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Wixáritari resistance

How and why have the Wixáritari tried to protect their territory against First Majestic mining projects? Has it been successful?

The Wixáritari are an indigenous group who consider themselves to be part of the Guachichil ethnic group. They live in the Sierra Madre Occidental range which is in Nayarit, Jalisco, Zacatecas, and Durango. A definition of Indigenous peoples is given by international legislation as a group which have ‘a set of specific rights based on their historical ties to a particular territory, and their cultural or historical distinctiveness from other populations that are often politically dominant’1. This definition is very relevant for the conflict I will explore into, of which the Wixáritari are very involved. There is a difference between conflicts and movements; conflicts are when actions are taken against a problem, and a movement is when an idea becomes mobilised and people join to support the cause. The main cause for these conflicts are the new neoliberal policies which are accompanied with a lack of regulations and environmental commodification. The issues that are disputed concern the conservation of natural resources, effects on living conditions, and the fight for indigenous identity. In this essay I am going to research into the why and how the Wixáritari have been have been protesting the development of the Canadian First Majestic Silver mine in Wixarika, San Luis Potosí. I will argue that the Wixáritari resistance has been a success as they have managed to temporarily prevent the continuation of the Canadian mining project.

Firstly, I will give historical context to this conflict. In the past the Latin American resources served as a large driving force of the industrial revolution in the second half of the 20th Century in the west. The wixáritari have had a historical struggle to fight for their territory as the mining companies have been present in this region for over 200 years. In 1763 the mining town of Real de Catorce went through huge mining levels, however by 1902 nothing was left behind2. Although mining conflicts have been present for years in Mexico, the scale and methods in which they are now taking place have not been seen before. The new technologies will bring, ‘extensive land destruction, toxic contamination, and high levels of water and energy consumption’3. In terms of the laws of land ownership recognised in the Mexican constitution, the Wixáritari do not hold any. Between 2010 and 2016 there have been 200 conflicts registered in Mexico concerning the environment. Mining projects have been the main cause for unrest in Mexico, 25% of Mexican territory is being mined, and 70% of the mining companies are Canadian.

Secondly, it is important to understand the Wixáritari culture in order to see the value of their resistance. The Wixáritari aim to ‘keep natural resources outside of the realm of the capitalist system in order to protect their livelihoods, health, sacred sites, and cultural identity’4. The Wixáritari try to protect the land that is deeply connected to their ancestral history. ‘Half of the 45,000 Huichols still live in four thousand square kilometres’5, however, their sacred territory is 20 times the size. Their whole culture is attached to physical sites, where the memory of their history is held, “Wirikuta is…in their view, an irreplaceable element of Wixarika social and cultural reproduction, in its past, present and future”6. Important meanings are bound to specific places, such as springs, caves, and mountains.  

I will now provide a brief outline of this conflict. This conflict is between the Wixáritari and their allies of NGOs, against the First Majestic Corporation and the Mexican government. In the 1980s and 1990s there was a huge movement of privatisation of public resources and mineral reserves due to new neoliberal policies and the adoption of open market ideology. The Mexican government has begun to offer territory to transnational companies to gain more investment, they have made it very easy for external companies to gain concessions. They have removed unattractive regulations and taxes. In 2008 the federal government granted 22 concessions to First Majestic Silver Corporation permitting full access to the resources. These concessions cover about, ‘6,326 hectares in the state of San Luis Potosí, out of which 70% are in the Wirikuta area’7. The distribution of power is very unequal in this conflict; the mining companies have a lot of capital which gives them control and they have support from the Mexican government. The Wixáritari has to work to raise national and international awareness in order to resist. This is a conflict of bicultural diversity, as it threatens both the culture of the Wixáritari and the biodiversity of their territory. Wixarika is a sacred land and is deeply connected with the identity of the Wixáritari that mining projects would affect their way of life and their culture. This is a political conflict, not an environmental one which tends to separate problems in nature from the world system. The alternative perspective is one of development, the government wants to expand its economy in order to become a more successful country. However, the cause of this conflict is not local and isolated, it is due to our global economic system. The Wixáritari movement is anti-systemic, and against the commodification of nature. I will now go into depth of the involvement of the Wixártiari, of environmental organisations, the development discourse and the perspective of the local communities.

