#capitularies

[dwellordream]

“…In the Early Middle Ages, most French Jewish communities had settled in the southeast, on the shores of the Mediterranean. Although there were few Jews north of the Alps, they were the focus of restrictive laws that limited their freedom of movement and their ability to interact with Christians.

For instance, a mid-fifth-century council held in Troyes, northern France, prohibited Jews from going out of their houses to have any form of communication with Christians during Eastertide – a time celebrating the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ, therefore a particularly tense period for the Jewish community who were accused of his murder.

A century later, other councils banned the appointment of Jews to any public office that would put them in a position of superiority over a Christian. Jews were no longer allowed to work on Sundays and were to refrain from eating with Christians. Intermarriage between Jews and Christians was forbidden in early Roman law codes, a prohibition early medieval law codes reiterated.

At that time, the fragile state of Christianity – still a relatively new religion in Europe – fueled the clergy’s anxieties. Clergymen were afraid Jewish people would “pollute” the minds of Christians and turn them away from the Church. They advocated relentlessly for their conversion to Christianity. This project was finally successful in the seventh century when the Merovingian king Dagobert called for the baptism or expulsion of the Jews of his kingdom. More than a century of political unrest followed.

Dagobert’s rule, during which Jewish communities grew again in size. By the end of the year 800, Charlemagne became emperor. Charles’ attitude towards the Jews was ambivalent but more open than before. Carolingian capitularies reiterated certain older restrictions, and the chancery levied heavy taxes on the Jews. Because of these taxes, Jews constituted a reliable source of income for the chancery. Charlemagne, therefore, granted the Jewish communities privileges safeguarding their autonomy and their rights to practice their religion.

For instance, Jews responded to their own laws for all matters concerning “low justice,” such as marriage and business contracts, small offences, and inter-community disputes. Murders, however, were to be tried by the Christian authorities. Until the First Crusade, the lives of medieval French Jews were relatively peaceful – only two episodes of violence were reported in the early eleventh century. But things were about to change.

Set in the context of religious zeal, the Crusades stirred the pot of hate. Pope Urban II came to France in 1095 and preached the First Crusade with tremendous success. The message was clear: Christians should take up arms to fight the enemies of God and Christianity. While the pope clearly laid out that the point was to free Jerusalem, some interpreted it differently. According to chronicler Guibert of Nogent (1055–1124), a group of men from Rouen, Normandy, had decided to leave for the East, but they began questioning their purpose:

“We want to attack the enemies of God in the east after traveling great distances, while before our eyes are the Jews, of all races God’s greatest enemy.”

Pondering their options, the men took their weapons, captured many Jews, and killed them, adults and children alike, only sparing those who accepted conversion. Then they left for Jerusalem.

The Crusades fueled dozens and dozens of pogroms across Western Europe. In the late eleventh and early twelfth century, the pressure to convert was immense, and the risks of refusing to convert were even greater. A mid-twelfth-century Christian chronicler, Richard of Poitiers, acknowledged the great sufferings of the Jewish people at the outset of the early crusades, of which he underlined the unfairness. But the anti-Jewish sentiment in the Christian communities only grew stronger.

In the aftermath of the crusades, European Jews were at the center of rumours propelled by distrust and suspicion. In Blois, France, in 1171, Christians accused members of the Jewish community of having murdered Christian children during religious rituals. Called the “blood libel,” these accusations first appeared in England and were attested across Western Europe from the twelfth century to the modern era. In Blois, the blood libel accusations lead to the dramatic death of more than 30 members of the community. The survivors’ estates were confiscated. Ten years later, King Philippe Augustus expelled the Jews from the royal domain.

Anti-Semitism received the Church’s support in the early thirteenth century at the Fourth Lateran Council (1215). The council invited kings and rulers to force the Jews of their kingdoms to wear a distinctive symbol on their clothes or a specific hat that would make them immediately recognizable by Christians. In 1269, Louis IX of France made the symbols mandatory.

The thirteenth century also witnessed the forced segregation of Jews to specific areas. Traditionally, Jews lived together in neighbourhoods often nicknamed juiveries (Jewries). Paris counted four juiveries at that time. When Saint Louis made the distinctive symbols mandatory, he also forced the Jews to live in Jewries. Forced residence in Jewries signalled the birth of “ghettos,” neighbourhoods reserved for the Jewish population of a given town.

