craftercat

[craftercat]

would you say there's bias against the northern wei in the zizhi tongjian?

Hmm... only really whenever the Northern Wei is directly involved in events in the south, such as during the Wei-Song wars. Otherwise, I think they could have been a lot worse. They left out a lot of questionable anecdotes in the Songshu about Northern Wei, for example.

When it comes to the Wei-Song wars, the coverage is generally favourable towards Liu-Song. Which is not really surprising given that the ZZTJ appears to take the view that the Southern dynasties are the "legitimate" dynasties during this period. I think this could be related to the position of Sima Guang's Song at the time, which were being threatened by the Jurchen Jin to the north. So the Zhao-Song were in a similar position to the Liu-Song, so it also served the Zhao-Song to depict the Liu-Song similarly. And even then, he sometimes ends up favourable to Northern Wei at times, even if I don't think it's intentional - for example, neglecting to mention that Northern Wei only gained part of Yan and Yu provinces in 423 and saying Northern Wei gained all of those two provinces.

But I think that aside from that, the Northern Wei coverage is generally alright. The main problems aren't really bias but that Sima Guang sometimes writes things in the ZZTJ that aren't in the Weishu or Jinshu when referring to the Sixteen Kingdoms. I haven't been able to find an earlier source for some statements, but I do give him the benefit of the doubt here because there could be sources that are lost today that he could be able to draw on. Also, some of his interpretations of text in the Weishu can be a bit questionable, but I don't think it's biased.

I think he covers the first three Northern Wei emperors quite favourably, actually, especially when compared to the other Sixteen Kingdoms rulers. Tuoba Tao has a character evaluation from Sima Guang that's based on that from the Weishu, and while I think that there was a questionable interpretation in there, it's pretty favourable to Tuoba Tao. Tuoba Gui and Tuoba Si don't have their own character evaluation (because they don't really have them in the Weishu), but I think they are generally covered favourably by the ZZTJ. The only exceptions are really the depiction of Tuoba Gui's final years, but the Weishu wasn't favourable to him there either, and a few other areas where he's really just following the Weishu depiction.

[craftercat]

Empress Zhangsun definitely not having political influence compilation:

"時太宗功業既高，隱太子猜忌滋甚。后孝事高祖，恭順妃嬪，盡力彌縫，以存內助。及難作，太宗在玄武門，方引將士入宮授甲，后親���勉之，左右莫不感激。"

At the time Taizong (Li Shimin) had high achievements, and the Hidden Crown Prince (Li Jiancheng) had a lot of jealousy for him. The empress filially served Gaozu (Li Yuan), subordinated herself to his concubines, and strived her hardest to cover up mistakes [of Li Shimin's faction], in order to provide internal support. At the time of difficulty, Taizong was at Xuanwu Gate, and when commanders and soldiers were led into the palace to be given armour, the empress personally encouraged them, and those around her were all thankful.

"及九年之際，機臨事迫，身被斥逐，闕於謨謀，猶服道士之衣，與文德皇后同心影助，其於臣節，自無所負。"

During the ninth year [of Wude], arriving near the matter [the Xuanwu Gate Incident], [Fang Xuanling] having been dismissed, put aside in schemes and plans, he still wore the clothes of a Daoist monk and with Empress Zhangsun together outlined and assisted. In his integrity as a minister, he has never been defeated.

"時后兄無忌，夙與太宗為布衣之交，又以佐命元勛，委以腹心，出入臥內，將任之朝政。后固言不可，每乘間奏曰：「妾既托身紫宮，尊貴已極，實不願兄弟子侄布列朝廷。漢之呂、霍 [1] 可為切骨之誡，特願聖朝勿以妾兄為宰執。」太宗不聽，竟用無忌為左武候大將軍、吏部尚書、右僕射。後又密遣無忌苦求遜職，太宗不獲已而許焉，改授開府儀同三司，后意乃懌。"

At the time the empress had an older brother [Zhangsun] Wuji, who had long been a companion of Taizong, and was assigned as a leading light due to his aid, and entrusted in the core, entered and left the bedroom [of Taizong], and was trusted on for court governance. The empress was persistent in saying [Taizong] should not, and took advantage of every opportunity to say: "Since I have been entrusted in the Purple Palace, my honour has already been at the pinnacle, and I truly do not want my brothers and nephews to be arranged in imperial government. Han's Lu and Huo can serve as bitter warnings, and I merely wish for the court to not make my brother a minister." Taizong did not listen, and made Wuji Left General Who Attends to the Military, a high official at the Ministry of Appointments and Right Supervisor. The empress further secretly dispatched to Wuji requesting he yield his position. Taizong could not stop this and instead conferred him as kaifu yitong sansi. The empress was thus pleased.