The problems for the Wixártiari are central to the conflict. The people most effected by mining tend to be local communities who are poor, and who rely on the land for food and for their way of life. They lose their means of production, their territory which maintains their culture, and their health is put in danger. This has led to powerful resistance movements against the First Majestic Silver Corporation. Wirikuta, the sacred land of the Wixártiari and is used for an annual sacred pilgrimage of about 400 kilometres from their communities. It is believed that this is where the sun was born and the pilgrimage is to allow ‘the sun to rise, not only for us, but for the whole world’8, this is why it holds such importance for them. On this pilgrimage they collect Jíkuri (peyote) for medicinal and ritual use. The Jíkuri also allows them to have communication with the deities who give them guidance, this is a central element to their religion. Their traditions are around a thousand years old, “For the Wixarika people, it is impossible to put a price tag on the sacred land of Wirikuta. The capitalist logic of minimizing costs and maximizing profits is incommensurable with the valuation of affected groups”9. As the region is considered highly sacred, mining will not be tolerated by this group. There is a huge overlap of bicultural and cultural diversity, nature and indigenous peoples have been coexisting for 200,000 years. The Wixáritari culture relies on their relationship with the nature around them, this is how their culture was created.

There are also huge problems for the environment. Wirikuta is ‘one of the most biologically rich and diverse deserts in the world’10. In 1994 it was announced to be a “a Site of Cultural and Historic Heritage and an Area under Ecological Conservation”11, and in 2001 it was declared a ‘Sacred Natural Site by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization’12 by UNESCO. However, the mining projects continue to develop. The impacts of large-scale mining projects are detrimental, “Open-pit mining completely destroys the land that contains minerals, leaving behind gigantic craters and heaps of contaminated rubble that emit toxins into the environment. Aside from aesthetic considerations, this implies the loss of habitat for wildlife…”13. Leaching is a process which is used to separate minerals from ore, this process uses large quantities of water, ‘For each ton milled we use five cubic meters (5.000 litres) of water’14, it also contaminates it with toxic pollutants, including cyanide. First Majestic plans to continue using these processes. Furthermore, the process of refining the metals consumes large amounts of energy and causes huge amounts of air pollution, “the Commission for Environmental Cooperation (CEC) reports that mining is responsible for 63 percent of all toxic emissions to the ground on the North American continent (CEC, 2011: 14)”15. Neoliberal policies do not place importance on enforcing environmental regulations. The pollution of rivers, aquifers, soil and air will hugely effect animal and plant species, some of which are found nowhere else in the world.

The ‘development’ discourse around this mining project is held by the Mexican government who wants to get involved in free trade policies and by First Majestic Silver who aims to create profits. The government argues that these foreign investments will bring jobs and economic development. However, the Wixáritari argue for the detrimental effects of this process, also that any money made will not go to the people. Tetreault argues that neoliberal reforms have led to “accumulation by dispossession”16, firstly, by taking public resources and giving them to the private sector, and secondly by taking territory, water, and important sites from indigenous and local communities. Mining companies claim that their technology is much more efficient, however the Wixáritari argue that it is ecologically destructive. More progressive Latin American governments have imposed ‘greater regulations, taxes, and royalties’17 on transnational companies. However, Mexico has done everything in its power to attract foreign investment, therefore regulations and taxes are lacking. In 1982, following the debt crisis, Mexico replaced import-substitution for neoliberal reforms, and the liberalisation of the mining sector began in 1990. “Article 6 of Mexico’s Mining Law states that mining activities “will be given preference over any other use or exploitation of the land”18 implying that any rites of importance for indigenous groups or protected areas will be overlooked.

The perspective of the local communities tends to support the mining companies. This is the case because the communities have no other option of income. Many live in poor conditions and are struggling to make enough money. First Majestic have been successful in creating divisions among the locals that live in Wirikuta. The company have bribed and made deals with local leaders to gain support. The company has promised job creation and economic growth; however the long-term well-paid jobs are given to those with a high level of technical skills. This clever technique helps to divide the community and break up any possible resistance movements. Even If resistance is shown the Mexican state and military often help to repress it. First Majestic want to reopen the mine that was last active in 1991. In order to gain support, the company created the idea that mining in these towns was natural as they had been mining towns in the past. First Majestic have also developed projects to benefit the lives of the locals; they invested 6 million dollars for workshops and museums, created the La Luz Project, and they donated two water-treatment facilities. Due to these investments, they have successfully gained Iocal support. In order to resist this, the Wixáritari want to create ‘alternative projects’19 to give the communities development separate from the mining company. According to the National Water Commission, the groundwater in the area is already overexploited and has a low capacity to recover, “Mining in the concession areas will irreversibly damage 16 population centres of six "ejidos" (indigenous community lands), as well as numerous villages in the surrounding lowlands. Overall, around 3,500 people will directly suffer by having their freshwater sources contaminated”20.

