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Films banned in China under non-Chinese affiliations sparked widespread attention at the 2024 Golden Horse Awards

By Hsu Ching-Hsuan, Liu Ting-Chun, Chang Tai-Wei, Hsieh Po-Yen

The Golden Horse Awards, Taiwan's prestigious Mandarin-language film festival, celebrates its 61st edition in 2024. Chinese director Lou Ye's An Unfinished Film emerged as a highlight, winning both Best Feature Film and Best Director, sparking widespread attention.

Although officially a Singapore-Germany co-production, the film reflects Lou Ye’s dedication as a Chinese filmmaker. This cross-border collaboration underscores a growing trend among Chinese directors to bypass domestic restrictions, with the Golden Horse Awards offering a platform for exceptional works to gain broader recognition and public screening opportunities.

For example, Chinese works addressing sensitive issues, such as Bel Ami  and An Unfinished Film, cannot be publicly screened in China. Both films could only participate in the Golden Horse Awards and be publicly shown under the names of entities outside China.

The tension between China and the Golden Horse Awards began in 2018 when Fu Yue’s speech at the 55th ceremony was accused by Chinese authorities of supporting Taiwanese independence. In response, China suspended participation in the awards from 2019 onward. However, six years later, Chinese directors Lou Ye and Geng Jun drew attention by being nominated for Best Director at the 2024 awards.

The Golden Horse Awards' diversity continues to showcase exceptional Chinese-language films on a shared stage.

Past Golden Horse winners showcase films from diverse regions, reflecting both cinematic artistry and the social dynamics of their time. Executive committee member Wen Tien-hsiang outlined the festival's 60-year evolution through 11 key periods in Tracing the Past, Embracing the Future.

Following China's boycott of the Golden Horse Awards in 2018 and the disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, submission numbers sharply declined, dropping by as many as 210 entries compared to 667 in 2018.

With the pandemic easing, submissions have rebounded to a record high this year. As the longest-standing award in Mandarin-language cinema, the Golden Horse Awards remain a significant platform for filmmakers across the Chinese-speaking world.

The Golden Horse Awards welcome participation, anticipating that all Chinese-language works can compete together. Reviewing the past editions of the Golden Horse Awards in five categories reveals that Taiwanese entries have not been in the majority among the nominated works.

Compared to the Chinese Golden Rooster Awards and the Hong Kong Film Awards, which are also Chinese-language film awards, the Golden Horse Awards have less stringent requirements, with the broader terms of “Chinese language” and “Chinese people” being used as the only criteria. There is no restriction or censorship on the nationality of the creator, the region where the film was released, or the content of the film. The number of submissions is also the highest among the three.

The Golden Horse Awards have become an important venue for Chinese-language films, as they embrace diversity and hope that the development of films will be free from political restrictions.

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中國禁演作品以非中國名義參賽 獲2024金馬獎殊榮

記者 / 張玳瑋 謝博硯 劉亭君 徐敬萱

由台灣主辦的華語電影金馬獎，已經走過一甲子歲月，2024年邁入第61屆。中國導演婁燁的作品《一部未完成的電影》，囊獲最佳劇情長片、最佳導演獎兩大獎項，成為2024年金馬獎的熱門話題。

《一部未完成的電影》的產地為新加坡與德國合製，實則是中國導演苦心的創作。以不同國家合製的狀態參加金馬獎，是中國電影迴避中國官方限制的其中一種方法，優秀作品期望能在金馬獎護持下，獲得公開放映的機會。

舉例而言，涉及敏感議題的中國作品如《漂亮朋友》與《一部未完成的電影》，在中國無法公開上映。這兩部作品皆以中國以外的名義，方得以參賽金馬獎，並且公開放映。

中國與金馬獎的關係緊張，源於2018的突發事件。2018年金馬獎第55屆頒獎典禮上，獲獎者傅榆的致詞被中國官方指控涉及支持台獨。自2019年起，中國官方便宣布暫停參與金馬獎。而在中國政府抵制金馬獎6年後，2名中國導演婁燁與耿軍，入圍唯2024年最佳導演獎，特別受人矚目。

金馬的多元性，讓優秀的華語電影，得以在此一同大放異彩。

回溯金馬歷年得獎作品，可發現作品經常來自不同國家。每年的得獎結果，不僅代表金馬獎追求電影的藝術呈現，同時也反映不同時代的華人社會氛圍。金馬執委聞天祥曾在金馬官網發布〈細說過往，直奔未來〉，文中以關鍵的十一個時期，詮釋金馬60年歷經的時代演變。

在歷經2018中國政府抵制金馬獎，以及2020新冠疫情影響電影拍攝後，金馬報名件數從過往的上升趨勢轉向下跌，與2018年667件相比，差距最大時達210部。

然而，疫情逐漸趨緩，金馬獎今年的報名件數再創新高。金馬獎不只是為華語影壇中，歷史最悠久的電影獎項，也顯示金馬獎在華語電影從業人員心中，有一定的重要性。

金馬獎開放參與，期待所有華語作品都能一同參與競賽。檢視歷屆金馬五個獎項後，會發現入圍的作品中，臺灣並未居多數。

對比同為華語電影獎項的中國金雞獎、香港金像獎，金馬獎的報名資格較為寬鬆，僅以廣義的「華語」、「華人」作為認定標準。對於創作者的國籍、電影上映的地區，以及電影的內容，並無限制或審查。報名參賽的作品數量，也為三者最多。

金馬獎擁抱多元，期待電影發展不受政治限制，已成為華語電影界的重要殿堂。

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The Policy of Quasi-public Preschool：While Increasing Affordable Childcare Services, There May be a Risk of Overlooking Quality Regulation

By Xing-Hui Huang, Po-Ying Chan, Tzu-En Chou and Yun-Yin Chen

To address the issue of Taiwan's declining birthrate and reduce the childcare burden on parents, the Executive Yuan established the quasi-public preschool system in August 2018. 

Private preschools that meet six criteria—maximum tuition fees, minimum salaries for teaching staff, basic evaluations, land and building usage, quality of educational services, and administrative management—can transition into "quasi-public preschools" after passing an assessment by local governments.

To make the tuition cheaper for parents, the government covered the difference between the original private preschool fees and the reduced quasi-public preschool fees. Furthermore, each quasi-public preschool will receive an annual subsidy of approximately NT$1,000,000.

Following the establishment of the quasi-public preschool system in 2018, the number of quasi-public preschools in Taiwan has grown rapidly to almost 2000 preschools in 2023.

According to a survey conducted by the Child Welfare League Foundation (1), parents’ satisfaction score on quasi-public preschools is the lowest among four different types of preschools.

(1) The "2023 Taiwan Parenting Status Survey – Preschool Edition," conducted by the Taiwan Children’s Welfare Alliance, collected 1,532 valid responses through an online questionnaire distributed between March 16 and April 10, 2023. The survey targeted parents of children aged 0-6, focusing on their perspectives about their children’s preschools and the quasi-public preschool policy.

According to the survey, over 95% parents agree that quasi-public preschools’ quality should be supervised by the government, while less parents agree with the current quality of quasi-public preschools.

This indicates that, despite quasi-public preschools being under government contracts and receiving subsidies, many parents do not see this as a guarantee of quality and still  have concerns.

Compared to public and non-profit preschools, which undergo assessments every six months, quasi-public preschools face no further evaluations after being approved by local governments, while private preschools have none at all.

Although all types of preschools are required to undergo a basic evaluation every five years, such a lenient audit system has led to significant issues for quasi-public and private preschools.

Because the audits of private and quasi-public preschools are not as strict as those of public and non-profit preschools, among all penalty cases nationwide over the years, as much as 93%, or over 1,108 penalty cases, occurred in private or quasi-private preschools.

The 1,108 penalty cases from  private or quasi-private preschools can be broadly categorized into six types, with "illegal teacher employment" and "improper treatment of children" being the most prevalent.