In the aftermath of the fourteenth-century plague, many Jewries were equipped with gates locked at night to prevent people from entering or exiting the district. Jewries started to turn into ghettos. The point of the ghettos, some rulers argued, was to protect the Jews from the violence Christians perpetrated against them. But ghettos also functioned as traps and participated in marginalizing the French Jewish communities.

The first decades of the fourteenth century were marked by an economic crisis and recurring food shortages. Anti-Semitism was on the rise again. In 1319 and 1321, Parisians – Christians – manifested their hatred toward Jews by publicly burning the Talmud. The plague signalled a new era of pogroms and violence against the Jews, who became the “scapegoats” of the crisis. The chronicler Jean de Venette witnessed and described the consequences of the plague for the Jews:

Some said that the pestilence was the result of infected air and water… and as a result of this idea, many began suddenly and passionately to accuse the Jews of infecting the wells, fouling the air, and generally being the source of the plague. Everyone rose up against them most cruelly. In Germany and elsewhere – wherever Jews lived – they were massacred and slaughtered by Christian crowds and many thousands were burned indiscriminately.

As Venette states, Christians accused the Jews of having poisoned wells to spread the disease. In Toulon, southern France, 40 Jews were killed by fire right after the epidemic started. In Strasbourg, northeastern France, in 1349, hundreds of Jews who lived in the city’s ghetto were locked up in a building by angry Christians and set on fire. Similar massacres happened in the pontifical city of Avignon, and in Narbonne, Carcassonne, and Toulouse, to cite but a few southern French examples.

Pope Clement VI (1291–1352) issued a bull forbidding the killing of Jews, but to no avail. Distrust and hatred were so intense that the city of Strasbourg, in the Rhine valley, expelled all Jews from its jurisdiction and forbade them from entering the city. This law was only removed from the city’s policies during the French Revolution in the late 1780s.

In many ways, medieval anti-Judaism paved the way for modern anti-Semitism. From accusations of greed and avarice to the blood libel, from the wearing of distinctive symbols to mandatory residence in ghettos, the Middle Ages witnessed the development of a series of stereotypes and a system of repression that had repercussions far into the twentieth century and the modern day.

But the Jewish communities of medieval France did not always live in fear. They enjoyed times of peace and independence and were, usually, relatively integrated into urban communities. Their role in the intellectual renaissance of the twelfth century is especially remarkable and well-marked in historiography.”

- Lucie Laumonier, “Hostility Against the Jews in Medieval France”

[ainews]

Living up to their name as the “Royal” birds, some species of birds have long had a place in the royal or imperial court since ancient times. These birds, known as capitulary birds, have been known to be a symbol of power and prestige since they were recognized by the Merovingian dynasty in the 6th century.

Today, capitulary birds are more commonly found as pets and can be seen in homes across the world. Like many animals, they enjoy the companionship of their owners or fellow birds and will often become loyal companions over time.

The unique characteristics of these birds, which include high intelligence, vivid plumage, and an almost magical aura give them a special connection with their owners. This companionship is part of the reason why capitulary birds make such loyal and affectionate friends.

As many owners will attest, owning a capitulary bird gives one a sense of pride and importance as they watch their feathered friend interact with the world. They are also known for their intelligence and are able to recognize individuals and remember tasks that have been taught, making them perfect buddies for any home.

Finally, having a capitulary bird can be seen as a status symbol, with some birds being worth hundreds of thousands of dollars. This not only makes them special, but it also gives them a touch of royalty.

Without a doubt, having a capitulary bird in the home is a unique and rewarding experience that no other pet can offer. They are the perfect companions for those looking for a loyal and loving friend.

[freedomainnames]

capitulary-forcemeat.net

[lodecoen-renaissance]

For the artwork on top, renaissance/mannerist Portrait of Lucrezia & Cosimo, I was also awarded the Prize Top Artists - The Protagonists of Contemporary Art.

The award ceremony will take place on May 18, 2023 in the Capitulary Hall of the Palace of Saint Theodore, Great School of Saint Theodore in Venice.

[thiswaycomessomethingwicked]

By the 1320s, Venice’s most famous police force were the Heads of the Sestieri (Capi di Sestieri), created as an arm of the Council of Ten, which had been formed following the Tiepolo conspiracy (1310) to arrest, try and convict traitors and prevent future conspiracies. The Heads of the Sestieri replaced the Five of Peace as the main keepers of public order in daytime Venice, and soon vied with the Night Watch over the right to control crime and violence in Venice. 

