arandomname5-blog

[arandomname5-blog]

Notebook 5: Reflection

Overall this course has been an interesting, and rather different, one. The other Ethnics courses in this series (1 and 3) were rather straightforward. In these classes all we did was cover frameworks and discuss examples and had various lengthy, and dense, readings that we had to complete. I will say that this specific course was lighter in the amount of readings but was more work-load intensive. I generally prefer the typical classroom setting so I will say that I was more uncomfortable with the assignments we had to do here and the whole social aspect of the course. It is a nice change from the norm, and I will say that it works for some people but I would not say I am one of those people. Regardless, it was an interesting approach to teach rather difficult to grasp concepts.

Focusing now on the Ethnics ‘Zine project. The concept for it is interesting and ties well with the themes of the class. It was fun to focus on one specific “object” and learn how it connects with specific cultures of people. I will say it was more interesting than solely focusing on the culture in general, because when you specify on one part of it, you can learn much more. My only issue with this was again the whole social media aspect of the project. I understand it was to fit with the whole theme of “circulations” but I just tend to prefer the more traditional paper/essay approach because then I feel like I learned more along the way and because it is less time consuming for me.

Regarding the lectures and class. I found the professor to be interesting and extremely more social than the other professors on this campus. He seems like a caring professor and makes his lectures interesting and interactive, which is always a good thing. My only issues was that sometimes the narratives he discussed seemed to dominate the lecture and I found it difficult to understand what I should take notes on or what I should just listen to. Sometimes I would just show up to lecture and listen to what he says and then walk out wondering what I learned. This then becomes an issue when a test begins to approach because then I do not have many notes and the ones I do are often not relevant because the terms end up coming from the stories he mentions, which at the time seemed almost irrelevant to the frameworks discussed.  I am not saying that I did not learn anything, because I did, but I feel like I learned more from the previous Ethnics courses I have taken compared to this one.

To summarize this all. I did enjoy my time in this course and I am glad I ended up taking it and not dropping it, despite some of the issues I had with it.

[arandomname5-blog]

Ethnics Zine Link

https://issuu.com/oscardonosa/docs/samoan_ethnics__zine

[arandomname5-blog]

Zine Draft

[arandomname5-blog]

Summary

This is a critically engaging and highly anecdotal ‘zine focusing on the injustices and dark events of the Salvadorian Civil War and the impact it played in the lives of the author’s family and likewise himself. Its focus primarily emphasizes the toll it had on his family and provides insight into an important song associated with the Civil War. The song, known as “Las Casas de Carton,” is the object chosen in this ‘zine that is analyzed and works as a point of reflection to the conditions of the Civil War. Specifically, this song which circulates in a trans/national scale is meant to highlight and make the listener aware of the conditions faced by the lower class because of the failure of the Salvadorian government. The intended audience being those unaware of the Salvadorian War.

 Quote

“How sad sounds the rain on the roofs of cardboard, How sad live my people in the houses of cardboard”

This is a rather interesting quote from the song. It would be great if you would place more of the translated lyrics of song and if used for the zine it would be even better if you analyze them and provide explanations on how they reflect the conditions of the Salvadorian Civil War.

 Anecdote

“ One thing that I want to bring forth is that my aunt (my mom’s best friend who we consider family) told me about how her father would dress in all black and sit on the roof during times of intense turmoil because he wanted to make sure that his family was protected. He would sit up there in the darkness of the night with a machete to make sure that he was capable of protecting himself and his family. He would watch many of his neighbors and friends he may have had get taken away to presumably be tortured and killed, or to be forced to join the FMLN group.”

I like the use of anecdotes for evidence as they provide glimpses of first-hand experiences in the conditions of the Civil War. I believe that they work well with the use of the song as both play similar roles in describing the lives of the individuals who were involved in this War and provides great strength to the content of the zine. You might want to make different sections on your zine where in each you focus on a specific topic. One section on the history of the war, the song, and your family’s experience in it.

 Analysis

The aspects of my trans/national context of my object that are intersectional would have to be how class and people who were more impoverished would feel the blow of governmental conflicts and poor males would be forced to join the war because of how the gender roles fit into the conflicted Salvadorian society. (Original)

The song “Las Casas de Carton” can be analyzed under a trans/national context but focusing specifically in the cities of Salvador, an intersectional analysis between class and gender of the people is significant in understanding the decisions of the government. Those who were more impoverished would feel the blow of governmental conflicts and specifically, poor males would be forced to join the war because of the outcome of gender roles and how they fit into the conflicted Salvadorian society. (New)

 Suggestions

You are introducing a potential connection between gender and class and how the Civil War was having conflicting influences on the roles that people involved in these aspects experience. It would be beneficial if this conversation was further expanded and if you can somehow tie the song into these concepts of intersectionality. For example, did this song circulate more often among poor males?