Even though the government is promoting a policy requiring at least one teacher in classes for children aged five and above, a goal public preschools have mostly reached, quasi-public preschools still lag behind with the lowest teacher-student ratio. This indicates that quasi-public preschools still depend heavily on educare givers to provide services.

Under Taiwanese law, preschool educators consist of teachers, educare givers, and educare assistants. Teachers are required to graduate from university-level early childhood education programs, pass a qualification exam, complete teaching internships, and obtain a teaching certificate. Thus, they can be seen as most qualified in early childhood education with the highest entry threshold.

These issues underscore a key flaw in the "quasi-public preschool" policy: while tuition matches that of public preschools, other aspects lag significantly behind, making it hard for parents to feel assured.

Although quasi-public preschools benefit from generous government subsidies, their quality of care has yet to win parents' trust. To address this, local governments must oversee quasi-public preschools as rigorously as public ones and focus on raising their standards. Strict evaluations are essential, as parents prioritize their children's proper care over simply low-cost tuition.

[datajournalismntu]

準公共化幼兒園學費平價 幼兒照顧品質不及公立 家長擔憂

黃馨慧、詹博穎、周子恩、陳芸霠／報導

為解決年輕父母因工作、無法兼顧幼兒照顧等問題，行政院自2018年8月起，建置「準公共」幼兒園機制，希望透過平價的教保服務，來減輕家長育兒負擔。

「準公共」機制主要為私立幼兒園設計，台灣過去私立幼兒園數量最多，學費也較高。地方政府為減輕父母負擔，於是鼓勵私立幼兒園可轉型為準公共幼兒園。

私立幼兒園只要能在包括合作費用上限、教保人員基本薪資、基礎評鑑、土地及建築物使用、教保服務品質及行政管理等6項要件，並經地方政府審核通過後，即可與政府簽約，由私立轉型為「準公共」幼兒園（簡稱準公幼）。

一旦私立幼兒園轉型成準公幼後，學費將比照公立幼兒園，學費大幅降低，對年輕父母是一大福音。地方政府除了補貼兩者間的學費差額外，還每年給予準公幼約一百萬的補助金。

準公共幼兒園機制建置後，全國的準公共幼兒園數量，增加非常快速。從2019年的1096家，短短五年間翻倍成長，2023年已近2000家。

然而，準公幼獲得政府補助後，卻未能得到家長充分的信任。根據兒福聯盟2023年的調查（註1）指出，準公共幼兒園的家長滿意度，落後於整體幼兒園平均，在四類幼兒園中敬陪末座。

註1：「2023年臺灣育兒現況調查－幼兒園篇」是由台灣兒童福利聯盟執行的調查。兒福聯盟於2023年3月16日到4月10日之間，針對育有0-6歲子女的家長發送網路問卷，總計回收1,532份有效問卷。問卷內容主要為家長對子女所就讀幼兒園，以及準公共幼兒園政策的看法。

兒福聯盟的調查也顯示，家長更希望政府能強化對準公幼的品質監督，實際改善教保品質，以落實「準公共」的意義。調查指出，有超過9成家長認為，政府應該監督有領取補助的準公幼。這顯示政府應該積極監督準公幼內部的運作狀況，不應只是透過補助降低收費。

值得提醒的是，目前政府對幼兒園的監督，會因公、私立的類型差異，而有不同的適用法規。根據相關法規規定，地方政府對於公立及非營利幼兒園，每學期皆有平時考核，每年也有一次的年終考核。然而，準公共幼兒園在經過地方政府審核之後，就不再需要接受任何政府稽查。私立幼兒園更是只有五年一次的基礎評鑑。

幼兒園若是照顧不周，將使家庭慌亂，並導致社會不安。根據全國教保資訊網資料顯示，自2019年至今，全國幼兒園違反《幼兒教育及照顧法》與《教保人員服務條例》而遭裁罰的案件中， 總計高達93%、共1108個裁罰案件，都發生在私立或準公幼幼兒園中。

分析歸納相關原因後發現，全台私立及準公共幼兒園1108件裁罰案的原因，約可分成六大類。其中「違法聘用教保人員」與「不當對待幼兒」兩大主因，佔比加起來超過五成。

根據相關法規規定，任職於幼兒園的教保服務人員包含教師、教保員與助理教保員。其中，成為教師的門檻最高，須畢業於大學幼保相關科系，並經教師資格考、教育實習後取得教師證。

近年，政府推動「大班一師」政策，要求在114學年以前，5歲以上班級皆須至少配備一名教師。眼看期限將至，公幼與其他幼兒園教師、教保員人數差異仍大，尤其準公幼仰賴教保員及助理教保員的狀況最嚴重。

以上種種皆凸顯「準公共化幼兒園」政策，除了學費可比照公立幼兒園外，在其他方面均遠遠跟不上公立幼兒園，難以令家長放心。

「準公幼」領取政府大筆補助，提供的幼兒服務品質，卻無法得到家長信任。準公幼需要地方政府像監督公立幼兒園般，設法提高其水平。政府須嚴格考核，畢竟家長更在意幼兒得到該有的照顧，不是學費平價就足夠。

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Why Did the Democratic Party Suffer a Major Defeat in the 2024 U.S. Presidential Election?

By Hsu Ching-Hsuan, Liu Ting-Chun, Chang Tai-Wei, Hsieh Po-Yen

In the 2024 U.S. presidential election, the Democratic Party lost both the presidency and Senate control. Kamala Harris, the candidate, received only 226 electoral votes and 72 million popular votes—2 million fewer than Biden in 2020. The Democrats also lost all seven swing states. What led to such a significant defeat?

According to data from Dave Leip's statistical website, the Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris has seen a decline in support in nearly every state compared to Joe Biden’s performance in the 2020 presidential election. The top five states with the largest percentage drops are New Jersey (-6.1%), New York (-5.7%), Florida (-5%), California (-4.6%), and Massachusetts (-4.3%). Among these, only Florida is a longstanding swing state, while the other four are traditionally Democratic strongholds. This highlights that the Democratic Party’s significant losses in this election began with the erosion of its core base.

From 2016 to 2024, the share of women voting for the Republican Party in presidential elections has risen steadily. In 2024, the gap between women supporting the two major parties narrowed by 2%, signaling a decline in the Democratic Party's long-held advantage among female voters.

According to CNN's exit polls from the past three U.S. elections, the proportion of African American, Latino, and Asian voters supporting the Democratic Party has shown a declining trend. Notably, 13% of Latino voters expressed support for the Republican Party, which has emerged as a key factor in the Democratic Party's defeat.

Edison Research's exit poll shows that the vote share of Harris among non-white ethnic groups is in decline compared to Hillary, the female Democratic nominee in 2016.

Support among Latino male voters plunged 20 percent, which is the most significant loss of votes. Other ethnic groups, regardless of gender, and Latino women also saw a 13% and 9% drop in vote share, respectively.

A Pew Research Center survey shows the economy is the top concern for U.S. voters, including three-quarters of racial minorities, a key Democratic base. Under Trump, median household incomes grew 10%, compared to just 2% under Biden, whose presidency also saw surging inflation. With economic growth lagging behind inflation, financial strain has deepened—making Biden's economic record a major challenge for Democrats in 2024.