The conflicts of jurisdictions, duties and authority between the several police forces – to repeat: the Five of Peace, the Night Watch, the New and Old Justices, the Captains of Customs Posts, the Lords of Contraband, the Heads of the Sestieri, each with their own police officers – made an increasing numbers of appeals to the Collegio inevitable. 

Thus, the role of the Collegio as the supreme court or appellant court in Venice, often aided by the State’s Attorneys, became crucial in the course of the fourteenth century, as a study of its minute book, the Notatorio, going back to 1327, shows. Although the Minor Council could not modify the capitularies of these police without the consent of the other councils, it could vote on their correct application, and often decided on the nature of jurisdictions and penalties for crimes on a caseby-case basis. Thus one of the chief functions of the Collegio was acting as judges of prime importance.

-- Venice and the Veneto During the Renaissance, Michael Knapton in honour of Benjamin Kohl

Oh early modern Venice. Never change. 

aka I just needed a reason for Cristof to be cheeky to a member of the Signori di Notte 

‘Your friend could show back up,’ Gasparo di Teodoro, member of the Signori di Notte, says. [...] ‘Isn’t that the way with men like him?’

‘Maybe others,’ Cristof replies. ‘But not him.’

Gasparo takes another read of the brief note. He scratches his chin. Cristof shifts with impatience.

‘Shall I take it to the Sestieri?’ Cristof asks. ‘Isn’t day-time crime their jurisdiction?’

‘No need to be like that,’ Gasparo holds a hand up. ‘This is our jurisdiction—violent crime. Or, potential violent crime. Disappearances are contentious between us, you understand, but this is our jurisdiction.’

‘If I had taken this to the Sestieri would you have heard of it?’

Gasparo shrugs, ‘If they felt the need to tell us. Depends who the heads are at any given time. I’m just an officer.’

[...]

‘If it’s any consolation, you’re not alone,’ Gasparo continues. ‘Some baker came in the other day saying his brother’s walked off. Francheschi di Marino—I said we knew him.’

‘Right.’

‘Francheschi is a known coin clipper—’

‘Then he wouldn’t he fall under the Corte di Giustizia?’ Cristof asks, smilingly polite.  

‘If they caught him coin-clipping, yes, but since he’s walked off and the brother suspects foul play he’s also ours.’

Cristof wants to ask if anything has been done about the baker’s brother with his suspicious side-business, but he somehow doubts it.

Cristof, honey, baby, this isn’t how you get people on board to help you. 

Cristof: I AM SALTY AND SOMEONE WILL HEAR OF IT 

Nicolo: how is this different than you any other day of the week? 

Cristof: it’s not, but I’m badgering the Signori and Sestieri with my grievances instead of you. Consider it an Easter present. 

[forbidden-sorcery]

We encounter the first instance of the belief in the Ladies of the Night in a canon attributed to the Council of Ancyra, which met in 314. Yet this canon’s first known appearance was in 872, in the capitularies of Charles the Bald. It was picked up anew in 899, in a treatise by Regino, the abbot of Prüm: “This also is not to be omitted, that certain wicked women, turned back to Satan, seduced by demonic illusions and phantasms, believe of themselves and profess to ride upon certain beasts in the nighttime hours with Diana, the goddess of the pagan, or Herodias, and an innumerable multitude of women, and to traverse great spaces of the earth in the silence of the dead of night, and to be subject to her laws as of a Lady, and on fixed nights be called to her service.” This text, known as the Canon Episcopi, inserted around 1066 by Burchard of Worms in his Decretum, offers evidence that the church attacked an allegedly pagan belief that was still vigorous enough to be viewed as dangerous: “Have you believed what many women, turning back to Satan, believe and affirm to be true, as you imagine in the silence of the night when you have gone to bed and your husband lies in your bosom, that while you are in bodily form you can go out by closed doors and are able to cross the spaces of the world with others deceived by the like error and without visible weapons slay persons who have been baptized and redeemed by the blood of Christ.” Burchard records here a belief that is the source of the witches’ Sabbath: certain women possess the ability to propel flesh and blood Doubles of themselves to roam for great distances, committing evil deeds, killing people, eating them—placing pieces of wood or straw in the place of their hearts, then reanimating them. He goes on more explicitly: “Have you believed, as certain women are accustomed to believe, to wit that by virtue of other limbs provided you by the devil you have crossed in the silence of the quiet night through closed doors to fly into the clouds where you have waged battle on others, both inflicting and receiving wounds.”                 These women who roamed the night fought the same battle as the sixteenth-century Benandanti, who performed a third-function ritual. Here the representatives of good and evil, the fertility and sterility of the land, confront each other. The wicked individuals of one of these bands stole the seeds; the others, working for good, tried to hold the wicked in check. The victory of the “good folk” over the wicked ones made it possible for the coming year to be fruitful.