1 She's referring to the destruction of the Lu and Huo clans of powerful consort-kin during the Han dynasty.

有異母兄安業，好酒無賴。獻公之薨也，后及無忌並幼，安業斥還舅氏，后殊不以介意，每請太宗厚加恩禮，位至監門將軍。及預劉德裕逆謀，太宗將殺之，后叩頭流涕為請命曰：「安業之罪，萬死無赦。然不慈於妾，天下知之，今置以極刑，人必謂妾恃寵以復其兄，無乃為聖朝累乎！」遂得減死。

Empress Zhangsun had a half-brother Anye, who loved drinking and was a rascal. After the death of Zhangsun Sheng, the empress and Wuji were both young, and dismissed them back to their maternal uncle's family, but the empress did not care about this, and frequently asked Taizong to treat [him] with kindness and courtesy, and he was made Gatekeeper General [2]. When he plotted a rebellion with Liu Deyu, Taizong was going to kill him, and the empress kowtowed while crying and pleaded for his life saying: "Anye's crimes deserve ten thousand deaths without pardon. Yet he had not been kind to me, and the whole empire knows this. Now he is to be sentenced to death, people will say that I have used my special favour to get revenge on my brother, is this not a burden to the court?" Therefore he avoided death.

2. I doubt this anecdote. I do not think that Empress Zhangsun would push for someone who "loved drinking and was a rascal" to have high honours, especially since he was consort-kin, which she also opposed. As well, the position he got was actually standard for supporters of a crown prince after a succession struggle. I think the JTS writers wanted to make her extra virtuous by saying the promotion was due to her.

"太宗以其言退而告后，后嘆曰：「嘗聞陛下重魏徵，殊未知其故。今聞其諫，實乃能以義制主之情，可謂正直社稷之臣矣。妾與陛下結髮為夫婦，曲蒙禮待，情義深重，每言必候顏色，尚不敢輕犯威嚴，況在臣下，情疏禮隔，故韓非為之說難，東方稱其不易，良有以也。忠言逆於耳而利於行，有國有家者急務，納之則俗寧，杜之則政亂，誠願陛下詳之，則天下幸甚。」后因請遣中使賫帛五百匹，詣徵宅以賜之。"

Taizong told [Wei Zheng]'s words to the empress, who sighed and said: "I once heard that Your Majesty attaches importance to Wei Zheng, yet I did not know the reason now. Now I have heard his remonstrance, in reality he is able to use righteousness to control his lord's desires, and can be called an upright minister of state. Your Majesty and I have been husband and wife since we were youths, thoroughly receiving respectful treatment, with deep feelings. Every word's countenance is attended to, and I do not dare to frivolously attack Your Majesty, but the situation is that amongst your subjects, friendship is neglected and etiquette is distant. In ancient times Han Fei spoke of the difficulties of this, and Dongfang spoke of its unease, which really has a reason. Loyal words that are unpleasant to the ears is beneficial for conduct, and when there are urgent matters for the country or family, accepting them will mean society is peaceful, rejecting means government will be chaotic. I sincerely hope that Your Majesty will accept it, as the country will be blessed."

"太子承乾入侍，密啟后曰：「醫藥備盡，尊體不瘳，請奏赦囚徒，並度人入道，冀蒙福助。」后曰：「死生有命，非人力所加。若修福可延，吾素非為惡。若行善無效，何福可求？赦者，國之大事；佛道者，示存異方之教耳，非惟政體靡弊，又是上所不為，豈以吾一婦人而亂天下法？」承乾不敢奏，以告左僕射房玄齡，玄齡以聞，太宗及侍臣莫不噓唏。朝臣咸請肆赦，太宗從之；后聞之，固爭，乃止。"

The crown prince Chengqian entered the palace, and secretly asked the empress: "Medicine is being prepared, but your body has not healed. I ask for a pardon of convicts, and an amount of people to enter Daoist and Buddhist blessings." The empress said: "Life and death is decided by fate and not by humans. If my good deeds can prolong my life, then I will not do evil. If they are not valid, why ask for blessings? A general pardon is a major matter for the country; Buddhism and Taoism are different teachings, not only do they corrupt the government, but furthermore if it would not be done for Your Majesty, how can I, a woman, disrupt the law of the world?" Chengqian did not dare to present, telling Left Supervisor Fang Xuanling. When Xuanling heard, Taizong and his attendant ministers all wept with grief. The court ministers all asked for a pardon, and Taizong followed them; the empress heard this, stubbornly fought them, and so it was stopped.

