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floridamobilenotarys · 3 years

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Florida Mobile Notary Services

Looking For Mobile Notary Near Me Florida, South Florida? Need a Florida Notary that Makes House Calls? 24 Hour Mobile Notary South Florida; Florida Mobile Notary Services.

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Day after day the notaries are filled with requirements and requests that wish to be processed as quickly as possible and in accordance with the needs of all clients who turn to these institutions, in order to provide legality to all the processes, they have generated through of the same requests.

Due to the growing demand for applications, which has been presented more frequently in the notaries, there are many more servers and professionals who are dedicated to providing their services in this branch, only in this way can cover all the demand of the applicants.

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What is a notary?

notary

is a person who is responsible through their knowledge and law studies, to give a public nature to certain documents that are of private origin, and also gives them a legal certification through his signature.

It also acts as a witness that attests to everything that is contained in the document is real and has legal validity until it can be proved otherwise.

Most requested documents in the notaries in the United States.

While it is true that notaries certify a large number of documents of all kinds, in the United States there is always a great demand for the following applications:

- Deed of Trust: This is a very popular application where three parts of a whole are involved, the first place its goods at the disposal of the second so that it generates a benefit over time, and at the end, when the conditions dictated by the first figure are compiled, this transfers the administration to a third party.

A trust serves to ensure that certain conditions of a contract that involve elements such as the acquisition of a good, or money, are met, thus protecting its value, while the terms of the deal are given.

Real state closings

: This refers to the final part of a purchase or sale deal, where finally the seller gives the seller the property, for the value that has been agreed in advance. The date for this event is decided when the negotiations begin, meaning that both parties have a time limit to close the deal.

To reach this step, it is important that a series of events have been developed beforehand, leading to this final step, where the seller will deliver the keys to the property, while the buyer will deliver the money for his purchase.

Affidavits

: The affidavits are accounts of events by one of the witnesses of the event, where it is expressed orally or in writing that the information that is being granted is completely real and his truthfulness.

This is done in the presence of a jury that gives legal character to this document, the witness indicates under oath that everything that is contained there is the truth.

- Divorce papers: Divorce papers are among the most popular applications in Miami and South Florida as there is a high number of divorces in this region. Divorce lawyers are professionally prepared to write divorce papers that involve the conditions proposed by your client, or also the agreements reached by this with your counterpart. These documents specify very clearly under what conditions the events that follow will take place.

- Divorce modifications: To request a change in the conditions that have already been established in the official papers of a divorce, the professional should consider that before the criterion of the judge this is viable, because these requests should not be subject to the will of any of the ex-spouses but they must be based on situations that are quite serious and also unforeseen, which may need to be considered with much more attention.

- Statement of consent: A declaration of consent is a document through which a person expresses his willingness to assign to another or other persons, rights to perform some activities that are also theirs, but for various reasons can not perform for themselves. There are several types of consent statements, but to give them real value before the law, it is necessary that they are notarized.

Power of attorney

: This document is a certificate through which a person, who may be natural or judicial, designates another to be their legal representative before a certain number of matters, those specified in the document and for as long as the document indicate

It is important that to apply for any type of power, whoever carries out this process should not be limited by law, that is, if he/she is declared incapable of making these requests, for various reasons, this will not proceed.

- Rental Agreement: It is a document in which two parties are involved a landlord and a tenant, these parties set out certain conditions about the use of a property, or rather, the tenant, who is the one who is providing the service to the tenant, indicates in this document the conditions under which the person who is requesting to live in his property will live, this includes the value that the tenant must pay and the time in which he will stay there.

These are the most popular, but the truth is that notaries are able to cover thousands and thousands of documents that all their clients can request.

In the United States has always been taken into account the importance of notaries to facilitate all operations that want to perform all customers who for a large number of reasons require any service immediately. This has caused companies to always seek to innovate in the type of service they offer for all, this has resulted in Miami Notary Near Me, fulfilling the requirements of all customers throughout

South Florida

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thejfblog · 4 years

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Map: Railroad and the Development of Miami

Henry Flagler’s extension of the Florida East Coast Railway (FEC) from West Palm Beach to Miami transformed development of Florida’s southeast coast from an oceanfront wilderness to a teeming metropolis.

Standard Oil co-founder and railroad tycoon Henry Morrison Flagler chose to extend his FEC from its southern terminus at West Palm Beach to Miami, then a fledgling seaport on Biscayne Bay with a population of a few hundred, in 1895 with railroad construction completed by indigent African American and recent immigrant men.

By the end of the Florida land boom of the 1920s, the population of Miami and modern Dade County exploded to 143,000 in 1930, and after World War II, topping one million by 1960.