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2024 美國總統大選，民主黨為何大敗？

徐敬萱 張玳瑋 劉亭君 謝博硯 / 報導

2024美國大選落幕，民主黨不但失去執政的機會，就連參、眾兩議院主導權皆拱手讓人，原本支持民主黨的藍州選票，幾乎是全面下滑。

根據Dave Leiv’s數據統計網站，民主黨總統候選人賀錦麗在全美各州的支持率相較於拜登在2020年大選的支持率，除猶州以外全數下降。下降百分比最多的前5名分別為紐澤西州(-6.1%)、紐約州(-5.7%)、佛羅里達州(-5%)、加州(-4.6%)、麻薩諸塞州(-4.3%)。除了佛羅里達是長期搖擺州，其餘4州皆為傳統民主黨票倉。由此可見，民主黨今年選舉的大敗，第一步即是輸在基本盤的流失。

從2016到2024年，總統大選中女性投票給共和黨的比例，出現上升趨勢，2024年更可以看到女性選擇兩黨的比例，差距縮小了2%。長期獲得女性選民支持的民主黨，開始失去優勢。

根據CNN近三屆美國大選出口民調顯示，非洲裔、拉丁裔及亞裔等少數種族，支持民主黨的選民比例均呈現下滑趨勢，其中更有13%拉丁裔選民支持共和黨，實為民主黨敗選的主要因素。

Edison Research的出口民調顯示，賀錦麗在非白人族群的得票率，與2016年民主黨女性參選人希拉蕊相比，均呈現下滑現象。拉丁裔男性選民的支持率更大跌20%，為流失最嚴重的票源。不分性別的其他族群與拉丁裔女性的得票率，也分別減少13%與9%。

依據Pew Research Center 民調顯示，美國選民最關心的是提升國家經濟議題。同時���多元種族——民主黨重要票倉，有四分之三都認為經濟是必須解決的首要問題。

首先聚焦到各族裔的收入狀況，比較不同政黨執政後發現，川普執政時期，各族裔家庭年所得（中位數）平均成長10%。待拜登執政時期，經濟卻僅成長2%。這幾年又因為通貨膨脹，數字上升不等於生活變得優渥——拜登執政時期（2020年～2024年），通貨膨脹率更是出現明顯的高峰。當經濟成長率追不上通膨率時，民眾生活可能更加辛苦。

2024年間，選民高度重視經濟議題。拜登在經濟問題方面未能妥善治理，應是民主黨2024年選舉的硬傷。

[datajournalismntu]

Behind Trump's Win: What Matters to Asian and Latino Voters

By Yun-Yin Chen, Tzu-En Chou, Xing-Hui Huang, Po-Ying Chan

Donald Trump has shown strong voter appeal across three presidential elections, with notable gains among minority voters. In particular, his support steadily increased among Asian and Latino voters, often credited to his focus on economic policies that resonate with these communities.

Between 2016 and 2024, Trump's performance in swing states showed varying success. He achieved a victory in 2016 by flipping key Democratic strongholds, lost ground in 2020 as Joe Biden reclaimed those states, and made a comeback in 2024 by regaining pivotal battlegrounds like Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Georgia​.

However, Trump’s triumph in the election does not necessarily indicate that voters perceive him with more leadership characteristics.

Despite Trump’s triumph in the election, in a September poll conducted by the Pew Research Center, Harris has an advantage over Trump on most of the leadership characteristics that were surveyed, except that more respondents believed that Trump “stands up for what they believe in”.

So why has Trump won the election when Harris showcases more leadership characteristics?

This chart shows the Republican Party's vote share among various ethnic groups, highlighting a significant increase in support from Asian and Latino voters from 2016 to 2024.

Education was a priority for Asian Americans in election polls, likely due to the education-focused values emphasized in Asian cultures.

However, this focus has gradually shifted toward economy-related issues. In 2024, Job and Economy rose to the top position, with Inflation also appearing in the top five for the first time.

Moreover, in Asian voters’ view, the Republican Party has performed comparatively better on those issues.

Concerned issues may reflect the living conditions and challenges faced by different racial groups. The chart highlights that Latino, Black, and White voters show some overlap in the issues they prioritize: Inflation, Health Care, Job and the Economy.

Although the issues they prioritize are similar, their views on parties’ ability to address the issue are quite different. Only White voters think the Republican Party might do a better job. Latino and Black voters both prefer the Democratic Party.

However, Black voters are more resolute, with close to 80% expressing approval of the Democratic Party. This may lead to different voting decisions, which result in the phenomenon that Latino is becoming more right-wing than Black.

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拼經濟政見添魅力 拉丁和亞裔選民倒戈川普

陳芸霠、周子恩、黃馨慧、詹博穎／報導

新當選的美國總統川普，近三屆大選都是候選人。透過選民的投票意向觀察，拉丁裔和亞裔選民對於川普的支持度明顯大增。川普三屆���選，選情各不相同。

比較川普三次選舉在搖擺州的表現，2016年，川普推翻藍牆，拿下了民主黨傳統票倉，包括賓州、密西根州與威斯康辛州。拜登在2020年又一一收復這些州，導致川普失利。但在2024年，川普不僅重新奪回這些關鍵戰場，更橫掃所有搖擺州。

然而，川普在選舉大勝，並不代表人們認為他是一個更有領導特質的候選人。在皮尤研究中心（Pew Research Center）九月發布的民調中，選民認為賀錦麗比川普具備更多領導特質。該調查的九個特質中，川普僅在「為相信的事情挺身而出」一個項目，勝過賀錦麗。

影響選舉的因素很多，美國選舉特別關注種族與移民的投票現象。分析2016年到2024年的三屆選舉資料後發現，各族裔對共和黨的投票率歷屆皆有成長。其中，拉丁裔和亞裔選民明顯增加，「向右倒」現象明顯。

過去，教育一直是亞裔選民最關心的議題，2020年起出現變化。民調（註1）顯示，教育的重要性排名不斷下降，工作與經濟議題則攀升至第一名，通貨膨脹議題更在2024年首次進入前五名。顯示亞裔選民開始重視經濟相關的議題。從投票行為來看，亞裔選民認為在這類議題上，共和黨表現得比民主黨更好。

註1：亞裔美國人選民調查（Asian American Voter Survey；簡稱AAVS）是由亞裔與太平洋島裔美國人投票（APIAVote）、亞太裔資料（AAPI data） 和亞裔美國人公義促進中心（Asian American Advancing Justice）三個組織合作的選前民調。AAVS在2016、2020、2024大選前皆進行調查，調查對象為亞裔美國人中，人口佔比最多的六大族裔選民（印度裔、華裔、菲律賓裔、日本裔、韓裔、越南裔）。在美國人口調查中，台灣裔通常獨立於華裔計算，因數量較少，AAVS的調查母體中並未涵蓋台灣裔。今年共收集2479份有效樣本，抽樣誤差為+-2.7%。 三次調查的方法及完整結果及可參考 2016: https://aapidata.com/surveys/2016-asian-american-voter-survey-aavs 2020: https://aapidata.com/surveys/2020-asian-american-voter-survey-aavs 2024: https://aapidata.com/featured/2024-asian-american-voter-survey/

根據2024選舉民調（註2），所有選民中，拉丁裔、非洲裔與白人選民關注的議題，並無太大差異，白人選民一樣關心通貨膨脹。對拉丁裔及非洲裔選民來說，經濟相關議題更是佔據前三名。

註2：2024美國選舉選民民意調查（ American Electorate Voter Poll）是由哈佛大學、BSP研究中心（BSP Research）與非裔美國人研究合作組織（The African American Research Collaborative）共同執行的選前民調。調查對象為全美範圍內各族裔的登記選民。在10月18日到11月4日間，共收集9405份有效樣本，抽樣誤差為正負1.01%。本文主要使用拉丁裔、非洲裔及白人的調查結果。完整結果可參考：https://2024electionpoll.us/crosstabs/

雖然美國選民關注的議題相似，卻不代表白人主要族群和其他族裔會有類似的投票意向。民調發現，當他們被詢問哪個政黨更能處理自己在意的議題時，意見出現明顯分歧。超過半數的白人選民，更認同共和黨的執政能力，非洲裔和拉丁裔選民認同民主黨的比例明顯較高。

然而，對照先前高比例支持民主黨的拉丁裔選民，今年選舉卻有更多拉丁裔選民認同共和黨，拉丁裔投給川普比例顯著增加，協助共和黨奪回美國執政權。

[datajournalismntu]

Who Still Takes Civil Service Exams? An Analysis of Age Trends in Civil Service Exam Registrations.