"「玄齡事陛下最久，小心謹慎，奇謀秘計，皆所預聞，竟無一言漏泄，非有大故，願勿棄之。又妾之本宗，幸緣姻戚，既非德舉，易履危機，其保全永久，慎勿處之權要，但以外戚奉朝請，則為幸矣。妾生既無益於時，今死不可厚費。且葬者，藏也，欲人之不見。自古聖賢，皆崇儉薄，惟無道之世，大起山陵，勞費天下，為有識者笑。但請因山而葬，不須起墳，無用棺槨，所須器服，皆以木瓦，儉薄送終，則是不忘妾也。」"

Xuanling has served Your Majesty for a long time. He is careful and prudent, and his clever schemes and secret plans have all been known in advance, but not a word of them has leaked. For my natal clan, many have risen up due to our marriage and not because of their high virtue, which easily leads to crisis. To preserve them forever, be careful not to put them in positions of authority, and that consort kin will be happy to see you in court. My life has not been of benefit to the people, so my death should not be a waste. When you bury me, hide me so that nobody will see me. Virtuous rulers of ancient times have advocated frugality, only in a tyrannical world a big tomb in the mountains be built, which causes the people to toil and wastes resources, those with knowledge are all laughing. I ask you to make a hill my tomb, it does not need a mound, do not use a coffin, and have all necessary utensils be made of wood. Give me a frugal last respects, only do not forget me.

"仍願陛下親君子，遠小人，納忠諫，屏讒慝，省作役，止游畋，妾雖沒於九泉，誠無所恨！兒女輩不必令來，見其悲哀，徒亂人意。" (Continuation from previous speech from ZZTJ)

"I hope that Your Majesty will continue to be close to wise men and stay away from villains, accept honest advice and reject wicked slander, lessen labour burdens and stop hunting. Even though I am going to the afterlife, I will truly have no regrets. There is no need for my children to come to my funeral, if I see them mourn, I will only be disturbed."

"长孙皇后性仁孝俭素，好读书，常与上从容商略古事，因而献替，裨益弘多"

Empress Zhangsun's character was benevolent, filial and frugal. She liked reading and often discussed events of ancient times with the emperor in order to give advice on what is correct, which was of great benefit.

"后廷有被罪者，必助帝怒请绳治，俟意解，徐为开治，终不令有冤。"

When the empress's court had those who were to be punished, she would always help the emperor in anger to ask for punishment, waiting for his mood to dissipate, and would then slowly ask to lift the punishment. In the end there were no injustices.

"太宗有一骏马，特爱之，恒于宫中养饲，无病而暴死。太宗怒养马宫人，将杀之。皇后谏曰：“昔齐景公以马死杀人，晏子请数其罪云：‘尔养马而死，尔罪一也。 使公以马杀人，百姓闻之，必怨吾君，尔罪二也。诸侯闻之，必轻吾国，尔罪三也。’公乃释罪。陛下尝读书见此事，岂忘之邪？”太宗意乃解。又谓房玄龄曰：“ 皇后庶事相启沃，极有利益尔。”"

Taizong had a steed who he especially loved, which was always looked after in the palace, but died suddenly without signs of illness. Taizong was furious with the palace attendant looking after the horse and wanted to kill them. The empress remonstrated and said: "In the past Duke Jing of Qi killed people because of his horse's death, and Yanzi asked him to count the crimes [of the horse raiser, saying: "Your horse died, which is your first sin. Making you kill people because of a horse, and the people hearing this, which must make them resent our Duke, which is your second crime. The various lords hearing this, who will certainly take light of our country, which is your third crime." The duke thus lifted the punishment. Your Majesty once read a book about this matter, how could he forget it?" Taizong's mood thus dissipated. He then told Fang Xuanling: "The Empress assists and guides me in common affairs, and is of great benefit to me."

"上尝罢朝，怒曰：“会须杀此田舍翁！”后问为谁，上曰：“魏征每廷辱我。”后退，具朝服立于庭，上惊问其故。后曰：“妾闻主明臣直；今魏征直，由陛下之明故也，妾敢不贺！”上乃悦。"

Once when the emperor finished court, he was furious and said: "I must kill this country bumpkin!" The empress asked who this was, and the emperor said: "Wei Zheng always humiliates me in court." The empress retreated, put on her official clothes and stood in the courtyard, and the emperor asked why. The empress relied: "I have heard that when a lord is wise his ministers are upright; now Wei Zheng is upright, following this Your Majesty is wise. I dare not congratulate you!"

[craftercat]

[craftercat]

Jinshu: Sima Wensi died after being defeated by Liu Yu.

Weishu: He had a long career under Northern Wei, actually.

Fang Xuanling, you were compiling the JS in the 600s, 100 years after the WS. Why didn't you read it before you wrote that passage in the JS?

[craftercat]

Weishu: 世祖素聞其名，及見，器其機辯，賜爵西平侯，加龍驤將軍。謂賀曰：「卿與朕源同，因事分姓，今可為源氏。

Translated: Tuoba Tao heard [Yuan He]'s name, saw him, and was impressed by his skills in debate, giving him the title of Marquis of Xiping and Dragon-Prancing General. He called Yuan He and said: "You and I share an origin, and because of this split our clan name, so you can now be of the Yuan clan."