Southward facing Florida East Coast Railway Flagler System trains waiting at Miami station, near Southwest First Street and First Avenue at Miami City Hall (background right) and the Dade County Courthouse (background center), circa 1940s. (public domain)

Miami was a segregated city at its official incorporation in July 1896, with 368 residents voting in the affirmative and 162 of them counted as “Colored.” “Colored” residents, as Black and African Americans were then classified, were restricted to living north of downtown Miami at the mouth of the Miami River and west of the FEC railroad tracks.

African American millionaire businessman and former FEC worker Dana Albert Dorsey would eventually become the primary landlord for segregated “Colored Town” in the early decades of the 20th century. Dorsey also owned what became Fisher Island from 1918 until 1919, selling to its namesake Miami Beach founder Carl Graham Fisher and his Alton Beach Company.

Black and African American Miamians were largely confined to living north and west of downtown Miami and the FEC Railway by law and practice from 1896 until 1968, with enactment of the Fair Housing Act following the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.

The importance of passenger rail service in Greater Miami waned in the postwar period as commercial air travel and the Interstate Highway System further transformed the metropolis into an international commercial center.

Construction of the North-South Expressway or Interstate 95 in Miami’s urban core, from 1959 to 1968, obliterated large swaths of the historic Colored Town that came to be known as Overtown.

The legally enforced segregation of African Americans living north and west of downtown and railroad tracks in the first 70 years of modern Miami history came to be de facto segregation to north and west of I-95 and downtown since.

Maps of concentrations of Black/African American-identified populations in Miami-Dade County (formerly Dade County) in 1990 (left) and 2010 (right). (Miami-Dade County)

Coastal Greater Miami communities north of downtown like Aventura (Ojus) and North Miami Beach (Fulford), North Miami (Arch Creek) and Miami Shores (Biscayne), Little River, Lemon City (Little Haiti), and Wynwood (Buena Vista), and south of downtown like South Miami (Larkin), Kendall, Homestead, and Florida City were settled and founded surrounding FEC railway freight and passenger stations between 1896 and 1905.

The creation and enactment of Greater Miami’s street grid system, the 1920 Chaille Plan, placed major east-west thoroughfare streets at historic junctions with railroad stations north and south of downtown Miami.

Florida East Coast Railway 1955 passenger rail map (public domain)

#Miami #Florida East Coast Railway #FEC #Florida #Americana #Henry Flagler #Dana Dorsey

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labourpress · 7 years

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Jeremy Corbyn Budget 2017 response

Jeremy Corbyn MP, Leader of the Labour Party, responding to the Chancellor’s Budget, said:

***CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY***

Mr Deputy Speaker, this Budget has been an advertisement for just how out-of-touch this Government is with the reality of people’s lives.

Pay is now lower for most people than it was in 2010 and wages are now falling again.

Economic growth in the first three quarters of this year is the lowest since 2009 and the slowest of the major economies in the G7.

It’s a record of failure with a forecast of more. Economic growth has been revised down. Productivity growth has been revised down. Business investment revised down.

People’s wages and living standards revised down. What sort of “strong economy, fit for the future” is that?

The deficit was due to be eradicated by 2015, then 2016, then 2017, then 2020 and now 2025. They’re missing their major targets but the failed and damaging policy of austerity remains.

The number of people sleeping rough has doubled since 2010 and 120,000 children will spend this Christmas in temporary accommodation. In some parts of the country life expectancy is actually starting to fall.

The last Labour government lifted a million children out of poverty. Under this Government an extra 1 million children will be plunged into poverty by the end of this Parliament. 1.9 million pensioners and one in six are living in poverty - the worst rate in Western Europe.

Falling pay, slow growth, and rising poverty. This is what the Chancellor has the barefaced cheek to call a “strong economy”.

His predecessor said they would put the burden on “those with the broadest shoulders”. How has that turned out?

The poorest tenth of households will lose about 10 per cent of their income by 2022 while the richest will lose just 1 per cent.

So much for “tackling burning injustices”. This Government is tossing fuel on the fire.

Personal debt levels are rising and 8.3 million people are over-indebted. If he wants to help people out of debt, he should back Labour’s policy for a Real Living Wage of £10 per hour by 2020.

And with working class young people now leaving university with £57,000 of debt - because this Government trebled tuition fees - this Government’s new policy to win over young people is to keep fees at £9,250.

But that is just one of a multitude of injustices presided over by this Government. Another is Universal Credit, which Labour has called on ministers to pause and fix.

That’s the view of this House. It’s the verdict of those on the frontline with evidence showing food bank use increases 30 per cent where Universal Credit is rolled out.