By Yun-Yin Chen, Tzu-En Chou, Xing-Hui Huang, and Po-Ying Chan

Civil service jobs in Taiwan are prized for their security and attractive benefits, making them a top career choice for those seeking long-term stability. The demand for these jobs spiked following the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, as companies across various industries implemented mass layoffs and the job market worsened. In the years that followed, the number of exam applicants surged, peaking in 2012 around 220,000 people applied, according to data from the Ministry of Examination.

However, this civil service rage has since dwindled. In 2024, the number of applicants dropped to just 40% of the peak in 2012.

Trend of Registration Rate among Different Age Groups: Young, Middle-Aged and Senior Have Increased

Let’s first take a closer look at the age distribution of registered candidates over the past 15 years. 

Consistent with the overall decline in numbers, the proportion of registered candidates aged 26 to 35 has seen a drop, and their greater competency in the job market for this group. 

In contrast, there is an increase in registration rates for young, middle-aged, and senior  individuals, with the older age group (36 and above) showing consistent growth. 

In a time when people seem to lose interest in civil service exams, people of the young and the older age groups seem less affected. We attempt to unearth the reasons leading to different trends in civil service registration among different age groups.

Differences Among the Three Civil Service Examinations

Before we dig deeper into the data, here’s an overview of the three different types of civil service examinations: the Senior Examination, the Junior Examination, and the Elementary Examination. These exams differ in terms of educational requirements and starting salaries, which might attract candidates of different age ranges and educational levels.

Young People are Still Willing to Take Civil Service Exams, Especially the Junior and Senior Exam

Numerous media reports have pointed out that civil service jobs are no longer appealing to young people. However, the data shows that the trends might not be the same among the three types of civil service exams. The proportion of the young among all registered applicants for  the Junior and Senior Exams have clear upward trends.

The underlying factors are likely related to the starting salary levels in the job market, compared to those of civil service jobs.

The Basic Salary for the Senior and Junior Exam is Higher than Most University Graduates Entering the Workforce

Most college graduates, regardless of their majors, have starting salaries below NT$40,000 in 2023. Consequently, the Civil Service Junior and Senior Exams might be attractive to college graduates because civil service jobs provide better salaries and are relatively more stable.

The Number of Middle-aged Candidates in Civil Service Exams Has Been Increasing

There is a rising trend in the number of senior candidates taking the civil service exam. This indicates that the increase in the proportion of senior individuals among all candidates is not merely due to a decline in the number of younger applicants caused by lower birth rates, which is a common assumption among the public. Instead, it shows that the number of middle-aged individuals taking these exams is indeed increasing, contrary to the overall trend.

Among Three Civil Service Exams, the Rate of Middle-aged and Senior Registered Candidates significantly increased in the Elementary Exam

Middle-aged and senior candidates’ registration rates rise in all three types of exams, with the most noticeable increase occurring in the Elementary Exam. This indicates that middle-aged and senior people are more motivated to register for the Elementary Exam than young people in recent years. 

Given the lower salaries for those who pass the Elementary Exam, there may be factors other than salary influencing their decisions.

Beyond Salary, Middle-Aged And Senior  Workers Place Greater Value on Benefits in Civil Service Jobs

Middle-aged workers may face higher risk of unemployment in the general industry, while civil service jobs offer relatively stable salaries, job security, and more benefits, making them more appealing to the middle-aged workforce. This could lead them to leave their current jobs and pursue a career in the civil service, even if the salary might be lower than their previous positions.

Different trends in civil service exam registration exist among candidates of different age groups. While the total number may indicate that the general public is losing interest in civil service jobs, individuals of different life stages might still be attracted to varying aspects of the civil service career.

[datajournalismntu]

Taiwan’s Oral cancer incidence rate is significantly higher than the global average. Why has betel nuts become the main culprit?

Did you know that the rate of oral cancer among Taiwanese is much higher than the world average?

As early as the mid-1990s, oral medicine experts in Taiwan called on society to pay attention to the issue of betel nut chewing and oral cancer. Since then, many medical studies have confirmed the high correlation between oral cancer and betel nut culture in Taiwan. However, the betel nut issue has not been taken seriously by the government for a long time. Under the government's "three no policy" of not counseling, not encouraging, and not prohibiting, oral cancer remains high in the ranking of cancer incidence and mortality among male cancers in Taiwan.

Betel nut is closely related to oral cancer. According to the latest report of the International Agency for Research on Cancer, 88% of oral cancer patients worldwide have the habit of chewing betel nut (Lancet Oncol. Published online 9 October 2024), and they are mainly distributed in Central Asia and Southeast Asia. What’s serious is that Taiwan’s oral cancer incidence rate is much higher than the world average.

How did betel nut become the main culprit of oral cancer in Taiwan? Why do Taiwanese have such a huge demand for betel nuts? Who is eating betel nut? Let’s start from the supply and demand of areca nut.

According to a press release issued by WHO in August this year (2024), areas around the world with the habit of chewing betel nut are distributed in Central Asia (India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka) and Southeast Asia (Myanmar, Indonesia, Thailand). Oral cancer is also one of the top 15 cancers in these seven countries. A closer look at the latest age-standardized incidence rates of oral cancer in various countries shows that they all lose to Taiwan (about 22 people per 100,000 people suffer from oral cancer).

Looking back at Taiwan, Graphic 2 shows the incidence rates of oral cancer in 2021 across its 22 administrative regions. Among them, the incidence rates of oral cancer in the central, southern, and eastern regions differ significantly from those in the northern and outlying island areas.

In addition to the fact that blue-collar workers in Taiwan are predominantly concentrated in the central, southern, and Hualien-Taitung regions, over 80% of Taiwan’s betel nut plantations are located in Pingtung County, Nantou County, Chiayi County, and Hualien County.

According to the 2023 Agricultural Statistics Yearbook, the betel nut planting areas in the four administrative regions shown above account for more than 80% of the total betel nut cultivation area nationwide.

Due to the low cost and high profitability of betel nut cultivation, the planting area in Taiwan expanded rapidly from the 1970s to the mid-1980s.

In 1971, Taiwan’s betel nut planting area was only 1,607 hectares, rising to 4,100 hectares by 1981, and by 1996, it had grown to 56,581 hectares, an increase of tenfold over these 15 years.

Since betel nut is primarily cultivated in Pingtung County, Nantou County, Chiayi County, and Hualien County, these four administrative regions are used for comparison with Taiwan as a whole.

Data from the Taiwan Cancer Registry over the years show that the incidence rates of oral cancer in these four regions are indeed higher than the national average and exhibit an upward trend.

The reason betel nuts keep people chewing is due to the release of arecoline, a "central nervous system stimulant," when the nuts are chewed. This stimulant provides warmth and an energy boost. As betel nut chewers continue to chew, they feel increasingly energized but also face an elevated risk of developing oral cancer. The International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) has classified betel nut as a Group 1 carcinogen, and arecoline can lead to dependency. Additionally, other ingredients like betel inflorescence and slaked lime also contain carcinogenic chemicals that amplify the risk. Betel nut enthusiasts are predominantly from the working class. For instance, it's common to see long-distance truck drivers constantly chewing betel nuts to stay alert during their trips. Take 22-year-old gravel truck driver Zhong Liangju, who consumes 60-80 betel nuts during a 10-hour drive. Behind these numbers lie significant financial and health costs—ultimately, this makes the working class a high-risk group for oral cancer.

Here’s the translation into English with a professional, journalistic tone:

Zhong Liangju starts his day at 5 a.m., before dawn, driving his gravel truck for 10 straight hours until he can finally rest at 6 p.m. Accompanying him throughout the day is Taiwan's betel nut. Before each shift, Zhong stops by a betel nut stall, spends NT$300 on betel nuts, and begins his long journey. Chewing two nuts at a time, the strong bite and stimulating taste help keep him alert. Consuming 6 to 8 nuts per hour, he ends up chewing around 80 betel nuts on a single trip.

