you at your threshold down, Townsman of a stiller town.

Smart lad, to slip betimes away From fields where glory does not stay And early though the laurel grows It withers quicker than the rose.

Eyes the shady night has shut Cannot see the record cut, And silence sounds no worse than cheers After earth has stopped the ears:

Now you will not swell the rout Of lads that wore their honours out, Runners whom renown outran And the name died before the man.

So set, before its echoes fade, The fleet foot on the sill of shade, And hold to the low lintel up The still-defended challenge-cup.

And round that early-laurelled head Will flock to gaze the strengthless dead, And find unwithered on its curls The garland briefer than a girl’s.

A.E. Houseman

[i] Possibly James George Hutchins who served under an assumed name as James G. Olser, reg. no. 637006.

[ii] Possibly John Joseph Devereaux, reg.  no. 58326, killed in action October 11, 1918.

[iii] This soldier is not yet identified. He was not part of the initial 1915 draft.

[iv] Lt. Caldwell was one of the 18th Battalion “originals” and rose from the ranks. See his digitized service record for more information.

For more informaton on Private Laird please read this blog post.

Sports Days for the 18th Battalion “Sports Days” were an integral part of British and Canadian Military life. In every area of operation, be it Flanders, Salonika, or Mesopotamia.