ZZTJ: 魏主嗣愛賀之才，謂曰：「卿之先與朕同源，賜姓源氏。」

Translated: Tuoba Si loved Yuan He's talents, called him and said: "Your ancestors shared an origin with mine, so I give you the family name of Yuan."

The ZZTJ has some other... questionable passages relating to the 16 Kingdoms/Northern-Southern dynasties period. So I think this might be another instance of the ZZTJ screwing up details during this period. Especially since the WS is the earlier source.

[craftercat]

not sure if im talking sense here, but do you think the Liu Song replacing Jin helped the Northern Wei survive the legitimacy issue that plagued the 16 Kingdoms?

I assume by this you mean the idea that the Southern dynasties were more legitimate than the Northern dynasties, right?

Liu Yu's usurpation definitely helped Northern Wei in that it attracted a number of southern nobility who opposed Liu Yu to defect to Northern Wei. These southern nobility ended up integrating into Northern Wei and were given military posts, as the Northern Wei rulers believed that appointing ex-southerners to these posts would win over the local southerners. This was definitely a part of Tuoba Si's strategy in 422-3, and was also deployed in Tuoba Tao's campaigns.

So in that sense, yes, it did help the Northern Wei in their campaigns in the south. But the legitimacy issue was also based on ethnic lines as well as usurpation from the legitimate dynasty. Southerners would see Liu Song as more legitimate than Northern Wei because their rulers were Han Chinese, and Northern Wei rulers were still very Xianbei until Tuoba Tao's reforms and the Sinicisation programme under Xiaowen didn't start until after Liu Song had been replaced by Northern Qi.

Northern Wei was broadly successful in its wars against Liu Song, as they were effective at utilising their cavalry forces in open plains and had relative political and economic stability compared to previous states (though there were still rebellions). The main obstacles for them were their lack of a navy to launch a real threat to the southern heartlands, the southern climate, and their relative weakness in siege warfare. So the legitimacy issue didn't seem to stop Northern Wei from winning wars against the south, and they even appeared to be successful at winning over parts of the population as well.

[craftercat]

A bit of a special episode, but here we are. Next article is more standard, focusing on the problems that Tuoba Si had to deal with in 415, namely a famine and a major rebellion. Also, we'll be introducing Cui Hao in more detail next time.

[craftercat]

Northern Wei Part 13: The Conflict Between The Emperor and Aristocrats

My original first post on Tuoba Si's reign was going to be on general stability, but as I looked further into it, I found his reign actually had key developments in the relationship between the emperor and the aristocrats. So I rewrote this post to focus on that. I will have a general stability post, but it's not this one.

Note that the WS doesn't discuss the wubao and supervision system in a lot of detail. I therefore had to rely on studies, especially Li Ping's analysis of the supervision system, to understand this better.

BACKGROUND

Before Northern Wei became a thing, there was the Sixteen Kingdoms period. During this period, regimes were unstable and prone to internal turmoil, which allowed aristocrats to gain power. At the time, the people were also worried for their safety, so an arrangement was formed between the common people and the aristocrats.

Under this arrangement, an aristocratic family would shelter a number of common households [1] in a fortified village known as a wubi. This granted the aristocrats more regional power while sheltering the common people from the chaos of war and demands for taxes, corvee labour and military service. These households were later known as "hidden households" as they were not accounted for in census figures.

While this arrangement was originally formed out of protection, it was not conducive to either the people or the state. The common people were vulnerable to exploitation by the aristocrats due to being sheltered from regional government, which later became a major problem as the system progressed. It also had disadvantages for the government, as it meant they lost out on a lot of tax and corvee labour, census figures were often inaccurate, and they were unable to impose centralised control.

This meant that throughout the Sixteen Kingdoms, there were numerous attempts to reduce the power of the wubi, but none were successful. One common method was to relocate the aristocrats, which was often done in a conquered territory to centralise power, by weakening the wubi, but this was often limited in scale (this happened in various states, see relevant JS sections).

Former Yan attempted to end this practice under the advice of Yue Wan, and the reform was initially successful, removing 200,000 people from aristocratic supervision. Yue Wan faced much resistance from the aristocrats and even the regent Murong Ping himself, who benefitted from the wubi system (JS111). However, the conquest of Former Yan and then the battle of Fei River would likely have meant that many of these people later rejoined the wubi for protection.

As well, the Sixteen Kingdoms gave rise to local militias and garrisons, who also retained a portion of the population known as garrison households. Garrison households were legally recognised, and they functioned as a defensive military caste (can be inferred). They also didn't pay normal taxes. The system was eventually ended under Tuoba Tao, though Murong Bao tried to abolish it and failed.

