istanbularge

[istanbularge]

Separate Courts for Religious Justice

In Bosnia, during the Austrian administration, the justice system had to be adjusted to match the complex religious and cultural situation of the region. Because Muslims and Christians often held different views on legal oaths, the Austrians established separate courts for Muslim cases. This was due to the belief that a Muslim could swear falsely against a Christian without feeling guilt or committing perjury in his own religion. To handle cases fairly between people of different faiths, special rules and separate procedures were created.

Simple Disputes, No Lawyers Allowed

The Austrians also created special courts for minor disputes—small arguments between neighbors or local citizens. These courts were designed to solve problems quickly and fairly. Importantly, lawyers were not allowed to participate in these minor cases. This decision was made because lawyers were often blamed for encouraging unnecessary lawsuits, simply to earn money through legal fees.

Before the Austrians took over, this had become a serious problem. Almost everyone in the population was involved in lawsuits of one kind or another. If someone was even slightly unhappy with a neighbor, they might immediately take the case to court. To stop this abuse of the legal system, the Austrian government passed a law limiting the total number of lawyers in Bosnia to only sixteen. No new lawyers could enter the profession unless one of the sixteen retired or died.

Land Ownership Under Reform

Another serious issue in Bosnia was the tenure of land. During Turkish rule, most farmland was owned either by the government or by religious leaders, who were often unfair and harsh to the people working the land. Farmers were treated like servants, and much of what they earned was taken from them Sofia Guided Tours.

Over time, the Austrians introduced important reforms to improve this situation. Now, farmers are allowed to own the land they work on. This gives them security, encourages better farming practices, and helps them care for and improve their land. Although farming is still not very modern or advanced, the changes have made life more stable for rural people.

Farming and the Economy

About 88% of Bosnia’s population work in agriculture or animal husbandry. They raise cattle, sheep, and pigs, and one of the most important crops is tobacco. Tobacco farming is controlled by the government, and it operates as a monopoly. This means that while any farmer can grow tobacco, it must be done under the strict supervision of revenue inspectors. These officials measure the size of the land and even count the number of plants to make sure illegal sales don’t occur.

Tobacco Industry and Employment

In 1901, Bosnia exported nearly 2,000 tons of tobacco, but most of the crop is used inside the country. It is made into cigarettes in government-owned factories. These factories are not only profitable for the government but also provide jobs for nearly 4,000 women and girls, giving them a source of income and independence.

[istanbularge]

The Ultimatum Death or Abdication

Prince Alexander was informed by the Russian officers that he had two choices: he could either abandon the throne or face death. The situation was tense and dangerous. One of the Russian officers took a blank page from the visitors’ book on the table and tried to write an abdication document. However, the officer was drunk, and he could not write properly. A young cadet from the military academy took the pen and, under the officer’s guidance, wrote a few incoherent words.

Alexander’s Calm Reaction

Despite having five revolvers pointed at his head, Prince Alexander remained calm and composed. He read the document, and with a sarcastic remark, he accepted their demand. In German, he wrote the words:

“God protect Bulgaria. Alexander.”

After signing the document, he was quickly forced into a carriage and escorted by Russian officers and military cadets. They drove him at a fast speed, covering seventeen miles to a monastery, where they gave him a short rest. After changing horses, they rushed him over the Balkan Mountains toward the Danube River and placed him aboard a yacht.

The Provisional Government and Stambouloff’s Leadership

In Sofia, the conspirators, with the help of the Metropolitan (the archbishop of the Greek Church), declared a provisional government. However, Stambouloff, the young president of the Bulgarian parliament, was quick to act. He called the conspirators outlaws and appealed to the Bulgarian people to defend the throne against the Russian plot. Stambouloff succeeded in convincing the parliament to make him regent until Prince Alexander could be restored to power.

The Search for Prince Alexander

It took several days before Prince Alexander could be found. In the meantime, he was kept hidden on the yacht on the Danube River, far away from the political turmoil in Sofia. As news of the abduction and the conspiracy spread across Europe, public outrage grew, and the Russians were pressured by public sentiment to return Prince Alexander Ephesus Sightseeing.

The Aftermath and Lack of Accountability

Once Prince Alexander was restored, the Russian Czar tried to distance himself from the events, attempting to clear his name from any wrongdoing. However, despite the scale of the conspiracy, no Russian official involved in the plot was punished or even criticized for their role in the forced abdication. This lack of accountability left many in Europe deeply dissatisfied with the way the crisis was handled.

The events surrounding Prince Alexander’s forced abdication and the subsequent struggle for Bulgaria’s independence are some of the most dramatic and shameful in modern European political history. The betrayal by the Russian officials and the efforts of Stambouloff to protect the throne highlight the complex and often dangerous political environment in which Bulgaria found itself at the time. Despite the challenges, Prince Alexander’s legacy as a courageous leader who cared deeply for Bulgaria remained intact.