Claude Lecouteux - Phantom Armies of the Night: The Wild Hunt and the Ghostly Processions of the Undead

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

“Beggars of all ages were found everywhere in the Empire. We can imagine them crowded near the church doors and massed under the portals, their numbers swelling on feast days and pilgrimages. Hagiographical texts depict genuine or fake paralytics, the lame, the blind, or simply miserable wretches hoping for a bit of silver or bread. One paralytic camped for five years at the door of Saint-Martin of Tours. A hunchback collected his sustenance every day near the tomb of Saint-Marcellin. The Abess Leoba of Bischofheim provided food and clothing for the sick woman who lay at the entrance to the monastery. Some made their way into the church itself in search of shelter and the protection of the relics and stayed the night.

Begging could be a profitable profession. A blind old man in Aix who was in the habit of begging from a door to door with a crowd of the poor refused to pray for the restoration of his sight:

Why do I need the vision I lost so long ago? It is worth more to me to be deprived of it than to have it. Blind, I can beg and none will repulse me. Rather, they hasten to attend to my needs. But if I had my sight back, it would seem wrong for me to beg alms even though I am old and weak and cannot work.

The sight of beggars gathered in squares and at crossroads was a cause of anxiety to the public power. In 806, Charlemagne took measures ‘to control the beggars who circulate around the country.’ Under Louis the Pouis a supervisor was appointed to watch the conduct of these wretches at Aix. In effect, all sorts of vagabonds mixed in with these beggars: errant monks, clerks breaking the ban, shady merchants (mangones), pseudo-penitents, half-naked and weighed down with irons ‘pretending that a penance of wandering had been imposed on them.’ Such people could become dangerous and turn to brigandage. ...Carolingian roads were not very safe. Brigandage was rampant everywhere. Outlaws hid in the forests and posted themselves at the entrances of defiles to rob travellers of the few precious objects they might be carrying. They followed the army across the country in the hopes of pillaging the baggage. The difficulties which beset the end of the reign favored brigands. A capitulary of 804 was specifically devoted to the scourge. Counts were ordered to pursue brigands taking refuge in certain privileged domains. (These were known as the lands with immunity.) For a while, brigandage seemed less threatening under Louis the Pious, but by the middle of the century it was more menacing than ever. Bandits could profit from the fraternal dissensions rising out of the partition of the Empire by seeking refuge in another kingdom. Writing to a friend about 856, Lupus of Ferrières asked him to choose a safe road and seek ‘travel companions whose number and courage would facilitate their audience of brigand groups or their repulsion necessary.’ In the same period, Charles addressed the Capitulary of Servais to the repression of banditry. Italy had the same problems. Louis II declared that brigandage flourished everywhere with the complicity of counts and royal officers. Lay and ecclesiastical aristocrats as well as the more wealthy landed proprietors often connived with brigands to divide the loot. The presence of the Normans favored the creation of such bands. Charles the Bald planned the organization of local resistance to outlaws. At the end of the century, Carloman promulgated a law against rapine at Compiègne. But how could anyone struggle when, as Hincmar says, these brigands were not only protected by the great but paid to contract themselves out as assassins?

To add to this somber picture, we must remember the habitual brutality already apparent in Merovingian Europe and even Byzantium. Reading the German laws, which continued in force, we are struck by the many forms of physical brutality that were expected, for the laws give precise details of the behaviour for which financial compensation was to be expected. They speak of severed ears, with or without loss of hearing, the rape of poor women, eyes torn out, noses slit partially or totally, tongues cut out, teeth broken, beards torn, joints crushed, hands and feet cut off, testicles mangled. And the penalties ordained by the law were no less cruel. The classic punishment for rebellion was blinding, particularly for a member of the royal family. Judges did not recoil from punishing slaves with mutilation and castration, fire or drowning. Theodulf was one of the rare ones to protest these ‘barbarous’ punishments. A bishop of Le Mans even chastised his clerks who had displeased him. To be sure, that act provoked Charlemagne’s intervention and the removal of the offending bishop. The king also tried to impede the course of private wars, faida, in which entire families were wiped out. Civil war was no less terrible. The Aquitainians long remembered the devastation caused by Charles Martel and Pepin III; nor did Bretons forget the campaigns of Louis the Pious in Armorica. Lothar’s army, in the struggle with the king’s brothers, behaved as though they were in an enemy country. And when combat was joined with pagans, the Frankish fury knew no limits. Chroniclers recounting the Saxon campaign coldly noted massacres of thousands of Saxons and the mass deportation of men, women, and children.” - Pierre Riché, Daily Life in the World of Charlemagne. Translated by Jo Ann McNamara. University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978. pp. 249-254