NORTHERN WEI POLICIES

Since Dai was mostly inhabited by the Xianbei, who operated under a different local organisation system and were relatively sheltered from the conflict in the Central Plains, the wubi system did not take hold in Dai. Instead, Northern Wei received pre-existing wubi when they conquered Later Yan.

Tuoba Gui's attitude towards the wubi is unclear, but he did engage in the practice of relocating aristocrats like other Sixteen Kingdoms rulers (WS002). His relocation was small-scale however, being only 2,000 families, and including minor officials who were unlikely to have their own fortified villages (WS002).

When Tuoba Si came to power in 409, his anti-aristocratic supervision stance soon became clear, as one of the first things he did after providing immediate stability [2] was to have all of the aristocrats in Hebei relocated to the capital, believing that they were abusing the common people (WS024). While Tuoba Si was probably correct that they were abusing the common people, he failed to consider the growing power of the aristocrats.

Despite framing it as an edict recruiting them for their services, the aristocrats knew the real reason and didn't want to leave. The aristocratic youth formed gangs and engaged in rioting together, while the local officials were unable to contain them (WS024). Tuoba Si realised that there was a crisis, as the Hebei gentry were the most powerful group there, and if they rebelled, then Hebei could fall.

When it became clear that the local authorities could not quell the riots, Tuoba Si summoned his council for a meeting on the issue, suggesting that a general pardon be given to appease them (WS024). Tuoba Qu (father of Tuoba Mohun from last article) objected to this, suggesting they execute the leaders and pardon the followers. Cui Hong agreed with the proposition for a general pardon and Tuoba Si followed his advice (WS024). A general pardon was given and Tuoba Si sent his general Wuniuyu Lidi to campaign against those who continued to riot.

What this event does show is the conflict between the Tuoba Xianbei and the Hebei gentry at the time. Like most of the Sixteen Kingdoms, the Tuoba tribe felt as if the semi-independent wubi threatened their power and suppressed them to centralise authority, while the wubi showed resistance to the relocation. This may have influenced the later instability under Tuoba Gui.

Without the support of the Hebei gentry, Northern Wei could not consolidate its hold over Hebei. What Tuoba Si learned was that to keep Hebei, he had to work with the Hebei gentry, as he did not yet have the power to challenge them. This eventually led to Tuoba Si's reconciliation with the Hebei gentry, which should have taken place in 413 or earlier.

Around 413, Tuoba Si introduced new measures to recruit more Hebei gentry to serve in his government. The first took place in 413, when he directly called many of the Han gentry to become officials according to their talent (WS003). The second took place sometime before 414, and was the setting up of a new Imperial Academy which was specially to train Han gentry to become officials (WS084). This new Imperial Academy later become very powerful in Northern Wei politics as the role of the Han gentry grew.

THE CLAN LEADER SUPERVISION SYSTEM

Perhaps the biggest change to come out of the riots was the establishment of the clan leader supervision system as an official system of local governance. The system was not created by Tuoba Si, as I have just mentioned, and was unofficially a thing earlier in the Sixteen Kingdoms. However, it is generally believed that it was under Tuoba Si the system was formally recognised.

Under the clan leader supervision system, Northern Wei legally recognised the supervision of tenants by the leaders of wubi. However, in return, the wubi would be expected to collect taxes their dependents, of which there were nine different rates (WS110, the rates were clearly meant for wubi households). Many of the wubi households were not on the household register, and it was common for 30-50 families to form one wubi household (WS053). Therefore, it is likely that the wubi families split the burden of taxation.

The dependants of the clan leaders were not subject to corvee labour or military service (WS110). The clan leader also engaged in a local supervision role beyond the requisition of taxes, and they organised the economic activities within their wubi. This would have mostly been agriculture.

This compromise policy did yield short-term benefits for Northern Wei. It eased the conflict between the Tuoba Xianbei and the gentry families in Hebei, which in turn allowed Tuoba Si to consolidate his hold on Hebei. This led to social stability and economic growth under Tuoba Si and a decrease in rebellions (WS003 and WS110). The clan leaders were also incorporated into the system rather than existing outside of it, which theoretically would allow Northern Wei to exert greater control over them, but in reality the leaders still had considerable autonomy.

However, adverse effects of the system were also beginning to show as early as 435 (can be inferred from an edict of Tuoba Tao's in WS004). The clan leaders being in charge of tax collection allowed them to exploit their dependents (WS110), and it was still impossible for the Northern Wei government to conduct an accurate census or provide a fair taxation rate (the inequality of the tax system is mentioned in several volumes including WS110). This especially became a problem after the reunification of the north, when spoils of war became less common and Northern Wei became increasingly reliant on taxes from Hebei and Shandong for government finances.