 Overall the ‘zine has interesting ideas and the sections chosen above would be nice to introduce into the ‘zine with further detail that further complicates and enhances the ideas and concepts that you want to discuss about. The evidence used is strong but there could be more analysis.

  �ڽ��y�

Notebook 2: Object Specification

Unfortunately, I am forced to choose only one object/subject to focus my ‘zine therefore, I want to focus on the song by Los Guaraguao “Las Casas de Carton”. I will still include pieces of how my grandfather fled his country in order to survive; however, there won’t be such an emphasis on that. Furthermore, I want to focus on how this song motivated Salvadorian people to fight for their rights. “Las Casas de Carton” focuses a lot on the fact that many people were living in extremely impoverished conditions. This specific song is concentrated on the lack of property within El Salvador and other Central American countries. Furthermore, the involvement of the US in Central America led to the forcing of a democracy, while also leaving the people impoverished. Furthermore, this song goes into fueling a type of hatred toward colonization. The concept of colonization is extremely pertinent in this civil war and object because the US was imposing Democracy onto El Salvador. Furthermore, the US was successfully able to erase the Salvadorian currency (which was the Colon) and convert it into the dollar bill. There have been many speculations that El Salvador made an economic mistake accepting the dollar bill; however, many people that believe that El Salvador willingly accepted this also don’t acknowledge that the Salvadorian Civil War was an event that happened. The aspects of my trans/national context of my object that are intersectional would have to be how class and people who were more impoverished would feel the blow of governmental conflicts and poor males would be forced to join the war because of how the gender roles fit into the conflicted Salvadorian society. One thing that I want to bring forth is that my aunt (my mom’s best friend who we consider family) told me about how her father would dress in all black and sit on the roof during times of intense turmoil because he wanted to make sure that his family was protected. He would sit up there in the darkness of the night with a machete to make sure that he was capable of protecting himself and his family. He would watch many of his neighbors and friends he may have had get taken away to presumably be tortured and killed, or to be forced to join the FMLN group. Another big thing I wanted to bring up was that there were curfews imposed on people and if people didn’t follow these curfews, they’d be killed on the spot. My uncle told me about how he was almost killed by one of the death squad soldiers; however, he took mercy on him because my uncle was very young. This is all I have for this installment. Check in next time for another update about the brutal yet unknown war of El Salvador.  

[arandomname5-blog]

Comment:

You provide detailed context of the Ashanti Empire and its evolution to the modern-day nation of Ghana related to the social and political issues, which is great to see, but there is not much information about the Golden Stool or how it plays a role and is related to all this information. It seems more like history and background and there is no real focus on your object. How does the Golden Stool reflect these concepts and ideas that you discuss? 

Notebook 2

Dziga Djugba

TA:Leon Lee

ETHN 2

Notebook 2

26 January 2017

I shifted the trans/national focus in which I analyze the Golden Stool to be between Ghana and the Golden coast. The Gold Coast was the first iteration of what would one day become Ghana. This time period was littered with new ideas of what the Ashanti empire was and the identity of its people. Analyzing this time period allows me to see how the Golden Stool has changed over time and nations. The conception of modern day Ghana marked a new identity for the once separated people of the Gold Coast. The new nation grouped many peoples into one collective, this grouping changed the way these people viewed their own identities and changed the way the way the Golden stool was perceived.

Within the nation of the Gold Coast there was a strong desire to self govern and control one’s own fate, but the exclusion of Ashanti from government curbed this ambition. This relates closely to the national bind of whiteness in which the “other” is excluded by the group in power. When the British too control of the Ashanti kingdom they annexed their king and took control of Ashanti assets. Gradually however, the Ashanti and other ethnic groups gained tools to govern themselves. In 1925 elections were put in place. Later in 1943 the constitution required a african majority in the legislative branch giving the people of the gold coast some of the tools needed to determine their own futures.