[theoutcastrogue]

Outcasts and outlaws in medieval society

[by Bronislaw Geremek]

Expulsion in late Roman law

Society’s outcasts deserve special attention. They were banned people—men and women who, by a decision of the community, an article of the law, or a court sentence had been de­prived of the right to remain within the confines of a particular terri­tory or had been declared total outlaws. The ban look different forms in Roman law, and it was interpreted in still different ways, as is evi­dent In Justinian's Digesta [~530 CE]. Exile was defined spatially in various ways: it might be expulsion from a particular territory, confinement within a carefully de­fined area, or being sent to an island (insulae vinculum). The first form, the prohibition to reside in a certain city or ter­ritory, was thought to be the oldest historically. It has quite specific consequences. The denial of "water and fire" (interdictio aquae et ignis), which implied loss of the benefits of residence or hospitality (symbolized by shaking one's thirst and warming oneself), did not prevent the person from establishing himself elsewhere and leading a normal life there. Within the area covered by the ban he (or she) was under the threat of death. It is difficult to interpret this penalty, however. It contains the right to impunity sui generis, on the condi­tion that the person leaves the place mentioned in the ban, but inher­ent in it is an element of social exclusion and a privation of all the individual's natural rights.

Banishment in early medieval law

In the "barbarian laws" and the customary law of the early Middle Ages banishment was strictly equivalent to exclusion. It replaced the taking of a person's life, which had been considered compensation for the disturbance of sacral order. Banishment was thus exclusion from the right to peace; it meant stripping people of their natural rights; depriving them of their true condition. The Lex Salica [~500 CE] declares that the banished person wargus sit, which meant that he was to be treated like a wolf and chased away from collective human society. To kill him would be legitimate self-defense. Even in this principle of customary law there is an avowal that man, outside social bonds and outside the patria, exposed to the risks of a wild environ­ment and subject to the rules of life in the woods and the wilderness, became almost a wolf—a man-wolf, a werewolf. The ogre of the fable corresponds in real life to the asocial man who had transgressed the norms of social life and found himself on the outside.

Excommunication in canon law

Canon law applied the penalty of interdict and excommunication, analogous to banishment, to exclude individuals and groups from the church and from the Christian community. The liturgical frame­work of excommunication and its dramatically stratified verbal struc­ture conferred a dimension of terror to this ecclesiastical sanction. Apart from the fact that the church took to such measures in particu­lar situations (for the most part, to exert pressure when its interests might be endangered), complete alienation was implied in expulsion from the community of the faithful, withholding of the sacraments, and exclusion from the consecrated space of the churches, from all holy places, and from all rites. It was only in the thirteen century, with Gregory lX, that the distinction between excommunicatio minor and excommunicatio major was formulated and that the second implied total exclusion from the Christian community. Christian ethnocen­tricity relegated people of different religions to the edges of European societies, but they found support in their own religious communities and in their ethnicities. Excommunication required their isolation—at least in theory, for in practice its effects depended upon the social position of the person or persons involved and was, in like propor­tion, easily reversed. It cut them off from worldly community rela­tions (any sort of contact with kin was prohibited) and deprived them of hope for eternal salvation.

I am speaking here of banishment and excommunication not in their institutional aspect but as typical processes of marginalization. During the Middle Ages, both punishments underwent considerable evolution, gradually becoming more conventional, hence losing their original power of exclusion.