And the benches opposite should listen to Martin’s experience, a full-time worker on the minimum wage, he says: “I get paid four weekly meaning that my pay date is different each month”, because of that, under the UC system he was paid twice in a month and deemed to have earned too much so his UC was cut off. He goes on: “This led me into rent arrears and I had to use a food bank for the first time in my life”.

This Chancellor’s solution to a failing system causing more debt; is to offer a loan. And the six week wait, with 20 per cent waiting even longer, becomes a five week wait.

This system has been run down by £3 billion cuts to Work Allowances, the two-child limit and the perverse ‘rape clause’ - and caused evictions because housing benefit isn’t paid direct to the landlord.

So I say to the Chancellor: put this broken system on hold, so it can be fixed, and keep a million more children out of poverty.

For years we have had the rhetoric of a “long-term economic plan” that never meets its targets; when what all too many are experiencing is long-term economic pain.

And the hardest hit are disabled people, single parents and women.

So it is disappointing the Chancellor did not back the campaign of my Hon Friend for Brent Central, Dawn Butler, to end period poverty.

The Conservative manifesto has now been shredded and some ministers opposite have since put forward decent proposals, several conspicuously borrowed from the Labour manifesto.

Let me tell the Chancellor, as socialists we are happy to share.

The Communities Secretary called for £50 billion of borrowing to invest in housebuilding. Presumably the Prime Minister slapped him down for wanting to “bankrupt Britain”.

The Health Secretary has said the pay cap is over but where is the money to fund a pay rise? The Chancellor hasn’t been clear today, not for NHS workers nor for our police, firefighters, teachers or teaching assistants, bin collectors, tax collectors or our armed forces personnel.

Will the Chancellor listen to Claire? She says, “My Mum works for the NHS. She goes above and beyond for her patients. Why does the Government think it’s ok to under pay, over stress and underappreciate all that work?”

The NHS Chief Executive says “the budget for the NHS next year is well short of what is currently needed”.

The Health Secretary said in 2015 he would fund another 5,000 GPs, but in the last year we have 1,200 fewer GPs. We’ve lost community nurses. We’ve lost mental health nurses.

The Chancellor promised £10 billion in 2015 but delivered only £4.5 billion so we’ll wait for the small print on today’s announcement. It certainly falls well short of the £6 billion Labour would have delivered.

Over a million of our elderly aren’t receiving the care they need. Over £6 billion will have been cut from social care budgets by March next year.

Our schools will be 5 per cent worse off by 2019 despite the Conservative manifesto promising that no school would be worse off.

5,000 head teachers from 25 counties wrote to the Chancellor, saying “we are simply asking for the money that is being taken out of the system to be returned”.

Robert wrote to me saying, “As a senior science technician my pay has been reduced by over 30 per cent. I’ve seen massive cuts at my school. Good teachers and support staff leave“.

According to this Government, 5,000 head teachers are wrong. Robert is wrong. The IFS is wrong.

Councils are warning that services for vulnerable children are under more demand than ever, yet have a £2 billion shortfall. Local councils will have lost nearly 80 per cent in direct funding by 2020.

In reality, across the country this means women’s refuges closing, youth centres closing, libraries closing, museums closing.

But compassion can cost very little and just £10 million is needed to establish the child funeral fund campaigned for by my hon friend for Swansea East, Carolyn Harris.

Under this Government there are 20,000 fewer police officers. And another 6,000 community support officers, and 11,000 Fire Service staff have been cut too.

Our communities cannot be kept safe on the cheap.

Tammy explains how this has affected her: “our police presence has been taken away meaning increasing crime. As a single parent I no longer feel safe in my own village, particularly after dark.”

Mr Deputy Speaker, five and a half million workers earn less than the living wage, a million more than just five years ago.

And the Chancellor can’t even see 1.4 million unemployed people.

There is a crisis of low pay and insecure work, affecting 1 in 4 women, and 1 in 6 men, a record 7.4 million people in working households in poverty.

If we want workers earning better pay, less dependent on in-work benefits, we need to strengthen trade unions. the most effective means to boost workers’ pay.

Instead this Government weakened trade unions and introduced Employment Tribunal fees - now scrapped thanks to Unison’s legal victory.

And Mr Deputy Speaker, why didn’t the Chancellor take the opportunity to make two changes to control debt?

Firstly, to cap credit card debt so that nobody pays back more than they borrowed.

And secondly, to stop credit card companies increasing people’s credit limit without their say so.

Debt is being racked up because this Government is weak on those who exploit people: the rail companies hiking fares above inflation year-on-year, the water companies and the energy suppliers.

During the general election it promised an energy cap that would benefit "around 17 million families on standard variable tariffs". But every bill tells millions of families the Government has broken its promise.