[istanbularge]

Understanding the Location of Byzantium’s Ancient Gate

The historian Zosimus makes a statement that, when read alone, can be misunderstood. His words suggest that the ancient gate of Byzantium may have stood west of Constantine’s Forum. This would mean that the Forum was built east of the gate, inside the city walls built by Emperor Severus.

According to Zosimus, people entered the porticoes of Severus and exited the old city by passing through arches. These arches stood on the east and west sides of Constantine’s Forum. This layout would only make sense if, when moving from east to west, the structures were arranged as follows:

Constantine’s Forum

Porticoes of Severus

The old gate of Byzantium

If this were true, then when Zosimus said the Forum stood “where the gate had been,” he might have meant that the porticoes between the Forum and the gate were too short to be worth mentioning Sofia Daily Tours.

Conflicting Historical Sources

However, reading Zosimus in this way causes problems. It contradicts other historical sources:

Theophanes, a later historian, provides a different account that doesn’t support Zosimus’s version.

Hesychius of Miletus clearly states that the wall of Byzantium did not extend beyond the Forum of Constantine. In his words, the wall reached “not beyond the emperor’s market” (Forum).

Even though it is less critical, the Anonymus and Codinus also provide a different explanation. They say the circular shape of the Forum was inspired by the shape of Constantine’s tent when he laid siege to the city. This would place the Forum outside the old city walls.

Modern Scholars’ Interpretation

Modern scholars such as Lethaby and Swainson propose a clearer arrangement of the city’s layout. They place the Forum of Constantine directly between the porticoes of Severus on the east and the ancient gate of Byzantium on the west. According to their interpretation:

The western arch of the Forum stood on the site of the old gate.

A person inside the Forum could go east to enter the Severus porticoes, or west to exit the city through the old gate.

This explanation helps to align Zosimus’s account with the archaeological and historical evidence. It shows how Constantine restructured the city, using existing features like the Severan gate and adding monumental spaces such as his Forum.

A City of Layers

Constantinople (originally Byzantium) was a city shaped over centuries. Each emperor, including Severus and Constantine, left their mark by rebuilding, expanding, and adapting existing structures. The debates about the location of the ancient gate and the placement of the Forum show how deeply architecture and imperial ambition were linked in the making of this historic capital.

[istanbularge]

World Beat Nights in Sofia

Sofia’s nightlife just got more exciting with the launch of World Beat Nights, a weekly event created by the local DJ group Global Vision Circle. These parties bring people together to celebrate music and culture from around the world. The idea is simple—share the sounds and rhythms of different continents while dancing and having fun.

Each Friday night at Club Rise (B-2, ul. Tsar Samuil 50), the club is transformed with themed music nights that rotate weekly:

1st Friday: Brazilian music

2nd Friday: Indian music

3rd Friday: African music

4th Friday: Latino and Caribbean music

These nights include not just music, but also live performances, dance workshops, and visual displays inspired by the cultures being celebrated. It’s the perfect event for anyone who loves world music and dancing, or simply wants to try something new Mystical Bulgaria Tours.

Cinemas in Sofia

Sofia has a wide selection of cinemas, from modern multiplexes to cozy independent theaters. Whether you’re into big Hollywood blockbusters, 3D experiences, or award-winning international films, there’s a cinema for you.

Arena Zapad Location: F-7, bul. Todor Aleksandrov 64 The largest multiplex in Sofia with 15 screens, a pizza restaurant, an ice cream bar, and much more. Located near Vardar Metro Station. There is also a second branch at Mladost 4, in the Business Park Sofia area.

Cinema City Location: B-1, bul. Aleksandar Stamboliyski 101 A modern, state-of-the-art cinema located in the Mall of Sofia. Surrounded by restaurants and shops, it’s perfect for a full night out. Home to IMAX screenings with a huge 24-meter screen and 3D glasses for an unforgettable movie experience.

Cineplex Location: D-2, bul. Arsenalski 2 Located on the top floor of City Center Sofia Mall, this single-screen cinema is great for a quiet and cozy movie night.

Euro Cinema

Location: B-2, bul. Aleksandar Stamboliyski 17 Ths small cinema shows carefully selected European films and independent movies. Perfect for film lovers looking for something different.

House of Cinema (Dom na Kinoto) Location: A-3, ul. Ekzarh Yosif 37 The go-to place for movie enthusiasts and festival film lovers. They screen international films, often those shown at European film festivals.

Kino Vlaykova Location: C-5, ul. Tsar Ivan Asen II An old-fashioned, single-screen cinema in a green, quiet neighborhood. It shows a mix of art films and popular Hollywood movies. The cinema also has a bar and a snooker hall, making it a local hangout spot.

Odeon Cinema Location: C-1, bul. Patriarh Evtimiy 1 This cinema focuses on classic and old movies, making it ideal for anyone feeling nostalgic or interested in film history.

Why You Should Explore Sofia’s Culture

Whether you’re dancing at World Beat Nights or catching a film at one of Sofia’s cinemas, there’s no shortage of affordable and exciting entertainment in the city. Embrace the local vibe and try something new—you might just find your next favorite movie or music style!