Wayfarers and vagabonds

Chilperic's edict of 574 defined malefactors as bad per­sons who commit bad deeds, who have no fixed abode, who possess nothing that could be confiscated for their wrongdoings, and who roam the woods. Here the lack of worldly goods has a certain impor­tance, and It should be understood in the more extended sense of an absence of specific sources of revenue (which is what interested the laws of the late Middle Ages). The other two points regard lack of stability. In Charlemagne's capitularies we often encounter mistrust and hostility toward vagabonds and wanderers. Even pilgrims came under thls heading, as is clear in the Admonitio generalis in synodo Aquensi a. 789 edita: It was better that a person who has committed some grave fault remain in one place, working, serving, and doing penance, rather than travel about dressed as a penitent affirming his desire to cancel his guilt. In later centuries the church sought to pro­vide pilgrims with organizational structures to assure them stabilitas in peregri natione, thus making pilgrimages a part of stable order.

Fostering stability was an understandable phenomenon in this society whose basic structures were formed in the conditions of enor­mous migrations that made nomadism a widespread life-style. Apart from the changes In the degree of mobility that took place in the course of the Middle Ages, this association of spatial mobility with a sense of threat to the public order remained as a permanent trait. As time went on, these negative associations came to be limited to rather precise social groups—popular groups above all, but surely not to them alone, because an errant knight did not merely evoke admira­tion, the traveling merchant was treated as a vagabond, and the trav­eling monks who took to vagabondage were unambiguously con­demned in the monastic rules as gyrovagi (vagrants).

~ Bronislaw Geremek, “The Marginal Man”, in The Medieval World (ed. Jacques Le Goff, 1987); abridged, titles mine

[mostly-history]

While modern historians have written extensively about the worship of trees and springs, they have had much less to say about bear worship, as though it had been negligible or confined to certain tribes.  But this was not the case.  As chronicles and capitularies clearly attest, bear worship was widespread in both Germany and Scandinavia.  It was denounced early on by several missionaries who had ventured well beyond the Rhine.  In 742, for example, Saint Boniface, on a mission to Saxony, wrote a long letter to his friend Daniel, Bishop of Winchester, in which he mentioned among the 'appalling rituals of the pagans' the practice of disguising oneself as a bear and drinking the animal's blood before going into battle.  Thirty years later, in an official list prepared by prelates of the pagan superstitions of the Saxons to be combatted, the same practices were again denounced, along with others that were even more barbaric. These customs were nothing new.  From time immemorial the bear had been a particularly admired creature throughout the Germanic world.  Stronger than any animal, it was the king of the forest and of all the animals.  Warriors sought to imitate it and to imbue themselves with its powers through particularly savage rituals.  Clan chiefs and kings adopted the bear as their primary symbol and attempted to seize hold of its powers through the use of weapons and emblems.  But the Germans' veneration for the bear did not stop there.  In their eyes, it was not only an invincible animal and the incarnation of brute strength; it was also a being apart, an intermediary creature between the animal and human worlds, and even an ancestor or relative of humans.  As such, many beliefs collected around the bear and it was subject to several taboos, particularly with respect to its name.  In addition, the male bear was supposed to be attracted by young women and feel sexual desire for them: it often sought them out, sometimes carried them off and raped them, whereupon the women gave birth to creatures that were half man and half bear, who were always indomitable warriors and even the founders of prestigious family lines.  The border between human and animal was in this instance much more uncertain than the one described by monotheistic religions. In the eyes of the Church, all of this was absolutely horrifying, all the more so because worship of the great wild beast of the forest was not confined to the Germanic world.  It was also found among Slavs and to a lesser extent among Celts.  The Celts, of course, had been Christianized for several centuries, and their old animal cults had gradually adopted discreet forms, surviving primarily in poetry and oral tradition.  But this was not true of the Slavs, and they admired the bear as much as the Germans did.  Indeed, in a large part of non-Mediterranean Europe in the Carolingian period, the bear continued to be seen as a divine figure, an ancestral god whose worship took on various forms but remained solidly rooted, impeding the conversion of pagan peoples.  Almost everywhere, from the Alps to the Baltic, the bear stood as a rival to Christ.  The Church thought it appropriate to declare war on the bear, to fight him by all means possible, and to bring him down from his throne and his altars.