Similarly, Mr. Guo, another truck driver, has spent as much as 30% of his monthly salary—about NT$30,000—on betel nuts during his career. Driving his 17-ton truck, Mr. Guo has chewed betel nuts to stay awake for 28 years. Even though he eventually stopped after losing his teeth, his body had already become desensitized to the effects of betel nuts, and his health had suffered. In fact, it is not uncommon for workers to spend 20 to 30% of their salary on betel nuts. Mr. Luo, a former construction worker, and Ah Ming, an ironworker, both spend nearly 20% of their income—about NT$6,000—on betel nuts each month. Meanwhile, Mr. Guo’s expenses reached 30% of his income. According to a betel nut stall owner in Taoyuan, 70% of his customers are laborers and truck drivers. "They usually don’t complain about the costs," the owner remarked. The heavy reliance on betel nuts among low-wage workers indicates a significant demand, creating a thriving betel nut market. This raises the question: with so many stalls opening up, where exactly is the profit?

Betel nut has a special guild system and sales chain in Taiwan. Interviewees said that, depending on the difference between off season and peak season, the guilds and the wholesales would set the market price and take a cut based on the season's production and demand, which would allow the farmers to make a higher profit compared to other crops. On the other hand, downstream betel nut stands often sell betel nut at a fixed price and ensure that the businessmen can earn a certain profit by adjusting the quantity, quality and the proportion of additives of betel nut in one package.

For example, if a betel nut stand sells a packet of betel nut at a fixed price of NTD 50, the stand will most likely use NTD 25 as a basic profit for deciding on the quality, the size of the betel nut to be purchased, and the ultimate number of a packet betel nut to be sold to the customer.

Since betel nut consumers have a fixed customer base (600,000 to 1 million people), betel nut farmers and betel nut stands are able to make a high profit, allowing the betel nut industry to survive in Taiwan for a long time and hardly disappear.

Statistics from the Ministry of Agriculture (MOA) for the year 2023 show that betel nut is still the second most planted crop in Taiwan after rice. Comparing betel nut with other competitive land use crops in the major producing countries, it can be seen that the labor cost and total production cost of betel nut is almost half of mango and banana, while the total planted area of betel nut is about 2.5 times of mango and banana.

Betel nut can be managed roughly and does not require much labor to maintain a stable income, allowing betel nut farmers to be more independent of age and the pressure to change crops or jobs. The low cost and extensive planting of betel nut has made betel nut a highly profitable industry in south-central Taiwan.

In order to reduce the production of betel nut and improve the incidence of oral cancer among Taiwan, the government proposed the policy of converting abandoned betel nut orchards into land in ROC year 97. In the past 17 years, it has gone through three stages of the plan to convert abandoned orchards. The fourth stage (ROC year 112~115) is being implemented.

According to the results report of Legislative Yuan, in the first phase (ROC year 97), the expected area of ​​abandoned orchards to be converted was 3,928 hectares, and spent a total of approximately 198.82 million NTD in subsidies; in the second phase (ROC year 103-106), the expected area of ​​abandoned gardens to be converted was 4,800 hectares, and a total of approximately 116.22 million NTD subsidies was issued; In the third stage (ROC year 108~110), the expected area of ​​abandoned gardens to be converted was 700 hectares, and a total of approximately 131.6 million NTD was issued.

Although the area of ​​betel nut cultivation in Taiwan has indeed declined in the past 17 years (from 50,457 hectares in ROC year 96 to 37,293 hectares in ROC year 112), the effectiveness of the policy of converting abandoned betel nut orchards is only 31%, and the total amount of subsidies invested has exceeded 440 million NTD.

[datajournalismntu]

「鐵飯碗」還有吸引力嗎？從各年齡層看公職報考新趨勢

陳芸霠、周子恩、黃馨慧、詹博穎／報導

今（2024）年7月5日，38歲的鐘先生和23歲的范同學，在公務人員普通考試的考場裡奮筆疾書。兩個月後，他們考上各自報考的類科，目前正等待分發，兩人距離獲得這個「鐵飯碗」，僅有一步之遙。

公務人員因工作穩定、待遇優渥，曾經是台灣人心中的夢幻職業。2008年金融海嘯時，企業大幅裁員，就業景氣差。隔年起，公務人員報考人數便不斷攀升。據考選部資料，公職報考人數在2012年達到高峰，約22萬人報考。

在這之後，公職熱潮快速消退。今年人數只剩高峰期的四成。

整體報考人數下降，中壯年與中老年比例卻逐年上升，如今已佔全體近三成。青年人比例雖變化不大，也呈現成長趨勢。鐘先生和范同學就屬於中壯年和青年。這說明儘管公職熱潮不再，這些族群仍有報考意願。

公務人員考試在台灣分成三類：高等考試、普通考試及初等考試。

三種考試的學歷門檻、職等與起薪均有差異。不同年齡層的人可能因為不同考量，偏好報考其中之一。

過往輿論認為年輕人不想當公務員，從統計資料卻能發現，台灣的青年仍受普考和高考吸引，比例成長較初考更明顯。

勞動部資料指出，多數大專院校畢業生，無論就讀哪個學群，剛進入職場的薪資中位數均低於四萬元。當低薪成為多數青年必須面對的現況，普考和高考相對更高的起薪，是青年人決定報考的關鍵因素。

范同學從台大農藝學系畢業、當完兵後，找到的第一份工作薪水只有三萬出頭，因此工作不久後，他就萌生考公職的念頭。當時他決定先嘗試起薪四萬的普考，沒想到一次便錄取交通行政類科。不過，初考一直在他的選項外。「初考薪水才三萬多，不如去搖飲料、端盤子。」范同學說。

此外，由於范同學志不在農業，對想要轉換跑道的他而言，公務人員只看考試成績，報考行政類科無畢業科系要求的規則，亦是一大吸引力。

近年資料顯示，中壯年及中老年的報考比例增加，並非少子化造成的變化差異。中老年報考人數確實在增加，原因可能是他們在就業市場中的處境和遭遇。

整合中壯年及中老年資料來看，他們報名初考的比例增加最多。這與青年人因初考薪資低，不太考慮報考的狀況完全不同，顯示中壯年及中老年對「鐵飯碗」的需求中，最重要的誘因可能不是薪資。

正值中壯年的鐘先生，從2021年開始考公職，今年總算順利考上普考。回想當時報考的動機，鐘先生說：「因為年紀差不多了，會希望找一個能夠穩定、比較看得到未來的工作。」

鐘先生畢業於台大工商管理學系，曾待過大企業、小公司。工作月薪六萬，他卻還是一邊工作，一邊認真備考，持續將近四年。他認為，公職最大的吸引力，是制度保障了工作的穩定性和福利待遇，不會出現小公司由老闆決定的狀況，像是有些勞動者連颱風假都得自己請特休，或擔心中年失業。因此，即使公職薪資比不上鐘先生過往的收入，他仍選擇投奔公職。

「年紀大了，想找理想的工作較不容易。」鐘先生亦提及中壯年的就業困境。他表示，因為大公司更偏向用年輕人，假如中壯年的履歷看起來不夠優秀和突出，幾乎不可能再進入大公司。因此，公職考試不看年齡和履歷的特色，是吸引他報考的另一個原因。

公職考試熱潮消退，卻不代表「鐵飯碗」完全失去吸引力。

除了報考資格寬鬆，讓更多人有機會轉行踏入公職外，薪資、穩定性及福利待遇亦是關鍵。不僅吸引了剛出社會的青年，也讓中壯年與中老年，開始將公職視為另一條人生道路。

[datajournalismntu]

臺灣口腔癌罹患率高於世界平均，檳榔成罪魁禍首?