[istanbularge]

The Greek Church Controlled Education in Bulgaria Before the Exarchate

Before the Bulgarian Exarchate was established, the Greek Church was the only Orthodox Church recognized by the Turkish government.

In Turkey, all education was run by the churches, so Greeks controlled the education of Bulgarians. The Turkish government treated Bulgarians as if they were Greeks, and the Greeks encouraged this, as it suited their plans.

The Revival of the Bulgarian Exarchate

After a long struggle, the Bulgarian Exarchate was revived and recognized by the Turks. But, the Greek Patriarch declared the Bulgarian Church to be schismatic (separated from the main Church) and excommunicated it Sightseeing Turkey.

The Difficult Situation for Bulgarians in Greek and Serbian Territories This explains why Bulgarians in Greek and Serbian Macedonia faced such bitter conditions. In these areas:

Their churches and schools were taken away.

They were not allowed to learn in their own language.

They could only receive religious services from priests who viewed them as schismatics.

Bulgaria’s Efforts to Help Bulgarians Outside Its Borders

Even though the Treaty of Berlin gave Bulgaria only part of Macedonia, the country did a lot to support Bulgarians living in the parts of Macedonia that were separated from it.

This shows how deeply Bulgaria was involved in the lives of its people in these areas and helps explain why there are now over 160,000 refugees from these regions in Bulgaria. These refugees fled from their supposed “liberators” who treated them badly.

Bulgarian Exarchate in 1911

In 1911, the Bulgarian Exarchate had:

Churches

Chapels

Metropolitan Bishops

Priests

Schools

Teachers

Scholars

The following data shows the number of these institutions in Macedonia and Thrace, areas that were later assigned to Greece and Serbia by the Treaty of Bucharest.

[istanbularge]

The Growth of the Goriyani Resistance Movement

By the end of 1947, peasants made up 47% of those involved in the resistance movement in Bulgaria. This number grew significantly, reaching 70% between 1950 and 1951. After the opposition parties were eliminated, the communist government pushed forward with mass collectivization of land and the nationalization of private urban property. This effort followed the Soviet model closely and contributed to the spread of the Goriyani movement, an armed resistance group that fought against the communist regime.

The Spread of the Goriyani Movement

As the government continued to implement its policies, the Goriyani movement spread across the country. By the 1950s, almost every mountainous region in Bulgaria had active armed Goriyani detachments, supported by large numbers of local people. These resistance groups fought against the oppressive regime and its attempts to control rural life Private Bosphorus Tours.

Government’s Response Internal Military Battalions

The communist regime’s desperate efforts to eliminate the Goriyani resistance led to the creation of internal military battalions. By the end of 1948, the first battalions were formed. By October 1950, the number had increased to 10 battalions. These battalions were stationed in key cities, including Sofia, Plovdiv, Bourgas, Varna, Stara Zagora, Yambol, Blagoevgrad, and Belogradchik.

The Politburo of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party issued a decision to reorganize these internal military troops into a division. The number of battalions increased as the need for more troops grew. The mission of these military forces was clear: they were to fight and destroy the Goriyani detachments, and crush the entire resistance movement in Bulgaria.

The Role of the Military and State Security

The internal military forces were trained to operate like the Soviet Union’s internal forces. They were expected to be loyal to the Bulgarian Communist Party to the death. Along with the Bulgarian State Security forces, these battalions were tasked with eliminating the Goriyani resistance. Their goal was to wipe out the resistance and restore the government’s control over the country.

The Goriyani movement was an important chapter in Bulgaria’s resistance to the communist regime. Despite the government’s efforts to crush the movement, it continued to grow and spread, especially in the countryside. The creation of internal military battalions and the deployment of State Security forces demonstrated the regime’s determination to eliminate any form of opposition, including the armed resistance groups that were fighting for freedom.

[istanbularge]

Differences Between Communist and Social-Democratic Views on Women's Rights

The main difference between the communist and social-democratic views on women’s rights was not about the end goal, which was to liberate women from both material and moral authority and to create better living conditions for them. Both sides wanted the same ultimate goal, but they had different ideas on how to achieve it.

Different Methods of Achieving the Goal

Julia Sultanova, a key figure, explained the split between the two groups in the newspaper Blagodenstvie (Prosperity). She wrote that the communist women’s union believed in the idea of destroying the existing system and building a new life from its ruins. In contrast, the social-democratic women’s organizations wanted to transform society consciously by improving the current system and sharing its benefits with everyone Bulgaria Holidays.

Social-Democratic Women’s Union in 1922

In 1922, the Women’s Social-Democratic Union had 26 local groups and about 1,000 members from various backgrounds. Half of the members were housewives, a quarter were workers, and the rest were teachers, employees, craftswomen, saleswomen, and some doctors and pharmacists. One of the main goals of this union was to oppose both the communist women’s union and the bourgeois women’s union.