And with £10 billion in housing benefit going into the pockets of private landlords every year, housing is a key factor in driving up the welfare bill.

With this Government delivering the worst rate of housebuilding since the 1920s and a quarter of a million fewer council homes, any commitment is welcome.

But we’ve been here before. The Government promised 200,000 starter homes three years ago and not a single one has been built.

We need a large scale public house building programme, not this Government’s accounting tricks and empty promises.

We back the abolition of stamp duty for first-time buyers because it was another Labour policy at the election, not a Tory one.

It’s this Government’s continual preference for spin over substance that means, across this country, the words “Northern Powerhouse” and ��Midlands Engine” are now met with derision.

Yorkshire and Humber gets only one-tenth of the transport investment per head given to London.

And Government figures show that every region in the north of England has seen a fall in spending on services since 2012.

The Midlands, East and West, is receiving less than 8 per cent of total transport infrastructure investment, compared with over 50 per cent going to London.

In the East and West Midlands 1 in 4 workers are paid less than the living wage. So much for the ‘Midlands Engine’.

Re-announced funding for the Transpennine rail route won’t cut it and today’s other announcements won’t redress the balance.

Combined with counterproductive austerity, this lack of investment has consequences in sluggish growth and shrinking pay packets, and public investment has virtually halved.

Under this Government, the UK has the lowest rate of public investment in the G7, but it is now investing in driverless cars after months of road-testing back seat driving in government.

By moving from RPI to CPI indexation on business rates the Chancellor has adopted another Labour policy, but why don’t they go further and adopt Labour’s entire business rates pledges including exempting plant and machinery and annual revaluation of business rates.

Nowhere has that been more evident than over Brexit.

Following round after round of fruitless Brexit negotiations the Brexit Secretary has been shunted out for the Prime Minister who has got no further.

Every major business organisation has written to the Government telling them to pull their finger out.

Businesses are delaying investment decisions, but if this Government doesn’t get its act together soon they will be taking relocation decisions.

Crashing out with ‘No deal’ and turning Britain into a tin-pot tax haven will damage people’s jobs and living standards, serving only a wealthy few.

It’s not as if this Government isn’t doing its best to protect tax havens and their clients in the meantime.

The Paradise papers have again exposed how a super-rich elite is allowed to get away with dodging taxes.

This Government has opposed measure after measure in this House, and in the European Parliament, to clamp down on the tax havens that facilitate this outrageous leaching from the public purse.

Mr Deputy Speaker, too often it feels like there is one rule for the super-rich and another for the rest of us.

The horrors of Grenfell Tower were a reflection of a system that puts profits before people, that fails to listen to working class people.

In 2013 this Government received advice in a coroner’s report that sprinklers should be fitted in all high rise buildings.

Today this government failed to fund the £1 billion investment needed to make homes safe. The Chancellor says councils should contact them, but Nottingham has, Westminster has, and they’ve been refused!

In a Parliament building scheduled to be retrofitted with sprinklers, to protect us, the message from this government to people living in high rise homes is: You matter less.

Our country is marked by growing inequality and injustice.

We were promised a revolutionary Budget. The reality is nothing has changed.

People were looking for help from this Budget, they have been let down.

Let down by a Government that like the economy they’ve presided over is weak and unstable and in need of urgent change.

They call this Budget, ‘Fit for the Future’. The reality is this is a Government no longer fit for office.

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yasbxxgie · 5 years

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One of California’s last black enclaves threatened by Inglewood’s stadium deal

Inglewood has come a long way since Dr. Dre proclaimed in the ’90s that it was “always up to no good.”

A surge of economic development is wiping away its reputation as a battle zone for rival gangs and promises to remake the city not only into a sports and entertainment mecca but also a cultural destination.

But now that Inglewood is on the come up, longtime residents and city officials face a different challenge: Many who have weathered decades of hardship no longer can afford to live there and are being left out of the economic renaissance.

Donald Martin, 67, lost the roof over his head after a new landlord evicted him with just 60 days’ notice from the building he had lived in for almost a decade.

Tomisha Pinson, who lives next door to the new L.A. Rams and Chargers stadium and entertainment complex, received a notice that the monthly rent on her two-bedroom Inglewood apartment would spike from $1,145 to $2,725.

“It makes you feel pushed out, like, ‘We don’t need you guys no more, the upper class is going to be moving in,’ ” said Pinson, 43, a mother of two who takes in foster children.

As home prices soar and rents rise, Inglewood is struggling to meet its goal of encouraging more investment while trying to preserve one of California’s last remaining African American enclaves.

“Inglewood is the ‘City of Champions’ and like all good champions, Inglewood is rising again,” said Daniel Tabor, a former mayor and councilman. “But it has been a missed opportunity for economic participation by the residents and local businesses.”