Ghana still struggles with the national bind of Imperialism. After increasing demand for self determination in 1957 Ghana gained its independance from the British, becoming the first sub-saharan nation to do so. However the nation was plagued with political unrest, Ghana has been subject 4 coups since its independence. These coups are due to the unstable state Britain left the country in. When the colony of the Gold Coast was created it combined the lands of many ethnic groups and in doing so there was no cohesive identity among the people. The lack of cohesion caused the coups that have stunted Ghana’s progress in the modern era.

The formation of political exclusion in the gold coast can be analyzed in greater detail if we look at how both race and class shaped the exclusion. While race was a key in the exclusion of peoples from government this only gives us a shallow understanding of it. When the British began to settle the gold coast they still gave political power to some, but only those who were wealthy. Wealth in the early day of the Gold Coast was typical for the time period and came from the selling of slaves. The only people that were not excluded were those who adopted a concept of whiteness, standing upon the backs of others to rise.  

Works Cited

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-13434226

http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/specials/1624_story_of_africa/page5.shtml

http://thecommonwealth.org/our-member-countries/ghana/history

[arandomname5-blog]

Ethnics Notebook 3 (Zine Draft)

[arandomname5-blog]

Ethnics Notebook 3 (Written)

Focus/Change: The object is still the Samoan Tatau with specific focus on the male specific Pe’a tatau. The emphasis is on the object itself and its meaning and connection to identity for the male Samoan.

 Relational: The object connects to the idea of indigeneity and relates to the American Indigenous tribes and their struggle of establishing representation/existence of their own nation. These connections emerge from the Indigenous Regeneration movements which have been centered on a growing awareness that the Indigenous nations are still active and existing. The same concept here applies with the Samoans and the resurgent use of the tatau. This is because, the tatau works as a basis for establishing the cultural identity of the wearer and likewise makes them, as a people/nation, prevalent and existent in the modern-day society. It reflects their identity among the nation, as the tatau often has genealogical roots, and represents the wearer’s pride in the culture. While in their own homeland it is a way to continue tradition, out in the Samoan diasporas, such as the one in the United States, it carries the same importance as the attempts that the indigenous people perform to keep their existence ongoing and known. The tatau itself serving this role because of the sudden reemergence of its use that characterizes the attempt of reestablishing cultural relevance as a nation of people.

While the connection between the other indigenous tribes in the US is there, the more obvious relation is the similarity between the Samoans and the other Pacific Islander nations. They all suffer from a major loss of identity, more of an invisible identity, that emerged from the systems of colonialism that had previously tied many cultural groups, individual small nations, to greater colonial powers that have hidden their existence. One example, is the homogenization of the various Pacific Island nations as one people, which resulted from Western Colonial influences that tried to view them as similar indigenous groups (Sowell “Introduction to Polynesian Art”). This possibly resulted in an overall loss of identity for the various cultural groups, small nations of people, who were part of different chieftains – or even entirely different cultural groups- and were all seen as one people. This is a problem that many American Indigenous nations have faced before as they were also grouped together as if they were part of one massive nation, one type of people. This is where the significance of the tatau proves to provide more relevance especially when it comes down the Pe’a which has been exclusive to the male population of the Samoan people (Taule'alo). Although there are various other Pacific Island nations that likewise use the tatau, the symbols and art style that are used in the Pe’a are exclusive to the Samoan people (Sowell “Samoan Archipelago”). Thus the object proves to be a solution for a problem that is predominantly exclusive to indigenous nations/cultures. It creates a physical marker that is vital to the identity of the individual but at the same time circulates and portrays the existence of a nation of people that is often invisible to the rest of the world. This is where the object has ties in with the idea of indigeneity. As the object is what marks and keeps alive the idea of indigeneity of the people as its deeply rooted in their culture. The relation to indignity is less of a political factor and based more on cultural pride and identification. The tatau establishes a long history of cultural identity and has genealogical roots to their ancestors. It works to connect the Samoan diasporas together and back to their origins in their original homeland that has changed through time because of colonialism. The object itself is rooted back to origin stories in Samoan history and mythology.