徐敬萱 張玳瑋 劉亭君 謝博硯 / 報導

根據國際癌症研究機構的最新報告，全球口腔癌患者當中有88%的人有嚼食檳榔的習慣（Lancet Oncol. Published online 9 October 2024），而且主要分布在中亞與東南亞地區。嚴重之處在於，臺灣的口腔癌罹患率，遠高於世界平均。衛福部追究原因時，認為國人吃檳榔的習慣，可能是臺灣口腔癌罹患率居高不下的主因。

早在1990年代中期，就有口腔醫學專家呼籲，必須重視嚼食檳榔後導致口腔癌的問題。爾後更有其他醫學研究陸續證實，臺灣口腔癌與檳榔文化的高度相關性。然而檳榔問題長期以來不受政府正視，在政府不輔導、不鼓勵、不禁止的「三不政策」之下，口腔癌在臺灣男性癌症罹癌率與死亡率排名中高居不下。

根據世界衛生組織（WHO）在今（2024）年八月的報告指出，全球有嚼食檳榔習慣的地區主要分布在中亞（印度、孟加拉、巴基斯坦、斯里蘭卡）與東南亞（緬甸、印尼、泰國）。巧合的是，口腔癌同時也是這七個國家國內的15大癌症之一。進一步查詢資料後發現，台灣的口腔癌年齡標準化發生率（每十萬人口約22人罹患口腔癌），遠高於這七個國家。

回頭檢視臺灣，圖2顯示台灣不同縣市的口腔癌發生率。以目前公布的2021年數據來看，中南部及東部的口腔癌發生率，與北部及離島地區產生明顯區別。

同時，臺灣檳榔種植的產區有八成以上集中在屏東縣、南投縣、嘉義縣和花蓮縣。

根據2023年臺灣農業年報，台灣包括花蓮、南投、嘉義、屏東四個縣市種植檳榔面積，就占全國檳榔種植面積八成以上。

由於檳榔的種植成本低、經濟利潤豐厚，臺灣檳榔種植面積在70年代到80年代中期急速增加。民國60年全臺檳榔種植面積僅1607公頃，民國70年已上升至4100公頃，到了民國85年更成長到56581公頃，這15年之間成長了10倍之多。

從臺灣癌症登記歷年統計的資料顯示，台灣四大種植檳榔縣市—屏東縣、南投縣、嘉義縣及花蓮縣，這四個縣市的口腔癌發生率高於全台，且呈現日益攀升的趨勢。

檳榔之所以讓人不斷嚼食，是因為檳榔子（青仔）咀嚼時，名為「中樞神經興奮劑」的檳榔植物鹼會釋放到口腔中，帶來保暖與提神的效果。檳榔嚼食者因此越嚼越有勁，卻也越可能發生令人憂心的口腔癌。國際癌症研究總署(IARC)已證實檳榔子為第一級致癌物，當中的檳榔素更會讓嚼食者產生依賴性。除檳榔子以外，其餘原料如荖花、石灰，也都具有強化致癌的化學物質。

檳榔的愛好者多為基層勞工，舉例而言，民眾不難看見長途駕駛司機不停吃檳榔以便提神開完整趟車程。現年22歲的砂石車司機鍾良駒，在連續10小時的開車時間裏，會吃下60-80顆檳榔。數字背後，是不容小覷的金錢與健康成本——換句話說，基層勞工也因此成為口腔癌的高風險族群。

鍾良駒早上5點天未亮時，就得開著砂石車啟程，一路開到晚上6點才能休息，一開就是10小時。這一路上陪伴他的，便是台灣檳榔。鍾良駒工作前會先到到檳榔攤，掏出300元買檳榔後，便展開長途車程。他一次咬2顆檳榔，極強的咬勁與刺激性的口味，讓鍾良駒能夠時刻保持清醒。以一小時6至8顆的數量計算，一趟車程，會有80顆的檳榔下肚。

鍾良駒說，因為父親也有嚼食檳榔的習慣，先是跟著父親吃，後來受工作影響，現年22歲的鍾良駒，至今已累積10年的檳榔咬齡。「吃久了，也成為習慣了。」鍾良駒緩緩得說。

同樣是大車司機的郭先生，在多年的司機生涯中，曾把3成薪水（約3萬元），都花在購買檳榔中。開著17公噸的龐大車身，郭先生一路吃著檳榔提神，就這樣有了28年的咬齡。即便後來，郭先生因為牙齒掉落再也咬不動檳榔，因而戒除，不過嚼食檳榔已經有28年的他，身體早已對檳榔麻痹，身體也受到傷害。

事實上，花2到3成的薪水購買檳榔的狀況並不罕見。曾為工程工人的羅先生與鐵工的阿明，每月會把近2成（6000元）的拿來購買檳榔，而郭先生在檳榔的花費更是高達薪水的3成。桃園菁優檳榔老闆觀察，他的客群有7成是工人與大車司機，針對檳榔花費，老闆表示，「他們通常不太會抱怨。」

基層勞工依賴檳榔賺錢，顯示相當高的需求量，無形中也形成龐大的檳榔市場。令人好奇的是，一家一家開張的檳榔攤，賺頭何在？

作為在台灣長期年產值超過百億的重要農產品，檳榔有其特殊的公會制度與銷售產業鏈。檳榔攤老闆表示，依據淡旺季的不同，公會與大盤商會以當季的產量與需求決定市價與抽成。因此相對於其他農作物，檳榔農能獲得較高的利潤。另一方面，下游的檳榔攤常以固定價格作為販售單位，透過調配一包檳榔的顆數、品質與添加物比例，以確保能賺取一定的利潤。

以檳榔攤固定販售一包50元的檳榔為例，檳榔攤老闆多半將25元的利潤作為標準，再決定要購買的檳榔產地、品質、大小，還有最終販賣給顧客的顆數。若是當季檳榔價格較高，就可能搭配便宜但品質較差的檳榔，或是減少一包檳榔的數量。由於檳榔有固定的食用族群，預估約60至100萬人，檳榔農與檳榔攤皆能獲得豐厚的利潤，讓檳榔產業在台灣得以長期生存，難以消失。

農業部2023年的統計資料顯示，檳榔仍是僅次於稻米，在台灣栽種面積第二大的作物。將檳榔與其主要生產縣市中其他競用土地的作物比較，可以發現栽種檳榔的人工成本與總生產成本幾乎為芒果與香蕉的一半，檳榔的總種植面積卻約是芒果與香蕉的2.5倍。

檳榔可以粗放管理，不需要太多人力維護就能有穩定收入，讓檳榔農能較不受年紀影響，背負轉職或轉作的壓力，低成本且種植廣泛使檳榔成為台灣中南部的高利潤產業。

為了降低檳榔生產量，以改善國人口腔癌發生率，政府於民國97年提出檳榔廢園轉作政策，至今（民113年）17年間歷經了三階段的廢園轉作計畫，第四階段（民國112~115年）正在執行中。

根據農委會成果報告與立法院農業特別收入基金預算報告，第一階段（民國97年）預期廢園轉作面積為3928公頃，實際執行面積為1605（執行率41%），共核發約1億9882萬補助款；第二階段（民國103~106年）預期廢園轉作面積為4800公頃，實際執行面積為720公頃（執行率15%），共核發約1億1622萬元補助款；第三階段（民國108~110年）預期廢園轉作面積為700公頃，實際執行面積為658公頃（執行率94%），共核發約1億3160萬元補助款。

儘管這17年來全台灣檳榔種植面積確實在下降（從民國96年的50457公頃，降到112年的37293公頃），然而檳榔廢園轉作政策整體成效僅31%，投入的補助款總和卻已超過4億4000萬元。

[datajournalismntu]

MRT will link up with the Greater Taipei Area in 2030

Metro Taipei is usually regarded as a symbol of urban modernization. Through its well-connected routes, it has penetrated people's lives.