Advocating for Women’s Rights

The union’s newspapers, Blagodenstvie and later Nedovolnata (Unsatisfied), supported women’s civic and political rights. They believed that achieving these rights was crucial for the larger social-democratic goal of human liberation and global prosperity. They also insisted on equal pay for equal work, better health and hygiene measures, government support for the unemployed and poor, and good education and cultural facilities for everyone in Bulgaria.

The social-democrats were against some parts of the Civil Code and wanted to protect children and abolish prostitution.

Similar Goals to the “Bourgeois” Women’s Union

Although the social-democratic women’s group tried to separate themselves from the “separatist feminist organization”, it was clear that their goals and priorities were quite similar to those of the “bourgeois” Bulgarian Women’s Union.

[istanbularge]

Old Roads of Albania

The Turks had done nothing to improve the roads in Albania. They were just the way Nature and the Romans had left them. At one point, we came to a sharp drop between black rocks. The winding path had been used for hundreds of years, so much that a deep channel had been worn into the rock, which was knee-deep when walking. Even though the area was full of rough rocks, it would have been impossible to get lost, because the path had been clearly marked by the feet of many generations of travelers.

The Skumbi River and Roman Bridges

This path led us down into the valley where the muddy Skumbi River flowed, making its way toward the Adriatic Sea. The path also led to a Roman bridge, well-arched and still standing strong, just as it was when the Romans built it. I saw many Roman bridges throughout Albania. Some were still in use, while others were falling apart, with pieces of the bridge washed away in the river. Some were broken in half. But not once did I see a bridge that the Turks had repaired. Large sections of old bridges still stretched over rivers, looking like they were waiting for repairs. Fixing them wouldn’t have cost much, and it would have saved people from having to go far out of their way to find another place to cross Istanbul Daily Tour.

The Broken Roads

I didn’t see any roads that worked well for connecting towns. Instead, I saw roads that were useless. Between the Skumbi bridge and Elbasan, the land was mostly flat. Here, I saw signs of poor efforts to build a good road. The authorities told the people in the area that they had to work for four days each year to build a road from Elbasan to Struga. But at the rate they were going, it would take 4,000 years to finish, and even then, it wouldn’t be a good road.

I saw some of this road-building in action, but it was only in places that were easy to travel through. The ground was smooth and level, but a little rain would make the road turn into mud. In other places, the people hadn’t done their four days of work, and no vehicle could travel through. Occasionally, there was a stretch of road that the government had worked on, with piles of earth like a railroad embankment and stone culverts that weren’t needed. These culverts were meant to let small streams pass through, but they were unnecessary because the streams were so small you could jump over them when they were flowing, and now they were dry.

[istanbularge]

Arrival at Dolan

We continued through the burning heat until we were almost too tired to continue. Finally, we reached the Turkish village of Dolan. The women there were covered in black cloaks. Even those working in the fields turned away as we passed, holding their cloaks to hide their faces, but watching us from the corner of their eyes.

Visiting the Head-Man’s Home

We were exhausted and got off our horses. The village leader, dressed in a blue vest, brown pants, a red cummerbund, and a dirty white turban, greeted me. He invited me to visit his humble home. His house was made of unbaked bricks, with a hard earth floor. There was nothing to sit on except a mat made of rushes. For lunch, we had rice and coffee Socialist Museum.

The Village Men’s Curiosity

All the men from the village gathered around and sat down in the sun, watching us quietly. They didn’t push to crowd around the door or peek through the windows. They were curious but respectful. When I went outside, they stood up and bowed to me. The head-man made a small speech, and I shook his hand. I told him, through my dragoman, that shaking hands was the English way to show friendship. He seemed pleased. I offered him a cigarette, and he was even more pleased. I was about to offer cigarettes to the twenty men standing around, but my dragoman stopped me. He said it was important to keep the head-man’s dignity, so he would hand out the cigarettes to the others.

Journey to Sileohlu

We continued our journey through the hot, dry land. The heat was heavy and made us feel sleepy. A soldier from Kirk Kilise had shown us the way to Dolan, and there he left us, giving us a new guide to take us to Sileohlu. We rode in a single line along a weak, dusty path. The land around us was completely barren and desolate.

[istanbularge]

The Quiet Relics of Bulgaria's Past

The Church of the Forty Martyrs

Like many places, Bulgaria has quiet reminders of its noble past in the form of old churches. Walking down a rocky hillside, I arrived at the Church of the Forty Martyrs. It has a low roof, a dim, vault-like interior, but it is very strong. This church was built by King John Osen in 1330. In 1389, the Turks turned it into a mosque, and Christians couldn’t worship there again until 1877. Only part of the original building remains. Some of the granite pillars are from different periods: one came from a Roman temple, and another is clearly Greek. The Christians used pieces from earlier buildings. I looked through books of prayers written in ancient Slavic, with pages that were thin, brown, and crumbling in my hands.