Not long ago, the city was struggling with decades of decline exacerbated by the loss of two economic engines, the Lakers and Hollywood Park racetrack. Now, the white skeleton of the $2.6-billion NFL stadium and entertainment district is rising along Century Boulevard. Plans for a new L.A. Clippers arena are crystallizing. A $14.5-million Frank Gehry-designed home for the L.A. Philharmonic’s youth orchestra is underway, and the Girl Scouts of Greater Los Angeles moved its regional headquarters to Inglewood last February.

“We all know when the Girl Scouts come, it’s all over,” Mayor James T. Butts Jr. joked to a group of homeowners last year. In his view, the Scouts’ arrival pins a badge of safety on his city, in turn luring still more investment.

All these attractions will become easier to visit with next year’s scheduled opening of the $2-billion, 8.5-mile Crenshaw light rail line.

But activists are pressing City Hall, demanding officials do more to protect residents against ballooning rents. In March, the city adopted a temporary cap on increases and evictions. But some say the measure is too little, too late.

Uplift Inglewood, a tenants’ rights group, is suing the city and a developer to halt construction of the Clippers arena, a project that would allow the city to use eminent domain to confiscate property at the southwest corner of Century Boulevard and Prairie Avenue. The lawsuit alleges that the city’s proposed sale of public land to build the Clippers project violates state law that requires prioritizing the use of such land for affordable housing.

D’Artagnan Scorza, 38, who sits on the city’s school board, said he helped create Uplift Inglewood to give a voice to vulnerable renters. He knows their plight. When he was a grade-schooler, his family was evicted from their Inglewood townhouse; they couldn’t afford the rent.

Although he supports the football stadium project, he wants to use it to leverage development and investment to benefit blacks and Latinos, who account for an estimated 42% and 51%, respectively, of Inglewood residents.

“We wanted to be a model for investment without displacement,” Scorza said. “We didn’t want that capital to come in and flood out the folk who live here.”

***

At the center of the fray is Mayor Butts, who was reelected to a third term in 2018 with 63% of the vote.

While in office, he has tried to juggle seemingly opposing goals: courting pharaonic projects like the NFL stadium while persuading landlords to keep rents stable and trying to ensure that longtime owners reap the benefits of a thriving market that has pushed the median home value in this city of 110,000 to $555,000.

Lack of rent control makes Inglewood an attractive investment opportunity. Owners have been able to jack up rents or kick out month-to-month tenants with just 60 days’ notice. Two-thirds of the city’s residents are renters. About a quarter who live here are older than 55. Many are on fixed incomes.

At the March 5 City Council meeting, Butts proposed — and the council unanimously voted to adopt — a 45-day moratorium during which rent increases would be capped at 5% annually and evictions would be halted as the city tried to find a permanent solution to the rent problem. There’s an option to extend the measure to a full year.

Previously, Butts had opposed rent ordinances, saying: “We’re not going to do anything to stymie the small owners from being able to make a living.”

But Inglewood’s housing market has changed drastically since he was elected in 2011.

Back then, the city was on the verge of bankruptcy. Services were being trimmed, and unemployment amid the Great Recession stood at 17%. The city’s largest taxpayer, Hollywood Park Racetrack and Casino — which in 2011 brought $4.6 million into the city’s coffers — was shuttering its racetrack.

Developers say their investments have spurred Inglewood’s reversal of fortune. In 2018, the site where the 300-acre stadium project is going up brought in $15.8 million in tax revenue — without a single game being played. That money has been used to restore services, hire more police officers and replace the aging fleet of cop cars, Butts said.

Inglewood’s post-recession jobless rate is now 5.4%. But there’s a downside to the boom: a growing housing shortage. Despite the city’s turnaround, said Chris Meany, co-founder of the developer involved in the NFL stadium and Clippers projects, “when a place is being economically redeveloped, always in the back of your mind is, ‘Are we gentrifying to the point we’re displacing people?’ ”

Years before the stadium plan came into being, the same developer had proposed building a retail and residential community with 3,000 housing units — 450 of which would be affordable — at the racetrack site. The project would have included upscale, market-rate housing to attract high-income earners and raise the city’s tax base.

In 2008, city officials and developers agreed to spread the affordable units throughout the city. Now, when completed, the stadium-entertainment complex will include Inglewood’s largest housing project, with 2,500 units. None are set aside for low-income residents.

Butts said the city had constructed hundreds of affordable units since he took office and that another 180 would be added over the next three years.

But Inglewood is a long way from fulfilling its 2021 housing goal of 567 below-market units. It hasn’t produced any affordable housing since the end of 2013, when all L.A. County cities were required to set goals for the next seven years, according to the state’s Department of Housing and Community Development.