   References

 Sowell, Teri. “Introduction to Polynesian Art.” VIS 21A. Pepper Canyon Hall, UCSD, La Jolla. 6 April 2016. Class Lecture

Sowell, Teri. “Samoan Archipelago.” VIS 21A. Pepper Canyon Hall, UCSD, La Jolla. 17 May 2016. Class Lecture

Taule'alo, Vanya. “ Tattooing In Contemporary Samoan Society,” Tatowier Magazin. Germany, Novemeber 1999. Samoaobserver. Web. Published 13 June 2016. Accessed 28 January 2017. <http://www.samoaobserver.ws/en/13_06_2016/columns/7358/TRADITIONAL-TATTOOING-IN-CONTEMPORARY-SAMOAN-SOCIETY.htm>

  U6lTr�x�:�3�

[arandomname5-blog]

Ethnics2: Notebook 2

Object: Samoan Tatau (Specifically the Pe’a tatau)

Theme: Indigenous (Inter)Nationalism

 Context 1: Los Angeles, United States, Contemporary Time (1960+)

           Due to the possession of some of the Samoan Islands by the United States there has been an influx of Samoans onto the mainland where many have become adapted to the urban life there and incorporated parts of their own culture into the new setting. With the increasing social movements that gained traction in America around the 1960s and even into modern times, a great deal of attention was often placed on indigenous groups and people

“Samoa became independent in 1962. Cultural practice that were subdued or lost during colonial rule are trying to reemerge with festivals like ‘The Teuila Festival’ held every year giving breath to old games, crafts and tattooing” (Taule'alo).

By bringing back these cultural traditions back many of the Samoans in the diasporas began to desire reintegrating themselves in the old traditions and cultures. Such a case is seen in the film Tatau: What One Must Do as it focuses on the life of a Samoan man in Los Angeles who desires the acquisition of his own Pe’a to feel like he was a man and part of his culture. To him, as too many others living in the diaspora, the need to have a tatau was there because they wanted to have an ethnic identifier that is meant to express their identity and ties to their homeland. “Samoan body tattooing cuts to the very core of the concept of identity. The quest for identity marks the individual desire to be tattooed and is a connection to the ancestral and cultural past. It also shows that the culture is still very much alive today, not just in Samoa but wherever tattooed Samoans are living” (Taule'alo).

           So not only in the diaspora that exists in the United States but wherever they go, the tatau serves as a piece of Samoan identity.

 Context 2: Independent State of Samoa (Samoan Archipelago) and American Samoa, Contemporary (1960+)

           Following their independence and the resurgence of their old customs many Samoans became connected with their homeland.  Many of the Tatau artists, tofuga, began to reappear and practice their trade once more. It reintegrated the idea into the population that having a tatau was important to your identity as Samoan.

“The pain was extreme and the risk of death by infection was a great concern. But to shy away from tattooing was to risk being labeled a pala'ai or coward and reviled by the clan. Those who could not endure the pain and abandoned their tattooing were left incomplete, wearing their mark of shame throughout their life” (Pacific Islanders in Communication).

           With the revival there was a likewise similar revival with other Polynesian cultures in which the Samoans were the ones coming in to educate them on the proper methods of tatau making (Sowell).  Nonetheless, the revival was essential in reasserting the identity of the Samoan nation. It was an object that travels around with them and states their ethnic identity.

“Another reason is spiritual; it makes someone accepted in the society. Here in Auckland having a tattooed person in the community is necessary for ceremonies. Once you have had a tattoo you have to identify yourself as set in that culture, and all things pertaining to that culture” (Taule'alo).

 National Binds: Citizenship in the sense of being apart of a Nation, Origin Story and Religion

           These binds are based on tradition and origin. The tatau itself is an object engraved into the origin of the people and its founders and it was tradition for all the members of the nation, here defined as the group of people of a similar culture, to acquire the tatau that was a marker of status and connected partly to their religion. Basically it was a marker that not only provided your ethnic identity but at the same time granted acceptance as a “true” member of the community, or as a part of the nation (Sowell).   The reason for why the tatau had such importance was because it was defined as a manifestation of “mana” or the life force that grants power (Taule'alo). So it was vital that an individual has a tatau like the Pe’a because it provided and represented the mana it provides to the individual.            During the age of colonial rule there was a massive suppression of their culture and traditions and the use of the tatau was drastically affected. As, “missionaries were aware of the cultural significance of tattooing and must have realised that mana was conferred on the individual so they attempted to eradicate it, along with ancient gods and customary practices which they saw as pagan, lewd and debased” (Taule'alo). There was instead a period in which Christianty took over as the dominant form of Religion and affected the way Samoans identified themselves as. There was a push towards “Whiteness” and there was little possible resistance as it proved to be difficult to acquire a tatau. This lasted until the 1960s in which the colonial rule was lifted, although some islands are still American territory. During this time there was a revival of traditional ideas and concepts and the resurgence of the tatau. Which once again worked to as a national bind that expressed cultural identity and in a sense unity as it connected all the diasporas back to their home.