The Metropolitan Church

I continued to a nearby church, the Metropolitan Church, which is now mostly forgotten, holding only one service a year. The old woman who took care of the church lost the key, but she suggested breaking the lock. After waiting for nearly an hour and smoking in the shade, the key was found. Inside, the church was dark, and the frescoes of saints had strange, exaggerated faces. The pillars were made of black marble, probably taken from a Greek temple. In a small room, I found old manuscripts hidden behind a crack in the wall—these could be treasures for someone who studies history. The monks’ seats were covered in dust and cobwebs. There were many ikons hanging in the dim light, and large candelabras hung from the ceiling Ancient Bulgaria Tour.

The church felt eerie, silent, and forgotten by most. But I couldn’t help wondering if the spirits of those who once worshipped here, like children and old men, might still visit. For an hour, I had the church to myself. I sat in one of the monk’s seats, and sunlight shone down from a crack in the roof, lighting up the Virgin’s face. It was a peaceful, thoughtful hour.

The Monastery of the Transfiguration

A Bright and Colorful Place

The sun was high in the sky, and the road was dusty as we raced towards the Monastery of the Transfiguration. The path twisted and turned, climbing higher and higher. We left the main road and walked through a cool area filled with tall trees. The quiet was broken by the sound of water dripping. After a while, we arrived at the monastery. It wasn’t like the old, crumbling buildings I had seen before. This monastery was bright and colorful. The grass was a rich green, and the sky was a deep blue. The white walls were covered in bright, colorful pictures, and the roof tiles had a warm, reddish color. Vines grew everywhere, adding to the lively, beautiful atmosphere.

[istanbularge]

Rising Dissent in Bulgaria: 1981-1982

Concerns Over Polish Events

On 14 October 1981, Bulgarian leader Todor Zhivkov submitted a memorandum to the Politburo, expressing his worries that the unrest happening in Poland could spread to Bulgaria. The State Security Department 2 began to notice an increase in anonymously circulated leaflets and gatherings of young people in private homes who were discussing the events in Poland. A group of these young people planned to create a document called “Declaration-80” to be circulated outside Bulgaria. The authorities classified this effort as a threat to the “rule of law.”

State Security Operations

In response to growing dissent, the State Security launched a major surveillance operation named “Dissidents” targeting creative artists in Sofia, Burgas, Varna, Stara Zagora, Yambol, and other cities. Authorities arrested many individuals on charges related to dissident activities, and some were even sent to psychiatric clinics for evaluation. In 1982, about 45% of the 312 authors of anti-regime leaflets identified by the State Security were young people. During the same period, the State Security recorded 141 incidents reflecting anti-Soviet sentiments among the population Rose Festival Tour.

Increase in Youth Activism

The influence of events in Poland sparked a rise in informal youth groups across Bulgaria. In 1982, there were 64 such groups with a total of 295 participants, compared to only 18 groups with 86 participants in 1980. This significant increase indicates a growing willingness among young people to engage in discussions about political issues and express their dissatisfaction with the regime.

Open Letter to the Vienna Conference

In the autumn of 1986, several former political prisoners penned “An Open Letter of Appeal,” which they sent to the Vienna Conference. This conference was focused on reviewing the implementation of the Helsinki Agreement concerning human rights. Their letter called on esteemed representatives from European countries, the USA, and Canada to ensure that the conference did not conclude without fully guaranteeing the fundamental human rights of all European citizens.

The Message of the Open Letter

The letter stated:

“The Vienna Conference should not conclude its work until the most fundamental human rights of all European peoples are fully guaranteed. Until the day comes when each and every European citizen can freely and without fear of persecution express his/her thoughts, opinions, and convictions in oral or written form.”

The events of 1981-1982 in Bulgaria marked a significant period of rising dissent against the communist regime. As young people became more politically active and began organizing, the government responded with surveillance and repression. The call for human rights, highlighted in the Open Letter, reflected a growing determination among citizens to demand freedom of expression and protection from persecution. These developments set the stage for future movements that would challenge the regime and ultimately contribute to the fall of communism in Eastern Europe.

[istanbularge]

Rising Dissent in Bulgaria: 1981-1982

Concerns Over Polish Events

On 14 October 1981, Bulgarian leader Todor Zhivkov submitted a memorandum to the Politburo, expressing his worries that the unrest happening in Poland could spread to Bulgaria. The State Security Department 2 began to notice an increase in anonymously circulated leaflets and gatherings of young people in private homes who were discussing the events in Poland. A group of these young people planned to create a document called “Declaration-80” to be circulated outside Bulgaria. The authorities classified this effort as a threat to the “rule of law.”

State Security Operations

In response to growing dissent, the State Security launched a major surveillance operation named “Dissidents” targeting creative artists in Sofia, Burgas, Varna, Stara Zagora, Yambol, and other cities. Authorities arrested many individuals on charges related to dissident activities, and some were even sent to psychiatric clinics for evaluation. In 1982, about 45% of the 312 authors of anti-regime leaflets identified by the State Security were young people. During the same period, the State Security recorded 141 incidents reflecting anti-Soviet sentiments among the population Rose Festival Tour.