According to the data from the Department of Rapid Transit Systems, DRTS, and Global Views Monthly, the New Taipei Metro and the Taipei Metro will link up the Greater Taipei Metropolitan Area by 2030. It is expected to travel through the administrative areas of Taipei City, New Taipei City, Taoyuan City, and Keelung City, with a total population of up to 10 million, which will reach the internationally recognized scale of the megacity.

Without the duplicated interchange MRT stations in the Taipei Metro, the New Taipei Metro, and the Taoyuan Metro, there are currently 180 stations in operation in 2023. 

If we include the MRT stations expected to be in operation by then, the Greater Taipei metropolitan area is projected to have about 225 MRT stations in 2030. The number represents that there will be about 2.2 stations for every 100,000 people, which is quite good when compared favorably with other Asian areas.

Major Asian cities have been actively developing public transportation. For example, Tokyo has 3.1 metro stations for every 100,000 people, Seoul has 3, and Singapore has 2.2. By then, the Greater Taipei Area will be able to catch up with international cities. Individuals and society will save more on environmental and transport costs, which further improves the quality of life.

In the past five years, the profitability of Metro Taipei has significantly decreased, and doubts about the necessity of developing new MRT routes have emerged one after another.

If we take a closer look at the operating status of each route in metro Taipei last year, it is surprisingly found that only two lines, the Bannan Line and the Tamsui-Xinyi Line, made profits. Among them, the Wenhu Line suffered the most serious loss, with a deficit of 1.2 billion. The reasons for the loss include a medium-capacity system, its capacity is lower than that of other lines, and the stations of the line pass through fewer commercial districts.

Despite the deficits, the average daily ridership of total lines in MRT has been steadily climbing in the past 10 years, showing that the public is gradually developing the habit of taking the MRT. Even though the pandemic once had a serious impact on the number of daily ridership, the current statistics are returning to normal, reaching 1.6 million daily trips in 2022.

If we look back at the construction costs of the MRT routes, since the first route, the Wenhu Line, opened in 1996, the total cost of the five routes has exceeded NT$490 billion. Among them, the Bannan Line cost the most, with around NT$177 billion.

Despite the deficits, there are still four MRT routes under construction, including the Xinyi Eastern Extension, the Wanda-Zhonghe-Shulin Line Phase I, the Wanda-Zhonghe-Shulin Line Phase II, and the Circular Line North Section & South Section (Circular Line Phase II).

The overall statistics indicate that the development of new MRT routes will require a longer time cost. Not to mention, even if the new route is successfully commissioned, the huge construction cost might not be amortized immediately.

However, when we look at the bigger picture, the benefits of MRT in terms of saving environmental costs and improving the convenience of life are so high that it is unfair to evaluate only the revenue of Metro Taipei to discuss the opening of the new route or not.

[datajournalismntu]

2030捷運將串起大臺北千萬人口   趕上新加坡

捷運往往被視為都市現代化的象徵，透過其四通八達的路線，深入民眾的生活中。根據新北市捷運工程局與《遠見雜誌》的數據估計，2030年期間，屆時新北捷運和臺北捷運將共同串聯大臺北都會區，行經的行政區域包括臺北市、新北市、桃園市、基隆市，總人口高達1000萬，將達到國際認定的巨型都市規模。

然而，若以今（2023）年臺北捷運、新北捷運與桃園捷運公告的捷運車站數量看來，不扣除重複的轉乘站點，目前營運的捷運站點共180座。若以未來預計受益的1000萬人口下去計算，每10萬人能享有約1.8座捷運車站。

如果將預計完工的捷運車站納入估算，預測2030年期間，大臺北都會區將擁有約225座捷運站，等於每10萬人就可享有約2.2座捷運站，在亞洲地區絲毫不遜色。

亞洲主要都市一向積極發展捷運。例如東京每10萬人就可享有3.1座捷運站點；首爾的3座；新加坡的2.2座。屆時，大臺北都會區將逐漸追上國際都市的水平。無論個人或社會，都將省下更多的環境、交通成本，進而改善生活品質。

五年來，北捷獲利明顯減少，是否有必要開發新捷運路線的質疑陸續出現。

進一步檢視2022年北捷各路線的營運狀況可發現，五條路線中，僅板南線和淡水信義線獲利。��中又以文湖線虧損最嚴重，赤字達12億元。而文湖線虧損的原因，除了因作為中運量系統，運量較其他路線低，該路線站點經過的商業區也較少。

雖然北捷獲利情形不盡理想，不過北捷近10年來的平均日運量穩定攀升，顯示民眾日漸養成搭乘捷運的習慣。即便COVID-19疫情一度重挫北捷運量，疫情過後，2022年時便已回升至每日160萬人次。

若回顧北捷各路線建造所花費的經費，從1996年北捷第一條開設的文湖線算起，五條路線花費總金額已超過4,900億臺幣。其中又以板南線花費最多，建造成本約為1,770億元。

儘管如此，目前北捷仍有四條捷運路線，正如火如荼地興建中。其中包含信義線東延段、環狀線南北段，以及萬大中和樹林線的一期和二期。

從數據上綜觀來看，開發新的捷運路線，需要投入更長的時間成本。即使順利開通營運，也未必能立馬攤平龐大的工程支出。然而，從長遠的角度來看，捷運節省的環境成本和提升生活便利度等效益極高，確實不應僅從虧損與否的單一觀點進行評價。

[datajournalismntu]

Labor Shortages in Northeast Asia as Southeast Asian Workers Seek Higher Pay, Departing Taiwan

Since Taiwan established the Employment Services Act in 1992, it has officially introduced foreign migrant workers from Southeast Asia to make up for the shortage of local workers.

However, Japan and South Korea have also actively recruited overseas workers in recent years. The era of labor shortage in the three Northeast Asian countries has arrived. How to strengthen the pull to attract overseas migrant workers has become a new issue for each country.

In Taiwan, migrant workers can be divided into two categories: industrial migrant workers and social service migrant workers. According to statistics from the Ministry of Labor's National Development Council in 2022, the manufacturing industry employs the highest number of industrial migrant workers, totaling 476,000 people, accounting for approximately 96% of the total industrial migrant workforce. Among social service migrant workers, home care workers constitute the majority, with a total of 220,000 people, representing about 99% of the total social service migrant workforce.

Among the migrant workers employed in Taiwan, Southeast Asian countries have traditionally been the main source of migrant labor. Due to lower average monthly wages in their home countries compared to Taiwan, migrant workers are willing to work in Taiwan.

However, the situation is changing. In recent years, the manufacturing industry in South Korea has been offering very high wages to migrant workers, with monthly salaries approaching NT$60,000. Regarding home care workers, discussions are ongoing in South Korea, and the market has not yet been fully opened. In Japan, the monthly salary for care workers has reached NT$45,000, making it attractive to foreign migrant workers.

In comparison to Northeast Asian countries like South Korea and Japan, the salaries offered in Taiwan are no longer as attractive to foreign migrant workers. The average monthly salary for home care workers in Thailand has even exceeded NT$21,000, surpassing that of Taiwan.

Migrant workers in Taiwan can be broadly categorized into social welfare and industrial sectors.The primary source countries for these workers include Vietnam, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand, with the ratio being approximately seven to three.

The number of male migrant workers from Vietnam has steadily increased over the years, addressing the pressing shortage of manufacturing jobs in Taiwan. Locals often exhibit reluctance to engage in strenuous work. Conversely, both Thailand and the Philippines have shown consistent upward trends in the deployment of migrant workers.

Indonesia stands out as the sole country among the four that primarily exports social welfare migrant workers. Indonesian female social welfare migrant workers predominantly work in the home care sector in Taiwan, providing services to the elderly and disabled in medical institutions and private households.

In contrast to the growth observed in other countries, the number of social migrant workers from Thailand has experienced fluctuations over the past decade. Wages in Thailand's social welfare industry surpass those in Taiwan, prompting migrant workers to choose to remain in their home country rather than travel to Taiwan.