I will now analyse the forms of resistance by Wixáritari and its support groups. Traditional leaders of the Wixáritari have played a prominent role in the defence of Wirikuta and they have helped to validate the cause. However, in order to resist effectively the Wixáritari needed to form alliances with non-governmental groups, such as Conservación Humana, the WWF, Pronatura, and others. The Wixártiari movement has managed to gain national and international attention. The resistance movements focus on the fact that these public lands were removed from their possession without any prior informed consent. In May 2011, the Mining Justice Alliance created the Mining Justice Week in which the Wixártiari allied with other indigenous groups from Guatemala and Honduras for a week of protests against mining in their territories in Vancouver. The Mining Justice Alliance also held a conference focused on the activities of the Canadian mining companies.

In 2010, Wixártiari leaders signed an official statement to demand cancellation of the concessions given by the government, they declared that they would “do everything within [their] means to stop this devastating mining project”21, numerous civil society groups have declared their support for this, which led to the formation of the Tamatzima Huaha Front. The Wixártiari movement continues to grow thanks to the regional, national, and international alliances being made.  

Two national level groups have been created; the Mexican Network of People Affected by Mining, and National Assembly of Environmentally Affected People. These networks are used to, “exchange information, share experiences, strengthen alliances, coordinate strategies, and articulate collective demands”22. These meetings help to gain coverage from the press and social media, helping to raise awareness about the conflict. These networks have managed to pressure the Mexican government to listen to the demands of the movement “…in order to put an end to rapacious mining practices that privatize profits and socialize costs”23 (Tetreault. p.58). The movement has also gained help from networks in Latin America such as; The International Network for Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights; Mining Watch Canada; and the Observatory of Mining Conflicts in Latin America.

Various organisations have allied with the Wixártiari to form the Wirikuta Defence Front. The organisations; Conservación Humana and AJAGI have proven to be essential. The Front is divided into five different committees; political and legal, environmental, communitarian, artistic promotion, and communication. This group protests for protection of the cultural heritage and the environment of Wirikuta. The Front has made nine demands; that UNESCO should protect the Wirikuta region, that all mining activity in Wirikuta needs to come to an end, that no new concessions can be granted, that the region has to be protected from any threats, Real de Catorce mountain range should be protected for cultural reasons, Wixártiari pilgrimage should be protected by UNESCO, environmental rehabilitation policies should be carried out, the health of locals need to be helped, and finally, that the government has to start funding improvements for the living conditions for the rural population. The main aim of the Front is to gain public attention to pressure the government to carry out these demands. In order to gain support, they use social media as a main strategy. In 2011 and 2012 the Front managed to gain attention at the national level through three main events. First, the demonstration in Mexico City, second through a two-day public debate to create the legal proposal in defence of Wirikuta, and lastly a concert in Foro Sol called Wirikuta Fest in order to raise awareness among the young population.  

I will now discuss whether the Wirikuta resistance has been a success. The Wirikuta Defence Front used very successful strategies, such as social media, to avoid the undemocratic practices of the government. This also helped them to put the conflict onto the national agenda. They also managed to gain support from well-recognised cultural, academic, and activist personalities, ‘Many causes have converged on Wirikuta: anti-capitalism, anti-colonialism, environmentalism, nature-based religions’24, it may be the elements of the Wixártiari culture that include others than themselves that made their movement more accessible. A big success was the ruling by the court against the mining plans due to the recognition of the importance of this region for Wixártiari identity and for not having consulted the locals about their plans. The decision made by the court took place on February 2012, and was due to Convention 169 and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. This ruling is the Front’s most substantial triumph in the conflict. First Majestic and the Mexican government have tried to regain support by pushing the idea of “sustainable mining” and “community projects”25, however, the Wixártiari have continued to resist. Although the conflict is unresolved to this day the Wixáritari plan to keep fighting for this territory for as long as they have to. Therefore, in my opinion it has been a success as they have managed to keep the powerful corporations at bay.