Increase in Youth Activism

The influence of events in Poland sparked a rise in informal youth groups across Bulgaria. In 1982, there were 64 such groups with a total of 295 participants, compared to only 18 groups with 86 participants in 1980. This significant increase indicates a growing willingness among young people to engage in discussions about political issues and express their dissatisfaction with the regime.

Open Letter to the Vienna Conference

In the autumn of 1986, several former political prisoners penned “An Open Letter of Appeal,” which they sent to the Vienna Conference. This conference was focused on reviewing the implementation of the Helsinki Agreement concerning human rights. Their letter called on esteemed representatives from European countries, the USA, and Canada to ensure that the conference did not conclude without fully guaranteeing the fundamental human rights of all European citizens.

The Message of the Open Letter

The letter stated:

“The Vienna Conference should not conclude its work until the most fundamental human rights of all European peoples are fully guaranteed. Until the day comes when each and every European citizen can freely and without fear of persecution express his/her thoughts, opinions, and convictions in oral or written form.”

The events of 1981-1982 in Bulgaria marked a significant period of rising dissent against the communist regime. As young people became more politically active and began organizing, the government responded with surveillance and repression. The call for human rights, highlighted in the Open Letter, reflected a growing determination among citizens to demand freedom of expression and protection from persecution. These developments set the stage for future movements that would challenge the regime and ultimately contribute to the fall of communism in Eastern Europe.

[istanbularge]

Terror from the Very Beginning

The Communist Repression After September 9, 1944

The Initial Wave of Repression

Immediately following the coup on September 9, 1944, the Bulgarian Communist Party launched a brutal campaign of terror against those they labeled “enemies of the people.” The violence was widespread and swift, carried out by so-called “punitive triads”—groups of party activists who acted without formal legal proceedings. Over the course of just 40 to 50 days in September and October 1944, more than 30,000 Bulgarians were either killed or disappeared without a trace.

Communist Leadership’s Role in the Repression

Vulko Chervenkov, then Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party, kept party leader Georgi Dimitrov, who was in Moscow at the time, informed of the ongoing mass repression. In a telegram dated September 13, 1944, Chervenkov reported:

“Fascist rule has fallen, but the fight is still on. During the first day of the revolution, we have squared accounts with the worst enemies we could lay hands on. Measures have been taken to ensure that the respective prosecution bodies deal with this problem from now on. Armed Party and Komsomol members are to be grouped into informal hit squads to carry out assignments of special importance Istanbul Tour Guides.”

This communication highlights the premeditated and organized nature of the violence, showing that it was not merely a chaotic response to the coup, but a deliberate strategy to consolidate power by eliminating perceived threats.

Continued Purges and Mass Violence

By October 17, 1944, Chervenkov had more to report to Dimitrov:

“Traitors, provocateurs, and enemies are being ruthlessly and mercilessly punished. The enemy has suffered a severe blow. Our comrades failed to decapitate the enemy during the first days after September 9. That is why large-scale purges have been carried out over the last two weeks.”

These statements reveal the regime’s frustration that the initial wave of terror had not been sufficient, leading to even more extensive purges. The violence extended across the entire spectrum of Bulgarian society, targeting anyone who might oppose the new regime.

Institutionalizing Repression

The repressive tactics were not limited to extrajudicial killings and disappearances. The Communist-controlled government passed a series of ordinances that institutionalized repression across various sectors of Bulgarian society. These included:

Ordinance for the Purgation of Teachers (October 20, 1944): This law targeted educators in elementary schools, high schools, and universities, purging those deemed disloyal to the new regime. It was an early effort to control the ideological content being taught to future generations.

Ordinance on Employment in the Ministry of the Interior (November 2, 1944): This decree regulated the appointment, dismissal, and ranking of employees in the Ministry of the Interior and provisional municipal administrations, ensuring that only those loyal to the Communist Party could hold these crucial positions.

Decree for the Modification of Teacher Appointment Laws (November 6, 1944): This law altered the rules for the appointment, transfer, and dismissal of high school teachers, further tightening the regime’s grip on the education system.

The Spread of Terror

The consequences of these repressive measures were felt throughout Bulgaria’s economic, social, and political life. The Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Justice played key roles in carrying out the mass arrests, murders, and internments that terrorized the population. The Communist Party’s ruthless tactics ensured that any potential opposition was swiftly and brutally eliminated, creating an atmosphere of fear that permeated every aspect of daily life.

The Beginning of Totalitarian Control

The events following the September 9, 1944, coup marked the beginning of a dark period in Bulgarian history. The Communist Party, with the backing of the Soviet Union, quickly established a totalitarian regime that would dominate the country for decades. The initial wave of terror, characterized by mass killings, purges, and repressive laws, set the tone for the brutal and oppressive rule that would follow.