Russ Heimerich, a spokesman for the state Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency, said many communities had failed to meet their targets.

“The whole state of California is behind in producing housing,” he said.

With a median household income of $46,000, roughly $15,000 below the county’s median, Inglewood has joined a growing list of urban areas nationwide, from Baltimore to Oakland, where African Americans have historically clustered — for comfort or because of race-based redlining policies — but now feel they are being pushed out. Nationwide, black homeownership rates have declined to levels not seen since the 1960s, when race-based discrimination was legal, according to nonprofit think tank the Urban Institute, a sign that the economic recovery has skipped many workers of color.

“This is our ’hood,” said Major Stewart, 69, who lived in Inglewood for 36 years before getting a notice in December that rent on his one-bedroom apartment two miles from the new stadium would more than double. So he’s moving in with his sister in L.A. “If you move us out of here, we’re lost.”

African Americans have felt unwelcome in Inglewood before.

A century ago, signs posted by the Ku Klux Klan declared the city to be for “Caucasians-Only.” The post-WWII era brought a wave of African Americans escaping the Jim Crow South for the dream of living where race was not the “principal organizing factor,” said Darnell Hunt, director of the Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies at UCLA.

“California was never a slave state,” he said, “so all of those things made it attractive for blacks coming from places where racial segregation and oppression was in your face every day.”

Many of the transplants secured good-paying jobs in the defense industry. But as more blacks arrived, Jim Crow followed. Realtors refused to show them homes. Racial covenants tucked into property deeds prohibited selling to blacks, keeping large swaths of present-day South L.A. and Inglewood Caucasian.

A series of state and federal laws made housing discrimination illegal. But it took the 1965 Watts riots to truly integrate Inglewood, as middle-class blacks moved farther west in search of a place to lay down community roots.

By 1970, one in 10 Inglewood residents were black. But as the region’s manufacturing base shrank, high-paying union jobs disappeared. Industry trends and the shift in residents’ spending power caused many of the city’s businesses to close.

The Lakers and Kings moved to downtown L.A. in 1999. Efforts to revitalize Inglewood’s Market Street failed. The state took over the city’s troubled schools in 2012. Hollywood Park held its final race the following year.

“Inglewood was in decline” and edging toward insolvency, said Meany, the developer.

Then with the NFL stadium plans came a surprising revival. The growth of the technology sector in Playa Vista’s Silicon Beach also began to change Inglewood, much as the tech boom has spilled into black communities in Oakland, Boston and Seattle. Newcomers with higher salaries found their dollar could stretch further.

The city’s image also has been buffed by positive pop-culture imagery, such as HBO’s hit comedy-drama “Insecure,” depicting the trials and triumphs of its 20-something black female protagonist who lives in Inglewood.

“ ‘Insecure’ does a pretty good job of showing the world the other side of South L.A.,” Hunt said, “that maybe you didn’t see if all you saw were the gangster movies of the 1990s and everything that came after the 1992 uprising” with the Rodney King trial.

For Clarence Johnson, buying an Inglewood home was a gamble that paid off.

The 34-year-old father of two found a duplex that fit his budget, nestled on a tree-lined street off West 102nd Street. He lives in one unit and rents out the other.

When he moved to Inglewood in 2011, he said, parts of the city resembled a rap video — people with intimidating stares clustered on street corners. When he used to tell people where he lived, they replied, “You can always move. Inglewood is a good start.”

Now they ask if he lives near the stadium, and his home value has more than doubled.

Butts has admitted to underestimating the rent-increase problem, once thinking it could be solved on a case-by-case basis.

Over the last few years, the mayor said, he would reach out to residents when rumors of price gouging and displacement surfaced online but often did not hear back. Then in January, an outraged tenant posted on Facebook that her rent would jump from $1,200 to $2,725 per month.

Butts got word of a rental increase of more than 100% in the nine-unit, sand-colored apartment building where Major Stewart lived. Not longer after that building changed hands late last year, the new owner tucked notices of rent increases into tenants’ screen doors. Stewart was informed that his rent would jump to $1,725 from $855. There were no promises to make improvements, like replacing his aging carpet or appliances, Major Stewart said.

Increase notices also went out at Tomisha Pinson’s 28-unit complex, which was owned by the same property management company, and Butts stepped in.

He met days later with Adrian Malin, the head of Regents 99 LLC, and crafted an agreement that gave renters in the two apartment buildings several choices, including gradual increases or a $10,000 lump sum to move out by April.

“It was somewhat of a victory for us,” said 40-year-old Angel Burrell, a longtime resident who plans to take the lump sum and move into a family-owned duplex in Inglewood.