In conclusion, the powerful connection of the Wirikuta to the Wixártiari cultural identity has meant that their resistance movement serves great importance in their lives. They have managed to carry out numerous protests against the mining plans supported by the national and international alliances they have made. The Wixártiari have so far succeeded in their aim to protect their territory from further damaging development. However, in order to continue their resistance, they will need unrelenting international support in the years to come.

Bibliography:

-A. Boni, C. Garibay, and M K. McCall, ‘Sustainable mining, indigenous rights and conservation: conflict and discourse in Wirikuta/Catorce, San Luis Potosi, Mexico’. GeoJournal (2015) 80: 759-780. Springer Science.  

-S. B. Edwards and D. Santos, "Revolutionizing the Interaction between State and Citizens through Digital Communications”. Federal University of Maranhao, Brazil and Dom Bosco University, Brazil. July 2014.

-P. M. Liffman: "Huichol Territory and the Mexican Nation: Indigenous Ritual, Land Conflict, and Sovereingty claims”. University of Arizona press, 2011.  

-P. Stefani, J. A. Solórxano, and H. Vilchez, “Huicholes: Los Útimos Guardianes del Peyote”. Kabopro Films. 2017. (https://huicholesfilm.com/es/huicholes-film-latino-america-free/)  

-D. Tetreault, ”Social Environmental Mining Conflicts in Mexico", Latin American Perspectives, 2015, Vol.42(5), pp.48-66 [Peer Reviewed Journal].  

Online:

-Mexico: Wixárika people join protests in Vancouver, BC: (https://www.culturalsurvival.org/news/campaign-update-mexico-wixarika-people-join-protests-vancouver-bc)

-Conference targets Canadian mining firms operating Abroad by John Schertow (https://intercontinentalcry.org/conference-targets-canadian-mining-firms-operating-abroad/) (2011)

-Mexico: Sacred indigenous site in Mexico threatened by Canadian mining company by (https://www.culturalsurvival.org/news/campaign-update-mexicosacred-indigenous-site-mexico-threatened-canadian-mining-company

-Campaign: Silver for the global market, destruction for the Huicholes in Mexico (https://www.rainforest-rescue.org/petitions/650/silver-for-the-global-market-destruction-for-the-huicholes-in-mexico) (May 22, 2014)

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.El Dia de los Muertos.

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Berkes & Toledo

Berkes (2000) ‘Rediscovery of Traditional Ecological Knowledge as Adaptive Management’ & Toledo ‘The Multiple Use of Tropical Forests by Indigenous Peoples in Mexico: a Case of Adaptive Management’ (2003).

1. What is the main argument of the authors?

Berkes: argues for the vital role traditional ecological knowledge could play in managing ecosystems.

Toledo: also argues for the need to consider the accumulated experiences of indigenous peoples in their long-term management of local resources. Toledo focuses on biodiversity, resilience, and permanence- which are considered vital for reaching sustainable management of tropical ecosystems.

2. How has the relationship between and management by indigenous peoples and tropical forests been? Berkes: shows that a range of management by indigenous exists: species management, resource rotation, landscape patchiness, protection of certain species, protection of specific habitats, temporal restrictions of harvest, taboos and regulations, and cultural values of respect and sharing. He also brings attention to the social mechanisms that help to keep the use of tropical forests under control. Traditional knowledge is passed on through rituals and cultural practices of daily life. Since the 1980s- the interest in traditional knowledge is increasing as it is seen as something that could contribute to the conservation of biodiversity. However he states that not all traditional practice is ecologically wise, he gives the example of the New Guinea natives- who have had a heavy impact on their environment. However he also gives examples of the successful management of the environment by indigenous peoples- the shamans of the Tukano people of Colombia who determine the number of animals to be hunted and the species that need to be protected. Also the Icelandic fishers- who spent a great deal of time communicating about fish distributions and abundance. Also the village commons in the Hindu-Kush Himalayas designated traditional seasonal and periodic restrictions of gathering. Berkes also brings attention to the conventional resource management practices that have been abandoned but are found in traditional societies: agroecology, integrated farming, aquaculture, polyculture- an example he gives is of a Nigerian agroforestry system which combines food crops and domesticated trees which usually results in soil fertility improvement and crop protection. Berkes also brings attention to “Milpa” which is the indigenous Mexican term for shifting cultivation.