[istanbularge]

Terror from the Very Beginning

The Communist Repression After September 9, 1944

The Initial Wave of Repression

Immediately following the coup on September 9, 1944, the Bulgarian Communist Party launched a brutal campaign of terror against those they labeled “enemies of the people.” The violence was widespread and swift, carried out by so-called “punitive triads”—groups of party activists who acted without formal legal proceedings. Over the course of just 40 to 50 days in September and October 1944, more than 30,000 Bulgarians were either killed or disappeared without a trace.

Communist Leadership’s Role in the Repression

Vulko Chervenkov, then Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party, kept party leader Georgi Dimitrov, who was in Moscow at the time, informed of the ongoing mass repression. In a telegram dated September 13, 1944, Chervenkov reported:

“Fascist rule has fallen, but the fight is still on. During the first day of the revolution, we have squared accounts with the worst enemies we could lay hands on. Measures have been taken to ensure that the respective prosecution bodies deal with this problem from now on. Armed Party and Komsomol members are to be grouped into informal hit squads to carry out assignments of special importance Istanbul Tour Guides.”

This communication highlights the premeditated and organized nature of the violence, showing that it was not merely a chaotic response to the coup, but a deliberate strategy to consolidate power by eliminating perceived threats.

Continued Purges and Mass Violence

By October 17, 1944, Chervenkov had more to report to Dimitrov:

“Traitors, provocateurs, and enemies are being ruthlessly and mercilessly punished. The enemy has suffered a severe blow. Our comrades failed to decapitate the enemy during the first days after September 9. That is why large-scale purges have been carried out over the last two weeks.”

These statements reveal the regime’s frustration that the initial wave of terror had not been sufficient, leading to even more extensive purges. The violence extended across the entire spectrum of Bulgarian society, targeting anyone who might oppose the new regime.

Institutionalizing Repression

The repressive tactics were not limited to extrajudicial killings and disappearances. The Communist-controlled government passed a series of ordinances that institutionalized repression across various sectors of Bulgarian society. These included:

Ordinance for the Purgation of Teachers (October 20, 1944): This law targeted educators in elementary schools, high schools, and universities, purging those deemed disloyal to the new regime. It was an early effort to control the ideological content being taught to future generations.

Ordinance on Employment in the Ministry of the Interior (November 2, 1944): This decree regulated the appointment, dismissal, and ranking of employees in the Ministry of the Interior and provisional municipal administrations, ensuring that only those loyal to the Communist Party could hold these crucial positions.

Decree for the Modification of Teacher Appointment Laws (November 6, 1944): This law altered the rules for the appointment, transfer, and dismissal of high school teachers, further tightening the regime’s grip on the education system.

The Spread of Terror

The consequences of these repressive measures were felt throughout Bulgaria’s economic, social, and political life. The Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Justice played key roles in carrying out the mass arrests, murders, and internments that terrorized the population. The Communist Party’s ruthless tactics ensured that any potential opposition was swiftly and brutally eliminated, creating an atmosphere of fear that permeated every aspect of daily life.

The Beginning of Totalitarian Control

The events following the September 9, 1944, coup marked the beginning of a dark period in Bulgarian history. The Communist Party, with the backing of the Soviet Union, quickly established a totalitarian regime that would dominate the country for decades. The initial wave of terror, characterized by mass killings, purges, and repressive laws, set the tone for the brutal and oppressive rule that would follow.

[istanbularge]

Terror from the Very Beginning

The Communist Repression After September 9, 1944

The Initial Wave of Repression

Immediately following the coup on September 9, 1944, the Bulgarian Communist Party launched a brutal campaign of terror against those they labeled “enemies of the people.” The violence was widespread and swift, carried out by so-called “punitive triads”—groups of party activists who acted without formal legal proceedings. Over the course of just 40 to 50 days in September and October 1944, more than 30,000 Bulgarians were either killed or disappeared without a trace.

Communist Leadership’s Role in the Repression

Vulko Chervenkov, then Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party, kept party leader Georgi Dimitrov, who was in Moscow at the time, informed of the ongoing mass repression. In a telegram dated September 13, 1944, Chervenkov reported:

“Fascist rule has fallen, but the fight is still on. During the first day of the revolution, we have squared accounts with the worst enemies we could lay hands on. Measures have been taken to ensure that the respective prosecution bodies deal with this problem from now on. Armed Party and Komsomol members are to be grouped into informal hit squads to carry out assignments of special importance Istanbul Tour Guides.”

This communication highlights the premeditated and organized nature of the violence, showing that it was not merely a chaotic response to the coup, but a deliberate strategy to consolidate power by eliminating perceived threats.

Continued Purges and Mass Violence

By October 17, 1944, Chervenkov had more to report to Dimitrov:

“Traitors, provocateurs, and enemies are being ruthlessly and mercilessly punished. The enemy has suffered a severe blow. Our comrades failed to decapitate the enemy during the first days after September 9. That is why large-scale purges have been carried out over the last two weeks.”