I think that Tuoba Si probably intended for the clan leader supervision system to be a temporary transition system rather than a permanent one. Tuoba Tao continued to use the clan leader supervision system, recognising the clan leaders in former Xia and Northern Liang territory. While the problems with the system were becoming apparent under him, at the time there was not really a viable alternative, as Northern Wei hadn't consolidated their hold over the north yet.

This eventually led to the replacement of the clan leader supervision system by another system. But that's in the Taihe Reforms, which at the moment, is a long way away.

ENDNOTES

1. By 485, when the equal field system was introduced, the number was as high as 50, but it's implied that the number rose over time. The first arrangements may have only involved a few households.

2. The ZZTJ dates this to 410 based on the record that Wuniuyu Lidi was stationed at Pingyang after putting down the riots (an event the WS dates to 410), however others have dated this to 413 based on the recorded pardon given in that year.

[craftercat]

[craftercat]

We're starting to discuss Tuoba Si's actual reign. Also I have a special article coming out next that focuses specifically on the evolution of the system where the aristocrats directly retained a large portion of the population. After that I'll be discussing the era of 415-6 and the challenges Tuoba Si faced, also the rise of Cui Hao.

[craftercat]

Northern Wei Part 13: Tuoba Si's Early Years and Administration

In the last article, Tuoba Si won the throne after defeating and killing his brother Tuoba Shao. However, he still needed to stabilise his hold on power and Northern Wei at large. So how did he do this? I'm going to discuss early measures Tuoba Si took to ensure stability and his administration in general.

This was a relatively short article, but I think that it is important for the context of Tuoba Si's reign and the broader evaluation of him. Unfortunately not much is written on Tuoba Si's specific policies, and they often have to be inferred.

TUOBA SI'S POLICIES WITH MINISTERS

As I mentioned in the last article, Tuoba Si decided to recall all previously dismissed ministers back into office as a way to broadly appease different groups. But Tuoba Si needed to do more. He ordered his officials An Tong and Baba Song (both of whom featured last article) handle legal cases and employ the talented, and he also sent Daxi Jin to provide relief for the people's hardships (WS003). These measures provided immediate order to Northern Wei (WS111).

Within court, Tuoba Si appointed Tuoba Qu (the father of Tuoba Mohun from last article), An Tong, Daxi Jin, Cui Hong, Baba Song and three others as eight major ministers (ZZTJ115). Their main role was to provide advice to the emperor and to judge legal cases in a kind of evolved form of the tribal chiefs of the four divisions judging legal cases in the Dai era (WS113). However, these ministers formed a council of key advisors to the emperor in addition to this duty. The emperors after Tuoba Si would also call councils of advisors to discuss and make major policy decisions.

This system was essentially a political compromise between the different factions in Tuoba Si's court he was forced to compromise with. Prominent conservatives such as Baba Song were on the council, but so was the leader of the Han gentry faction Cui Hong and An Tong, a key supporter of Tuoba Si in his ascension. From this system, we can see that Tuoba Si needed to compromise more and couldn't rule in the same manner as his father.

A good example of how this leadership style worked is in 410 [1], when Tuoba Si, believing that the aristocrats were causing great harm to the common people, ordered they be relocated ot the capital (WS024). Tuoba Si was probably right, as in this era of Northern Wei, the common people were directly retained by the aristocrats, who were known for imposing heavy taxes onto the people.

However, being young and inexperienced, he failed to think through his idea enough. The aristocrats didn't want to leave their homelands and they had the power to resist. Their youth gathered together as bandits and the local governors could not deal with them (WS024). This issue reached Tuoba Si, and he called his council together to discuss, which was made up of at least four people: Tuoba Qu, An Tong, Yizhan Jian and Cui Hong (WS024).

Tuoba Qu suggested that Tuoba Si should execute the leaders and pardon their followers, but Cui Hong advocated for a full pardon, arguing against Tuoba Qu's idea (WS024). Tuoba Si took Cui Hong's advice and issued a full pardon, while sending one of his generals to campaign against those who continued to stir trouble (ZZTJ115). I will discuss this incident in more detail in the next article, as it was actually important for the future of Northern Wei.

The majority of Tuoba Si's ministers and generals were inherited from Tuoba Gui, but there were some new faces, such as Tuoba Qu. Daxi Jin, Cui Hong, An Tong and Baba Song enjoyed increased favour from the emperor under Tuoba Si. Tuoba Si also rewarded Tuoba Mohun, Yizhan Jun, Wang Luo'er and Chekun Lutou for their loyalty and contributions in his rise to power with titles and positions (several WS annals and ZZTJ115).

Tuoba Si made Tuoba Lie a prince for his contributions (WS003). Tuoba Si also gave his oldest younger brother Tuoba Xi military honours from a young age (WS016), showing that despite Tuoba Gui's suppression of the Tuoba clan in his final years, the Tuoba clan started to become prominent again. Tuoba Qu and Tuoba Mohun were distant members of the Tuoba clan. Tuoba Si also made his cousin Tuoba Su an official, probably due to their close relationship, but Tuoba Su did have genuine talent (WS015).