Toledo: Brings attention to the ‘idea’ that is held of indigenous cultivation - that it is very harmful- that their cultivation practices are based on burning and that shifting is wasteful and destroys the forest. However Toledo argues that scientists have overlooked the indigenous management of ecological processes and that this misconception is now finally being challenged- that indigenous management is based on multiple use of species, resource rotation, landscape-patch management and succession management. 22 indigenous groups inhabit the tropical zones of Mexico- with a total pop of 1.56 million. They can be divided into 4 groups: 1. whose main habitat is within this ecological zones, 2. only a part lives in the tropical moist zones. 3. only a sparse pop in this habitat, 4. new groups to the area. The indigenous are involved in a dual market- buying and selling goods for cash, and also producing goods for their own consumption- achieving an economy with self-sufficiency and a surplus.

3. What is MUS? Describe the productive units that it contains. What are the main benefit (s) of this strategy?

Toledo: MUS is described by Toledo as the indigenous multiple-use strategy of tropical forest management existing in Mexico. The benefits of this strategy are shown as many indigenous communities avoid common modernisation failures of specialised, unsustainable, and ecologically disruptive systems of production. This strategy is most successful in achieving sustainability, conservation, and resilience. The processes are: multiple use of species, resource rotation, landscape-patch management and succession management. Toledo brings attention to the ‘Milpa’ and the ‘Potreros’- which are grazing areas for cattle that also inoculate other trees and shrubs- the cattle produce both meat and milk and the animals are rotated frequently. They use ‘managed forests’ which is where masses of non-native species are domesticated, they also use ‘home gardens’, and aquatic resources (streams, rivers, and lagoons). This shows a very diversified production system where agriculture, cattle raising, and forestry activities are sustained. Toledo gives a case study of the village plan- Plan de Hidalgo (an indigenous community in the tropical lowlands of the Totanacapan region in Veracruz to help describe the MUS in detail. This case study shows equal ownership of land/ communal resources, immersion in a dual economy, and the use of the milpa, cash-crop fields, home gardens/ solares, portreros, vanilla groves, and secondary/ mature forests.

4. With the entrance of modern development and capitalism, how has this system been affected? What are the consequences of this? Berkes: brings attention to the differences between traditional knowledge and western science. One is concrete and the other abstract. Traditional knowledge is carried out in communities that are non-industrial.

Toledo: Brings attention to the development in the tropic lowlands which has led to worldwide deforestation. Toledo argues that there are obvious advantages of indigenous natural resource use over conventional “modern” productive models. He argues that indigenous practices are sustainable, as they maintain high levels of biodiversity, are highly resilient, and are maintained for long periods of time.

Me: it is evident from both of the texts that modern development and capitalism have led to unsustainable practices. This has meant that the successful management of the forests by indigenous peoples has been very negatively impacted- all their hard work has been undone. The consequences of not taking the effects of development into account are a huge loss in biodiversity, and on a larger scale it leads to the increase in climate change.

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.El Dia de los Muertos.

The ritual was created by the Aztecs about 3,000 years ago. The Mesoamericans had a strong belief in the afterlife, this belief dates to about 3,500 years ago. In many archaeological sites in Mexico it is evident in the way in which people were buried that shows a belief in the afterlife, often the deceased were buried underneath homes so they could be close to their living relatives. In mesoamerica life and death are seen as one, and so when celebrating death they are also celebrating life. The belief in life and death being one also reflects their idea of corn which dies and comes back to life. The Aztecs believed there were several stages of afterlife, they believed in a world with 13 layers above earth and nine in the underworld. The Aztecs held a month-long celebration to honour their ancestors with offerings, this festival honoured the lord and lady of the underworld, Mictlatecuhtli and his wife, Mictlancíhuatl.

The development since prehispanic times is evident. After the invasion of the Spanish the Day of the Dead became merged with elements of Christianity around the 16th century. You can now see a combination of indigenous Aztec ritual with Catholicism. Originally celebrated in the summer it was moved to November the 1st and the 2nd to coincide with All Saints Day and All Souls Day. The celebration has also been adopted in certain regions in the United States to honour the dead. The Day of the Dead has been faced with many changes, however the tradition still carries on.

The Day of the Dead is an important Mexican culture that celebrates and honours a loved one’s life. It is believed that on this day the loved ones will return to earth and to enjoy the offerings that have been left for them. The families take great care in making their favourite meal and creating beautiful offerings for them to enjoy. This day is to remind themselves of their ancestors and to pay respect. This culture also plays a great role in removing the fear of death, as this celebration is colourful and full of humour.