These statements reveal the regime’s frustration that the initial wave of terror had not been sufficient, leading to even more extensive purges. The violence extended across the entire spectrum of Bulgarian society, targeting anyone who might oppose the new regime.

Institutionalizing Repression

The repressive tactics were not limited to extrajudicial killings and disappearances. The Communist-controlled government passed a series of ordinances that institutionalized repression across various sectors of Bulgarian society. These included:

Ordinance for the Purgation of Teachers (October 20, 1944): This law targeted educators in elementary schools, high schools, and universities, purging those deemed disloyal to the new regime. It was an early effort to control the ideological content being taught to future generations.

Ordinance on Employment in the Ministry of the Interior (November 2, 1944): This decree regulated the appointment, dismissal, and ranking of employees in the Ministry of the Interior and provisional municipal administrations, ensuring that only those loyal to the Communist Party could hold these crucial positions.

Decree for the Modification of Teacher Appointment Laws (November 6, 1944): This law altered the rules for the appointment, transfer, and dismissal of high school teachers, further tightening the regime’s grip on the education system.

The Spread of Terror

The consequences of these repressive measures were felt throughout Bulgaria’s economic, social, and political life. The Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Justice played key roles in carrying out the mass arrests, murders, and internments that terrorized the population. The Communist Party’s ruthless tactics ensured that any potential opposition was swiftly and brutally eliminated, creating an atmosphere of fear that permeated every aspect of daily life.

The Beginning of Totalitarian Control

The events following the September 9, 1944, coup marked the beginning of a dark period in Bulgarian history. The Communist Party, with the backing of the Soviet Union, quickly established a totalitarian regime that would dominate the country for decades. The initial wave of terror, characterized by mass killings, purges, and repressive laws, set the tone for the brutal and oppressive rule that would follow.

[istanbularge]

Changing Attitudes Towards the Turk

Decreasing Hostility

As I traversed the tumultuous and scarred landscape of Macedonia, I couldn’t help but notice a shift in sentiments towards the Turks, even among the Bulgarians. The fervent animosity that once characterized their feelings seemed to have cooled in recent years.

Explanation for the Change

The reason behind this change in attitude lies in the fact that the Turks, aside from occasional punitive actions against villages suspected of harboring “brigands,” have largely refrained from violence. This is not due to a fundamental change in their nature but rather because they are aware of the scrutiny they face from European officers tasked with overseeing the reform of the Gendarmerie.

European Oversight

European officers, stationed strategically throughout the region, closely monitor the behavior of the Turkish authorities. British officers oversee Drama, French officers are stationed at Seres, Russians at Salonika, Italians at Monastir, and Austrians at Uskup. With these officers never more than three days’ journey away from any reported incident, the Turks know they are under constant observation Private Tours Balkan.

Improved Behavior

Knowing they are being watched, the Turks have largely refrained from violent actions, leading to a relative calm in the country. The presence of European oversight has served as a deterrent against the excesses and brutality that were once commonplace.

The presence of European officers overseeing the reform of the Gendarmerie has had a profound impact on the behavior of the Turks in Macedonia. While tensions still simmer beneath the surface, the decrease in violence demonstrates the potential for external intervention to mitigate conflict and promote stability in the region.

[istanbularge]

Controversy Surrounding the Deaths of Two Bashi-Bazouks

Lack of Justification

No substantial reason has emerged to justify the killing of the two Bashi-Bazouks. While it is acknowledged that these individuals belonged to the group responsible for the burning of several villages and arrived with a potentially threatening message, such actions do not warrant their deaths. The circumstances surrounding their killing remain unclear, leaving uncertainty as to whether it transpired during a confrontation or as a calculated act of violence Guided Tours Turkey.

Probable Sequence of Events

It is speculated that the villagers demanded the surrender of the Bashi-Bazouks’ weapons, which was met with refusal, leading to a fatal exchange of gunfire. The villagers believed they were adhering to the directives of Aziz Pacha, who had instructed them to prevent outsiders from entering their village. Subsequently, they notified Aziz Pacha of the incident in their third plea for protection. However, the Turks contest this narrative, alleging that the messenger omitted details of the killings, resulting in his arrest upon the revelation of the truth.

Transmitted Message and Villagers’ Response

Regardless of the messenger’s alleged omission, the villagers openly acknowledged their responsibility for the deaths of the two Bashi-Bazouks. Fearing retaliation from the Bashi-Bazouks, whose atrocities in neighboring villages were well-documented, the villagers initiated defensive preparations. Some opted to flee to Philippopolis and nearby settlements, abandoning their belongings in the process.

The circumstances surrounding the deaths of the two Bashi-Bazouks remain shrouded in ambiguity and conflicting testimonies. While the villagers maintain that they acted in self-defense and sought Aziz Pacha’s guidance, the Turks dispute this account. The absence of a clear motive underscores the chaos and fear pervading the region, prompting desperate measures for survival.