ADMINISTRATIVE AND STATE POLICIES

Tuoba Si had to deal with a number of rebellions in his early years due to floods, droughts and the remnants of Tuoba Gui's later years. He also adopted policies aimed towards both subduing and appeasing the Xiongnu and Dingling that lived in Hebei (WS003). He also sent a mission aimed at investigating corrupt officials, which appeared to be a successful one that reduced corruption in the empire (WS030). Another feature of his early reign is that he frequently bestowed gifts onto his subordinates, perhaps wanting to ensure loyalty (WS003).

Tuoba Si himself was noted to be sharp in his perceptions and strict in his punishment of the ministers (WS034). As Tuoba Si grew older and more experienced, he also became increasingly capable and personally proficient in state affairs (WS113). However, the officials were unable to keep up with his scrutiny and by the end of his reign they were using complex legal interpretations just to stay out of trouble, which led to administrative complexity (WS113).

In terms of how justice was carried out, I mentioned the usage of the eight-member council, but there was likely also a justice system in the provinces. In 420, Tuoba Si created a Commandant of Justice, which was a Han title for the chief of justice (WS037). There are members of Tuoba Si's justice team noted for being fair or capable such as Cui Hong, Zhang Pu and even former Eastern Jin criminal refugee Sima Wensi (various WS biographies). So except for the complexity of the legal code, the justice system was well-managed enough for people to trust the government enough to show their true thoughts in criminal cases by the end (WS037).

He also carried out several military drills during his early reign to train his cavalry force, and in 413 he carried a major military review which resulted in him organising the army into a vanguard and 12 cavalry units (the Xianbei military at the time was heavily cavalry-focused) (WS003). This ensured that Tuoba Si had an elite cavalry force to defend Northern Wei with.

While Tuoba Si didn't make major reforms to the law, his actions in the administration appear to have mostly been positive. By the end of his reign, people trusted the justice system, order had been restored, and society was stable, despite the complexity that had emerged. We know that corruption had risen again by 427 (WS004), but it's unclear if this happened under Tuoba Si or Tuoba Tao, as bureaucratic defensiveness isn't necessarily the same thing as corruption. Tuoba Tao evaluated Tuoba Si's legal affairs positively (WS035), and while he did have to praise Tuoba Si as his father, had Tuoba Si been a disaster legally he would have picked another area to praise.

THE EARLY REBELLIONS

So did Tuoba Si's policies work? The WS does indicate that these policies were effective, stating that under them, there was once again order in Northern Wei. As Tuoba Si's reign went on, the frequency of rebellions showed a clear decreasing trend.

However, all policies take time to work, and Tuoba Si's early years were not entirely stable. He had to face a Rouran invasion in 410, and multiple rebellions, mostly in Bing province, which was a rebellion hotspot in this era due to the intermixing of a Han and Xiongnu population with Xianbei generals and officials (WS003). Under Bing province was a mix of civil and military administration structures, as there were many garrisons for defensive and supervising purposes, but the rebellions in BIng province were not based around garrisons.

In 413, there were a series of uprisings and general unrest in Bing province (WS003). The uprisings seemed to be mostly small-scale and little more than bandit rebellions, but the unrest was bad enough that Tuoba Si issued a general pardon earlier that year. In the end, the uprisings were quelled one by one by government forces, but they also led to the downfall of major minister Tuoba Qu (WS003 and WS014).

Tuoba Qu had been tasked with leading a force to put down the uprisings. However, when he was putting down a rebellion at the border city of Tujing, the rebels brought in Helian Bobo's troops (Helian Bobo, had, in 407, broken off from Later Qin and started his own Xia state) in to aid them (WS014). The battle was a defeat for Tuoba Qu, and of the generals he was supervising, one (Dugu Jie) was captured, and the other died in battle (WS014).

Tuoba Si initially wanted to execute Tuoba Qu for his failure, but he pardoned him and ordered he manage Bing province after the previous governor was found out to be corrupt (WS014). Tuoba Qu indulged in alcohol and neglected his duties, so Tuoba Si finally executed Tuoba Qu for his failures (WS014). Tuoba Qu became arrogant in his high position, while the incident showed a more harsh and strict side to Tuoba Si's character and his willingness to hold his advisors accountable.

Helian Bobo held Tujing for a short amount of time, but the new governor of Bing province recruited a local force, which defeated Helian Bobo's stationed troops and recaptured Tujing (WS003). Also during this time, Helian Bobo launched a raid on Northern Wei, but he was defeated by a local militia in Bing province (WS003).

This sequence of events shows that while things hadn't fully stabilised by 414, they were still much better than they were in 409 when Tuoba Si originally came to the throne. Things seemed on the upside - until they weren't anymore.