           Traditionally speaking, anyone who lived in the tribes or villages was considered to be a Samoan by the standards of Western perspectives. These people felt connected and saw themselves as one group based solely on the area and village they inhabited, and were under the “rule” of one chieftain. The chieftain was tradition-bound to acquire a Pe’a, if male, and wear it with pride to symbolize the pride of his people. Likewise, anyone serving the chieftains also had to acquire a tatau as they had to be considered “full” members of society (Sowell). The film Tatau: What One Must Do also described the need to acquire one. It was considered a rite of passage to adulthood and adulthood itself was what allowed one to be a full member of his community. Thus those individuals who refused to acquire one were pressured to do so or to be seen as a sort of outcast that could not be fully accepted.

 Intersectional:

           This all ties together back to the idea of Indigenous (Inter)Nationalism. This idea is one that states that indigenous peoples/nations are still very much alive and present in the various parts of the world. They are existing and proud of who they are and the concept of their nation is one that is evermoving and changing. In this case the object of the tatau is what determines identity but its meaning is tied to a more prevalent sense of masculinity. The Pe’a is one type of tatau that is often limited to only males and restricted to females as the process of attaining one is excruciating and potentially deadly. In the Samoan islands, prior to the onset of colonization, the acquisition of the Pe’a by a male was almost mandatory. As a man without one found it difficult to find a mate that would accept him (Sowell). Thus the tatau was at the very concept of masculinity. If you wanted to be an adult male, then you had to have a Pe’a. These ideas of masculinity were thus embedded to the meaning of the Pe’a. It was a vital part of the Samoan male and without it many would feel powerless, as the tatau represent this “mana”, and would often feel like they were not really people. At least not truly a man. With the revival of the traditions and cultures that were surpressed by the Christian settlers these views of the tatau emerged in the moder world and was the reason why many Samoan males in the diaspora once again desired to acquire a tatau. It was an important tradition that presented the status of the family line and many males felt that it was mandatory to continue the tradition (Pacific Islanders in Communication). The example comes from the film Tatau: What One Must Do, with the Samoan man presented here. He believed that he was not as connected to his culture as he could be and had beleifs that he was not truly a man. He wanted to acquire the Pe’a in order to prove to himself that he was strong and capable of supporting his family and of course go through his rite of passage to manhood. Thus it can be noted the intersectional value of the tatau. The same applies to some women as there is a female equivalent to the Pe’a but it was not an idea that was as engraved into them as it was with the males.  To a male of this ethnic background, the very notion of being a man relied on having a Pe’a.

 References:

United States National Park Service. "Samoan Art in the Tatau." National Parks Service. U.S. Department of the Interior, n.d. Web. 13 Jan. 2017. <https://www.nps.gov/npsa/learn/education/classrooms/samoan-art-in-the-tatau.htm>

Sowell, Teri. “Samoan Archipelago.” VIS 21A. Pepper Canyon Hall, UCSD, La Jolla. 17 May 2016. Class Lecture.

Tatau: What One Must Do. Micah Van der Ryn. Pacific Island in Communications. Flying Fox Films, 1997. Film

Taule'alo, Vanya. “ Tattooing In Contemporary Samoan Society,” Tatowier Magazin. Germany, Novemeber 1999. Samoaobserver. Web. Published 13 June 2016. Accessed 28 January 2017. <http://www.samoaobserver.ws/en/13_06_2016/columns/7358/TRADITIONAL-TATTOOING-IN-CONTEMPORARY-SAMOAN-SOCIETY.htm>

Pacific Islanders in Communication. “History of the Tattoo,” Skin Stories: The Art and Culture of Polynesian Tatto. PBS. Web. Published 2003. Accessed 28 January 2017. http://www.pbs.org/skinstories/history/

p'��a�F;

[arandomname5-blog]

Ethnics 2: Notebook 1

The Object: The Samoan Tatau (tattoo), more specifically the Pe’a. The Pe’a is a type/style of Tatau only granted to male members (more often with status in the tribes) of the Samoan culture, occasionally granted to outsiders. (The Malu is the tatau for females but it is not as widely acquired like the Pe’a.)  This object originates in the Samoan culture/islands and has been transplanted throughout the various places of the world where the members have migrated to. Specifically, the Pe’a, along with the people, have been transplanted and introduced into the United States in places such as Los Angeles where there is a somewhat prominent community of Samoans (Tatau: What One Must Do). As this “object” is one that is placed onto the specific individual who chooses to wear it, it goes along with them anywhere they go.