Malin declined to comment but in an email wrote: “I have a lot of respect for Mayor Butts.”

But the community’s triumph was short-lived.

In February, Butts learned of two more properties that had experienced sharp rent hikes. The property manager refused to speak with him, prompting the mayor to propose the 45-day rent moratorium.

The temporary cap was a win for Uplift Inglewood, which continues to apply pressure to City Hall. It also is taking the fight to Sacramento, pushing for an anti-price-gouging bill.

“Everybody can agree that these 120% rent increases are astronomical and ridiculous,” said Scorza, of Uplift Inglewood. “I think we can start there.”

But the cap wasn’t enough to keep Donald Martin in Inglewood.

Golden Bee Properties took over his 10-unit building last year. The new landlord never issued a notice about raising the rent. Instead, Martin was evicted with 60 days’ notice.

Golden Bee’s top executive, David Berneman, declined to comment.

There’s no way to know how many tenants have been pushed from their homes without cause; some eviction notices are available for viewing for 60 days, but many are not public record.

When he left, Martin said, Golden Bee Management gave him a month’s rent plus $500. He boxed up his suits, his favorite alligator shoes that he only wears to church, and some cooking supplies. He put it all in storage.

For weeks, Martin parked his SUV in a strip mall and slept in the front seat before the police ordered him to leave. Now he is living out of motels and extended-stay hotels.

“I can’t save money, because the rent of some places I live is $500 a week,” said Martin, who receives a disability check for back pain. “It has been really rough on me.”

On a recent afternoon, he returned to his old neighborhood to visit friends, driving past the building where he thought he would live out his golden years.

The exterior had been painted a lime green with gray-blue trim. A crew of workers streamed in and out, readying the apartments for tenants willing to pay market rent.

Photographs

Kids propel their scooters down a Market Street sidewalk

A theater on that street is shuttered while, elsewhere in Inglewood, a stadium and entertainment complex is in the works

Cars pass a city sign on La Brea Avenue

Plans for a new Clippers arena in Inglewood have spurred protests, such as this one in June 2018. The project would allow use of eminent domain to confiscate property

Mayor James T. Butts Jr., shown at a 2018 Inglewood City Council meeting, acted in March to temporarily halt evictions and slow rent increases

The rising stadium complex looms behind the gated community of Renaissance Homes in Inglewood

Major Stewart is leaving the city he's lived in for 36 years. He's packing his boxes after being told the rent on his one-bedroom apartment is set to more than double

Clarence Johnson snaps photos of a home for sale in Inglewood. Johnson has seen the value of a duplex he owns in the city spike with the current economic boom.

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ixvyupdates · 6 years

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This Real-Life Black Panther Is Way More Badass Than Any Movie Character

Mary Scott-Boria, 67, has had a long and distinguished career in Chicago’s civic world: first executive director of the Chicago Sexual Assault Services Network, executive board member of Cook County Democratic Women, director of the Associated Colleges of the Midwest’s Urban Studies Program and veteran board member of Mikva Challenge, which helps young people develop their voice in government and politics.

She’s easy to spot in her West Side neighborhood of Humboldt Park, a petite figure with curly white hair, likely accompanied by some of her grandchildren.

If you met Scott-Boria today, you’d never guess that as a teenager, she joined the Black Panther Party.

“My Black Panther experience was the source of my radical existence. The Panthers gave me a sense of a worldview.”

Thanks to the times and her activist-minded mother, she had already had some exposure to Black freedom movements. She attended Martin Luther King Jr.’s 1966 rally at Soldier Field with her mother and sister, where King spoke to thousands protesting for equal housing, education and employment for Black Chicagoans, then led a march to City Hall.

A Rough Start in Chicago

Scott-Boria and her sister were so inspired they left their father’s home in Battle Creek, Michigan, to move in with their mother in the East Garfield Park neighborhood on Chicago’s West Side.

But returning to Chicago proved to be harder than expected. While Battle Creek was experiencing similar upheavals, the smaller environment had shielded her from some forms of overt racism.

Not so in Chicago.

“It was really hard to feel the racism and segregation so pronounced,” Scott-Boria remembers. “I grew up in a pretty integrated school system, even though our communities were pretty segregated. Coming to Chicago was a big shock.”

In her very first week at Lucy Flower High School, a Black classmate challenged Scott-Boria’s racial identity, asking, “What are you?”

“What am I? I’m a Negro, just like you,” Scott-Boria, daughter of a White mother and a Black father, answered. “I constantly had to articulate for people what my racial background was.”

In Chicago of the late ’60s, that racial background carried consequences for where to live. When Scott-Boria and her sister arrived in Chicago, her mother’s landlord took the family to housing court to evict them.