We compared the three environments for overseas migrant workers and found that foreign migrant workers account for the highest proportion of the labor force in Taiwan. However, migrant workers have to pay the highest agency fees before coming to Taiwan, and their average salary is also the lowest among the three countries.In addition, South Korea hires workers directly from the country, so no agency fees are required.

In addition, Japan and South Korea have more than a dozen source countries for migrant workers, but Taiwan mainly relies on four Southeast Asian countries, including Indonesia, Vietnam, the Philippines, and Thailand, to export migrant workers.

There are more and more migrant workers from Southeast Asia heading to Japan instead of Taiwan. The salary for migrant workers in Taiwan is lower than in Korea and Japan, and workers need to pay a huge amount of middleman fees. These are on of the factors of this trend.  Migrant workers from Vietnam had grown over 10 times from 2013 to 2022, and overtake Taiwan in 2018. A similar trend can be seen in Filipino workers. In 2013 Japan and Taiwan had similar amounts of Filipino workers, yet in 2022 workers in Japan were 30% more than Taiwan. If the working conditions and the wages do not improve, Taiwan will lose its appeal to migrant workers from Southeast Asia.

[datajournalismntu]

東北亞大缺工 東南亞移工為更高薪資離開台灣

台灣自1992年設立《就業服務法》，正式引進東南亞移工，以彌補在地缺工的問題。在此同時，日本與韓國近年來也積極招募外籍工人，東北亞三國缺工時代已經來臨。如何加強吸引海外移工前往的拉力，成為了各國的新課題。

在台移工可分為產業移工與社服移工，根據2022年勞動部勞動力發展署統計資料庫指出，產業移工以製造業人數為最多，共47.6萬人，約占產業移工總人數的96%。而社福移工中，則以家庭看護工人數為最多，共22萬人，約占社福移工總人數的99%。

在台灣僱用的移工中，東南亞國家長期是台灣移工的主要輸出國。由於移工在本地國平均月薪多低於台灣，因此願意到台灣工作。

不過，現在情勢出現變化。近年韓國製造業對移工提供極高的工資，月薪逼近台幣六萬元。在家庭看護工方面，因韓國國內仍有許多討論，至今尚未開放。至於日本看護工月薪已達四萬五千元，對外籍移工均有吸引力。

相較東北亞韓、日等移工輸入國，台灣提供的薪資，對外籍移工已不具有吸引力。甚至泰國家庭看護工的平均月薪達到兩萬一千元台幣，已高於台灣了。

根據勞動部勞動統計數據顯示，在台移工主要來自東南亞，來源國包括越南、印尼、菲律賓和泰國。截至2023年11月底，總人數已達754,130，其中產業移工佔比近7成。

同樣根據勞動部統計，越南產業移工在十年間數量呈上升趨勢，已為臺灣製造業補充一定的勞動力。在台印尼社福移工人數，仍佔四國榜首。由於泰國社福業薪資高於台灣，這驅使移工寧可留在母國務工。過去十年，在台泰國社福移工人數均未破千，2022年僅餘464人。

進一步比較台、日、韓三國引進外籍移工現況，可發現外籍移工在前往台灣工作時，須繳交高達新台幣18萬8000元的仲介費用；日本仲介費則約在新台幣9萬至12萬之間。韓國則是採取國對國職聘制度，移工不必負擔無仲介費用。

必須指出的是，無論是產業移工或是社福移工，台灣的移工平均薪資，皆是三國最低。此外，台灣目前的移工來自印尼、越南、菲律賓、泰國四國，移工來源國數量遠不及日本及韓國。

從趨勢上可知，在日本的越南移工，從2013年至2022成長約10倍，並在2018年超越台灣。菲律賓也看到類似趨勢。 日本跟台灣在2013年的菲律賓移工人數相近；2022年時，日本的菲律賓移工人數是台灣的1.3倍。可見台灣的薪資待遇、仲介制度若不調整，台灣可能正逐漸喪失對東南亞移工的吸引力。

[datajournalismntu]

High Success in Fraud Cases Solving Yet Billions Lost and Unrecovered

According to statistics from the National Police Agency, fraud caused financial losses exceeding 6 billion New Taiwan Dollars (NTD) in Taiwan in 2022, the highest in the past decade. Despite an impressive success rate of nearly 100% in solving these cases over the past two years, and growing effectiveness in preventing fraud, a question arises: Why is fraud still becoming more rampant, and why can’t the lost money be recovered?

A closer look at the data released by the National Police Agency reveals that in 2022, there were 29,509 fraud cases, of which 28,718 were solved, resulting in a 97% success rate. In 2021, the rate was even higher at 99%. However, the Ministry of Justice reports that in 2022, the District Prosecutors’ Offices handled 166,112 fraud investigation cases. 

The Statistics Office of the Ministry of Justice explains that the District Prosecutors’ Offices count fraud cases according to how many times suspects are transferred, considering each transfer as a separate case. Each lawsuit filed by a victim for a single fraud incident is counted as one case, making the Ministry of Justice’s data more closely aligned with the actual number of victims.

The National Police Agency clarifies that their 2022 case count was based on the number of dummy accounts involved. For instance, if several victims were defrauded by the same account holder, this scenario is classified as a single fraud case. Conversely, if one victim was defrauded by multiple account holders, those account holders are considered interconnected, forming a single fraud syndicate, and thus also categorized as one case. Essentially, the data from the National Police Agency primarily reflects the number of fraud syndicates rather than individual incidents.

In the past decade, the number of fraud syndicates has not changed significantly, but the number of victims has continued to rise.

The classification method of the National Police Agency for fraud cases also depends on the sequence in which multiple victims report their incidents. For example, consider a situation where victims A and C are each defrauded by different dummy accounts, while victim B is defrauded by both of these accounts. If A and C report their incidents first and B does not report at all, the police count these as two separate cases. However, if B is the first to report the fraud, the police treat it as a single case, regardless of the involvement of different dummy account holders.

The police’s criteria for considering a fraud case as solved vary greatly from what the public typically expects. According to the police, a fraud case is marked as solved when any member of a fraud syndicate is apprehended, whether it be a money mule or an individual providing a dummy account. However, capturing just one member does not usually lead to the dismantling of the entire fraud syndicate. This criteria for solving cases is a key factor in achieving the nearly 100% success rate reported by the police.

The Ministry of Justice reports that from 2017 to 2021, 60% of solved telecommunication fraud cases involved the capture of dummy account providers, amounting to 190,412 individuals. However, only 34,223 of these, accounting for 18%, were prosecuted. This suggests that many of these account providers are not the main culprits. In some cases, they themselves were victims of fraud and were manipulated into providing these accounts. These providers are typically the easiest to apprehend, while the actual masterminds behind the schemes often evade capture, which significantly hampers efforts to retrieve the money lost by victims.

In the last five years, Taiwan has seen a yearly increase in financial losses caused by fraud. The total financial loss in 2022 was approximately 3 billion NTD higher than in 2018. Despite improvements in the amount the police have recovered, the situation remains challenging. As of November 2022, the cumulative losses reached 6.96 billion NTD, but only 1.31 billion NTD has been recovered, yielding a recovery rate of merely 18.8%. This indicates that almost 80% of the money lost to fraud remains unrecoverable.

In addition to cooperation with the police bureau, the government is actively working to prevent fraud through measures like the 165 anti-fraud hotline and at-the-counter intervention at financial institutions. According to data from the National Police Agency and the Legislative Yuan Gazette, the funds protected from fraud have risen significantly, from 0.54 billion NTD in 2018 to 4.48 billion NTD in 2022. This represents an increase from 12% to 43% of the total fraud volume. However, as the tactics used by fraudsters become more sophisticated and the number of offenders increases, these preventive strategies struggle to match the growing rate of fraud incidents. Consequently, it is crucial for the government to promptly reinforce and modernize its fraud prevention and response strategies, to effectively combat this escalating challenge.