 The Theme: This “object” mostly relates to the theme of “Indigenous (Inter)Nationalism.” This theme is being interpreted to refer to pride in cultural identity and the ideas and traditions that defines a group of people. In this case the tatau is meant to be a marker that reflects the individual’s sense of indigenous nationalism without having to be around their people or location of origin. This means that they have something with them that provides a connection to their culture in a Transnational scale. The Pe’a tatau is a cultural identifier because it consists of unique Samoan symbols that reflect hereditable and spiritual power among family lines of the individuals (Sowell). Thus, this tatau reflects status and makes others know what people he comes from. Outside of their original lands/state it is meant to remind themselves and others of their culture/heritage. Mainly this tatau is rooted into tradition and the acquisition of one is vital to the self-determination of the individual. Thus, if they want to feel like they belong to their culture then they have to wear a tatau that expresses their identity and pride of where they come from (Tatau: What One Must Do). So across the world and in different nations it is meant to express their Indigenous Nationalism, or their love and respect of their roots and culture. This means that the object does circulate and works to express ideas of nationalism across a transnational scale. Meaning that no matter where the individual is they are capable of feeling connected to their culture.

 Trans/National Context:

·         Los Angeles, California, United States. 1980s+

o   During this time, there was still a continuance of social movements occurring in the background to the point where national identity was a large topic of conversation and was reflected throughout American Culture.

o   There was also a revival in Polynesian Tatau culture. Various people of Polynesian cultures wanted to acquire a tatau that would-be markers of national identity. Considered to be a Tatau Renaissance/Revival that occurred around the 1980s (Sowell).

o   “In Samoan society, the pe'a and the malu are viewed with cultural pride and identity as well as a hallmark of manhood and womanhood” (National Park Services)

o   To some of the Samoans living in Los Angeles a Pe’a was meant to be acquired to feel like they have transitioned to becoming an adult and so they can be connected to their culture and roots (Tatau: What One Must Do).

·         Independent State of Samoa (Samoan Archipelago), Prior to 1980s (Back to Samoan roots and the start of their culture)

o   Prior to the “discovery” of the Samoan Archipelago the Samoan culture and traditions relied on the use of the tatau.

o   Beforehand, the tatau was part of a ceremony/tradition that was meant to allow members of the community to reach adulthood.

o   “The tattoo and designs of the Samoa islands represents community, power, status, respect, honor, and is a mark of pride that are only to be worn by Samoans. For those who have no cultural influence or heritage background it is an act of disrespect to display their symbols and designs” (National Park Services)

 Context Reflection:

           As mentioned earlier, the new context surrounding the Pe’a is as a form of cultural and national identification. This definition of the tatau began with the migration of the Samoan people towards other nations and led to the creation of Samoan diaspora. Beforehand the tatau was meant to be a gift/ceremony that individuals of the cultures received as they reached adulthood (Sowell). The tatua in fact determined a rite of passage to adulthood and these views of the tatau are still present in the Samoan diaspora and modern-day context. So, the tatau not only marks the achievement of adulthood but as the same time is meant to express their national identity and works as a mean to stay connected with the old culture (Sowell). This view of the tatua is reflected in both females and males, but the drive to have one is more centralized on the male population. This is because in Samoan culture it is easier for a male to acquire a tatua and the meaning of the symbols etched on the male body are meant to contain more spiritual power compared to the tataus the females can acquire. Although, this truly has not changed much from its historical context. As the tatau, specifically the Pe’a, was largely ingrained into tradition and passed down family lines of chieftains (Sowell). Thusly, this tatau has always been a symbol of national/cultural identification and allowed the members to display their own status in amongst each other. Because of this, there has been a revival for Samoans living in the diaspora, as some feel inclined to acquire a tatau to feel as though they are real members of their old culture (Tatau: What One Must Do).

  References:

United States. National Park Service. "Samoan Art in the Tatau." National Parks Service. U.S. Department of the Interior, n.d. Web. 13 Jan. 2017. <https://www.nps.gov/npsa/learn/education/classrooms/samoan-art-in-the-tatau.htm>

Sowell, Teri. “Samoan Archipelago.” VIS 21A. Pepper Canyon Hall, UCSD, La Jolla. 17 May 2016. Class Lecture.

Tatau: What One Must Do. Micah Van der Ryn. Pacific Island in Communications. Flying Fox Films, 1997. Film

�;�X���