“The landlord rented to her thinking she was a White woman married to a White man with White children. He was not going to have those little Black girls in his building,” she recalls. After a year of legal wrangling, the family was evicted and moved.

She also had the personal challenge of finishing high school as a young mother. Fortunately, the high school she attended while pregnant “was a lifesaver. There were only about 16 girls. The staff was incredibly supportive of us. I got all A’s while I was there.”

After her oldest daughter, Tonja Morgan, was born, Scott-Boria spent just a few months at Lucy Flower before graduating. In April 1968, when King was assassinated, she remembers coming home from school with baby Tonja on her back.

“At that point I wasn’t so much involved in what was going on. I was involved in my little baby.”

College Was Her Moment of Awakening

But that changed once she graduated and started at Crane Junior College. In the late 1960s, Crane, like so many other college campuses, was a hotbed of student radicalism. But at Crane, on Chicago’s West Side, that radicalism took a distinctly Black focus.

As Scott-Boria remembers it, “It was the most political institution in the city. The Black Panthers were there, the Black liberationists were there, Black nationalists were there. There was a small cadre of people who were very radicalized.”

That radical group of students—Scott-Boria estimates they totaled 20 to 30 people—made big waves in a short time. Their demands led to a new name—Malcolm X College—and accelerated construction on a new, larger building, which opened in 1969.

And there was more.

“We demanded a Black president. We demanded that all the faculty quit and that we interview and hire all-new faculty that summer. We wanted more Black Studies classes. The time was just right, because it was happening all over the country.”

Malcolm X supported the student organizers with travel to other colleges to learn about their approaches to Black Studies and curriculum.

At the same time, Scott-Boria found herself drawn to the Panthers’ message of self-empowerment. She took her daughter with her to a Panther rally at First Baptist Congregational Church to hear Chicago Panther leader Fred Hampton speak. “People were impressed I was there with a baby,” she remembers.

Before Hampton spoke, another speaker invited the audience to consider joining the movement.

“If you are Black, you can join. If you are light-skinned, bring your birth certificate,” he told the crowd.

Soon after, Scott-Boria did as he had said.

“I went to the Black Panther office and I said, ‘I want to join,’ and I brought my birth certificate.” People there laughed, but they let her in.

For Scott-Boria, joining the Panthers meant the opportunity to prove her Blackness.

“I’m here in black pants and a black shirt. I had a black beret. I had to compensate for being so light-skinned. I felt like I had to prove myself. Because I was so light-skinned, my Afro needed to be bigger, and I needed to wear those combat boots.”

She sold newspapers and worked in the children’s breakfast program, which provided the inspiration for free breakfast in public schools. “I would put my daughter in a stroller and go down Madison Street to the Better Boys Foundation.”

About 200 children a day came to eat bacon, eggs, toast and grits. Scott-Boria sold papers to their parents, who could get breakfast, too. “It was a place that fed their minds as well as their bellies. A lot of political education took place.”

Scott-Boria’s own political education took place there as well as at college. “We didn’t go anywhere without [Mao Tse-Tung’s] Little Red Book. We were very literate in the sense that we needed to understand political movements, the communist movement.”

She also learned about liberation movements in Angola and Mozambique, which later led to her involvement in the struggle for Black freedom in South Africa.

From the Panthers to ‘Black Panther’

In December of 1969, Hampton was killed in a police raid. His death rocked the Chicago Panthers, including Scott-Boria, to their core.

“I left maybe six months after Fred was killed, because I was scared to death,” she remembers.

Once she finished at Malcolm X, she transferred to the University of Illinois-Chicago (UIC) to earn her bachelor’s degree.

UIC was a distinctly less politically active campus, and she took a step back from student organizing. Her focus shifted to the women’s movement and health. She attended a conference in Puerto Rico on women’s health issues, where she learned about forced sterilizations. The experience motivated her to earn a master’s degree and spend the early part of her career in hospital social work.

As she says, “All of it started with my involvement with the Panthers.”

Today, she’s looking forward to discussing the movie “Black Panther” with her grandchildren as they grow and come to understand the deeper themes in the film.

“There’s a lot of power in this movie,” she observes. “How the broken relationship between Africa and African-Americans is reconciled. The deeply painful experience between the two leading male characters and how we understand that is going to be an interesting topic of conversation. And then, finally, how the Black women appeared in the movie as real badasses.”

But no movie character is as badass as Mary Scott-Boria, a living figure in Chicago’s Black history.

Photo courtesy of Mary Scott-Boria.

This Real-Life Black Panther Is Way More Badass Than Any Movie Character syndicated from https://sapsnkraguide.wordpress.com

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famoustastemakerblizzard-blog · 7 years

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