The Bear: History of a Fallen King

[upennmanuscripts]

Ms. Coll. 591 Item 34 - Collectar leaf

This beauty is a leaf from a collectar, also called a collectarium or capitulary, a liturgical book containing short prayers. The leaf is from early in the manuscript and briefly demonstrates, with texts and square musical notation, how to begin the Divine Office (Modus inchoandi horas); how to chant the chapters (Modus dicendi capitula); and how to chant the prayers for Vespers and Lauds (Modus dicendi orationes in vesperis et in laudibus). The leaf is written in 2 columns of 9 or 10 4-line staves in red ink, with rubrics in red, chant text in black below each staff and marginal notes to the left of the staves in red. It is decorated with one large puzzle initial in red and blue, flourished in purple and red; the remaining initials are either red with purple flourishing or blue with red flourishing. An ornamental border in red and blue decorates the left edge of 3 out of 4 columns on the leaf. It was written in France around 1325 CE.

Time to see the facsimile here (or here for additional information).

[rhianna]

Fairy-tales w/o embellishments

The fairy-tales, stripped of the absurd embellishments in which the latest compilers muffled them up, express the heart of the people itself. They mark a poetic interval between the gross communism of the primitive villa, and the looseness of the time when a growing burgess-class made our cynical Fabliaux.[20]

These tales have an historical side, reminding us, in the ogres, &c., of the great famines. But commonly they soar higher than any history, on the Blue Bird’s wing, in a realm of eternal poesy; telling us our wishes which never vary, the unchangeable history of the heart.  [48]

All passages bearing on this point have been gathered together in two learned works by M. Maury (Les Fées, 1843; and La Magie, 1860). See also Grimm.

[20]A body of tales by the Trouvères of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.—Trans.

[21]This loyalty of hers is very touching indeed. In the fifth century the peasants braved persecution by parading the gods of the old religion in the shape of small dolls made of linen or flour. Still the same in the eighth century. The Capitularies threaten death in vain. In the twelfth century, Burchard, of Worms, attests their inutility. In 1389, the Sorbonne inveighs against certain traces of heathenism, while in 1400, Gerson talks of it as still a lively superstition. 

Source:   La Sorcière: The Witch of the Middle Ages by Jules Michelet   https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/31420

[baseballlibertarian]

Roman Law: From Laissez-Faire to Statism

One of the most powerful influences in the legal and political thought and institutions of the Christian West during the Middle Ages was the Roman law, derived from the republic and empire of ancient Rome. Roman law classically developed in the 1st to the 3rd centuries AD. Private law developed the theory of the absolute right of private property and of freedom of trade and contract. While Roman public law theoretically allowed state interference in the life of the citizen, there was little such interference in the late republic and early empire.

Private-property rights and laissez-faire were therefore the fundamental heritage of the Roman law to later centuries, and much of it was adopted by countries of the Christian West. Though the Roman Empire collapsed in the 4th and 5th centuries, its legal heritage continued, as embodied in two great collections of the Roman law: influential in the West, the Theodosian Code, promulgated by the Emperor Theodosius in 438 AD, and, in the East, the great four-volume Corpus Juris Civilis, promulgated by the Byzantine Christian Emperor Justinian in the 530s.

Both collections emphasized strongly that the “just” price (justum pretium) was simply any price arrived at by free and voluntary bargaining between buyer and seller. Each man has the right to do what he wants with his property, and therefore has the right to make contracts to give away, buy, or sell such property; hence, whatever price is freely arrived at is “just.”

Thus in the Corpus, several leading Roman jurists of the 3rd century quoted the early 2nd century jurist Pomponius in a classic expression of the morality of laissez-faire: “In buying and selling natural law permits the one party to buy for less and the other to sell for more than the thing is worth; thus each party is allowed to outwit the other”; and “it is naturally permitted to parties to circumvent each other in the price of buying and selling.” The only problem here is the odd phrase, “the thing is worth,” which assumes that there is some value other than free bargaining that expresses some “true worth,” a phrase that would prove to be an unfortunate harbinger of the future.

More specifically, the Theodosian Code was crystal clear: any price set by free and voluntary bargaining is just and legitimate, the only exception being a contract made by children. Force or fraud, as infringements on property rights, were of course considered illegal. The code held explicitly that ignorance of the value of a good by either buyer or seller was insufficient ground for authorities to step in and rescind the voluntarily agreed contract.

The Theodosian Code was carried forward in western Europe, e.g., the Visigothic law set forth in the 6th and 7th centuries, and the Bavarian law of the early 8th century. Bavarian law added the explicit provision that a buyer may not rescind a sale because he later decides that the agreed price was too high. This laissez-faire aspect of the Theodosian Code later became incorporated into Christian canon law by being included in the collection of “capitularies” (decrees) by St. Benedictus Diaconus in the 9th century AD.