In 415, Tuoba Si would face two major challenges to his reign: a major famine and a major Xiongnu rebellion. However, the end of his reign was described as being a peaceful one with a stable society and economic growth (WS003, WS110). So how did this happen?

We will take a brief pause to discuss the 410 aristocratic riots crisis and how it impacted Northern Wei policy, before we will discuss how Tuoba Si solved the challenges of 415. And in 415, a new advisor would become important: Cui Hao.

ENDNOTES

1 The WS does not give a specific date for this event, but the ZZTJ uses the date of 410, which is based on the record that Wuniuyu Lidi garrisoned Pingyang after quelling the riots, and the WS dates him being stationed at Pingyang to 410.

[craftercat]

All but a whim

Wang Ziyou [Huizhi] lived in Shanyin. One night, heavy snow fell. When he woke up, he opened his windows and ordered to have some liquor. … Suddenly, he thought of [his friend] Dai Andao, who was then in Shan. Without hesitation, he boarded a small boat to visit him. After travelling all night, he arrived at Dai's residence but did not enter. Instead, he turned back. When someone asked, Wang replied, 'I embarked on this journey purely on a momentary whim, and when my whim passed, I returned; why should I insist on meeting Dai?'

-- Shishuo Xinyu (A New Account of the Tales of the World), Rendan (The Free and Unrestrained)  

王子猷居山陰，夜大雪，眠覺，開室，命酌酒。……忽憶戴安道，時戴在剡，即便夜乘小船就之。經宿方至，造門不前而返。人問其故，王曰：「吾本乘興而行，興盡而返，何必見戴？」

-- 《世說新語·任誕》

[craftercat]

[craftercat]

To sweat or not to sweat

Zhong Yu and Zhong Hui were renowned for their intelligence and virtuous reputations from a young age. At thirteen, Emperor Wen of Wei heard of them and said to their father, Zhong Yao, 'Let your two sons come.' Thus, he summoned them for an audience.

When Zhong Yu appeared before the emperor, his face was covered with sweat. The emperor asked, 'Why is your face sweating?' Zhong Yu replied, 'Trembling with fear and reverence, my sweat flows like a stream.'

The emperor then asked Zhong Hui, 'Why are you not sweating?' Zhong Hui replied, 'Trembling with fear and reverence, the sweat dare not come out.'

-- Shishuo Xinyu (A New Account of the Tales of the World), Yanyu (Speech and Conversation)

鍾毓、鍾會少有令譽。年十三，魏文帝聞之，語其父鍾繇曰：「可令二子來。」於是敕見。毓面有汗，帝曰：「卿面何以汗？」毓對曰：「戰戰惶惶，汗出如漿。」復問會：「卿何以不汗？」對曰：「戰戰慄慄，汗不敢出。」

-- 《世說新語·言語》

[craftercat]

"The story of Tuoba Si's mother's death made him look good, so it is fabricated" is not a good enough argument to dismiss the Weishu. If you are going to argue that way, please find actual contradictions in the Weishu account. It reminds me a lot of "The official version of the Xuanwu Gate Incident makes Li Shimin look like he's on the defensive, so it must be fake", but there is more evidence to suggest that Li Shimin altered records than there is to suggest Tuoba Si did. I, at least, think that if Tuoba Si was so interested in affirming his legitimacy by fabricating events, he would be more interested in a state-sponsored national history project.

Edit: The "evidence" to "prove" this is that Tuoba Gui was mentally unstable and often killed ministers, so Consort Liu must have died due to angering Tuoba Gui rather than any political reason. Never mind that many of Tuoba Gui's executions in his final years did actually have political motives, or that perhaps a hyper-paranoid emperor might actually be worried about his heir's mother getting too powerful if she lived.

[craftercat]

My bad takes poll has ended! The winner of bad takes is "Murong Chong pursued a relationship with Fu Jian out of curiosity" but shout out to "Tuoba Tao rebelled and killed Tuoba Si", "Princess Dowager Helan did not exist and she was the same person as her sister" and "The Northern Wei emperors were all cruel until Yuan Hong came along and Sinicise" for also winning votes.

[craftercat]

The unrelenting passage of time

When Huan Wen went on a northern campaign and passed through Jincheng, he saw that the willows he had planted earlier during his posting in Langya had all grown to a circumference of ten spans. Deeply moved, he exclaimed: 'If mere trees have changed like this, how can a man endure?' Stroking the branches, he wept with tears streaming down his face.

-- Shishuo Xinyu (A New Account of the Tales of the World), Yanyu (Speech and Conversation)  

桓公北征經金城，見前為琅邪時種柳，皆已十圍，慨然曰：「木猶如此，人何以堪！」攀枝執條，泫然流淚。

-- 《世說新語·言語》