While the Justinian Corpus, promulgated in the East, was equally devoted to laissez-faire, it included a minor element that was later to grow and justify attacks upon free bargaining. As part of the Justinian discussion of how courts can appraise property for payment of damages, the code mentioned that if a seller has sold his property for less than half “the just price,” then he suffers “great loss” (laesio enormis), and the seller is then entitled either to get back the difference between the original price and the just price from the buyer, or else get his property back at that original price. This clause was apparently meant only to apply to real estate and to compensations for damages, where authorities must somehow assess the “true” price, and it had no influence on the laws of the next centuries. But it was to yield unfortunate effects in the future.

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Hotel Perusia in Perugia, Italy (Europe). The best of Hotel Perusia in Perugia Hotel. Welcome to Hotel Perusia in Perugia, Italy (Europe). The best of Hotel Perusia in Perugia. Subscribe in http://goo.gl/VQ4MLN The common services in the accommodation are wifi available in all areas. In the section of bar you can enjoy vending machine (snacks), restaurant, breakfast in the room, special diet menus (on request) and vending machine (drinks). For wellness the accommodation offers pool with view, outdoor pool (seasonal), rooftop pool and swimming pool. In relation to the transfer we will find parking garage. For the reception services we can have luggage storage, newspapers, 24-hour front desk, tour desk, safety deposit box and express check-in/check-out. Within the common areas we will enjoy terrace, sun terrace and garden. The function of the cleaning services have included dry cleaning and laundry. If you are traveling for business reasons, meeting/banquet facilities, fax/photocopying and business centre. We could highlight other benefits like heating, lift, family rooms, bridal suite, non-smoking rooms, vip room facilities, non-smoking throughout, allergy-free room, facilities for disabled guests, air conditioning and soundproof rooms [https://youtu.be/4sdG-CbuwaI] Book now cheaper in https://ift.tt/2tZFep9 You can find more info in https://ift.tt/2lNNvZA We hope you have a pleasant stay in Hotel Perusia Other hotels in Perugia Arte Hotel Perugia https://youtu.be/7dlFlRZkqyo Hotel La Meridiana https://youtu.be/3_nsL6mKv8w Sina Brufani https://youtu.be/SE0qq8W4eYk Other hotels in this channel Copper Canyon Lodge https://youtu.be/NFHjwmczieI Sands Suites Resort & Spa https://youtu.be/ql5aNAnHR7I Glitz Bangkok https://youtu.be/8i37LVmwNTA Hotel Le Saint Gregoire https://youtu.be/gMC0eq-PwPc nordica Hotel Berlin https://youtu.be/dtMoPRuH6FE Garden Suites & Rooms Sol Umag https://youtu.be/B4QyoErTF0I Hotel Villa Colonial https://youtu.be/Kjm5Z8cBdj4 Hotel Sonnhof https://youtu.be/duEvvFXPbg4 Caribe Surf Hotel https://youtu.be/0uTVbZUfi1Q Siam Star Hotel https://youtu.be/7lD_UE1LWfo Hotel AS https://youtu.be/Vodg4EbECwA Le Mount Stephen https://youtu.be/vYuKoIlfklo 21c Museum Hotel Nashville https://youtu.be/aWTjZrbxwqU Alor Street Hotel https://youtu.be/8df2A_DSE6w https://youtu.be/tr4wgGw1OTE In Perugia we recommended to visit In the Italy you can visit some of the most recommended places such as Fontana Maggiore, Galería Nacional de Umbría, Catedral de Perugia, Collegio del Cambio, Museo Arqueológico Nacional de Umbría, Hipogeo de los volumnios, Museo-Laboratorio di tessitura a mano Giuditta Brozzetti, Palazzo Baldeschi al Corso and College of Mercanzia. We also recommend that you do not miss Capitularies Museum of Saint Lorenzo, POST, Studio Moretti Caselli, Hypogeum of San Manno, Palazzo dei Priori, Rocca Paolina, We hope you have a pleasant stay in Hotel Perusia and we hope you enjoy our top 10 of the best hotels in Italy based in Hotel Perusia Tripadvisor Reviews. All images used in this video are or have been provided by Booking. If you are the owner and do not want this video to appear, simply contact us. You can find us at https://ift.tt/2iPJ6Xr by World Hotel Video

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Sala Capitular - Catedral de Toledo by neobit

[englishlistwords]

Capitulary

noun

historical

a royal command under the Merovingian dynasty.

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