I went to the Centro Historico in Mexico City to experience the day, however the best places to experience it are places like Oaxaca, Mixquic and Michoacan. Even though the ofrendas in the Centro historico were more like art pieces I loved the experience, I walked down a street where on both sides there were the most creative ofrendas. Many aspects of the Day of the Dead appear to be mocking death, such as playful skeletons, decorated skulls, or toy coffins which is a very different approach to what I am used to in Europe, and I think it is a much better approach. Mexicans celebrate death with happiness and joy, they reflect on their fear of death by mocking it and acknowledging their fate. Living alongside death has meant that Mexicans have been able to accept it within their lives. Even children play “funeral” with toys that represent coffins and skeletons.

The streets were full of Copal flowers and the smell is so unforgettable. The people had all made efforts to paint their faces and to dress up. It was interesting how Halloween has filtrated down from America and has now merged with the Day of the Dead, you could see a mixture of Halloween costumes along side the Mexican traditions. There was music playing and the streets were full of people and children.

On the 28th of November is the day of the dead that died in violent ways, such as an assassination or an earthquake. The 31st to the 1st of November are the days for the children to return, in which everything has to be white, as they are perceived as little angels. It is interesting that when the ofrendas were for children, the family does not put spice in the foods. The 2nd of November is for the adults that have died. Drinks such as tequila, mezcal, and pulque are offered to the adult souls so they can relax and enjoy with their family, they may also place cigarettes if they used to enjoy to smoke. Many of the ofrendas in the centre were dedicated to Frida Kahlo, as I believe these were mainly for visitors of Mexico City to admire. However usually ofrendas are dedicated to families relations and ancestors. The different styles of ofrendas change depending on where it is located in Mexico, such as the use of dolls in Yutacan, or the arc or pan in the states of Michoacán or Puebla.

On the ofrendas you will find lots of copal flowers, the loved ones favourite foods and drinks, skeletons and skulls, pan de muertos, candles, incense, and most importantly a photo of the lost one. The incense is believed to be very important to ‘purify’ the environment or the house for the return of the dead. Water is also present on the ofrenda as the spirit may be thirsty from the long journey. Candles are important to light the way for the dead, to give them guidance. Salt is present to make sure the returning body is pure. Crosses of ash gives the chance to confess. The picture of the relative placed on the alter is to make sure the deceased one is present. The copal flowers are believed to attract the returning souls with their sweet scent. Some altars are made with different levels to symbolise heaven and earth. An arch symbolises the entrance to the world of the dead. Pan de muertos is one of the most important elements of the alter as it is an offering to the souls in the ‘catholic sense’. And personal objects are also added to make the soul feel at home.

I learnt from some Mexican friends that it is difficult to experience the real Day of the Dead because most of it takes place in peoples homes, in private. The ritual has the idea of being a party for most foreigners, so when we come we expect big parades and celebrations. However the true ritual is a day of respect for the loved ones you have lost and to make meaningful offerings for them in your home, or on their grave. The whole idea of celebrating the dead is an idea that I am so inspired by, as in England we have one day of memorial after the funeral but after that it is sort of taboo to talk about it again. I think this is sad, and that it is much more beautiful to remember them each year and to appreciate when they were with you. I also love the idea of offering their favourite foods or drinks whilst they were living. The whole celebration has such charm and irony about death, I would love to adopt it myself!

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.Monte Albán or Danipaguache (Zapotec for sacred mountain of life).

The large pre-Columbian archaeological site is in the Santa Cruz Xoxocotlán Municipality in the southern Mexican state of Oaxaca. Besides being one of the earliest cities of Mesoamerica, Monte Albán's importance stems also from its role as the pre-eminent Zapotec socio-political and economic centre for nearly a thousand years. The Zapotecs were one of the most highly developed civilisations of Mesoamerica, they even had their own system of writing. Zapotecs inhabited the valley of Oaxaca as early as 500-300 BC to the time of the conquest in 1521 AD. The name of the ancient Zapotec city is unknown as it was abandoned centuries before the writing of the earliest available sources. The primary threat to this archaeological site is urban growth that is encroaching.

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.Weaving in Oaxaca.

Weaving has been a part of the Oaxaca tradition since before the Aztecs. They use the wool and hand-spin it themselves, and then weave it into a beautiful cloth. Cochineal is the most prized red dye and much of it is produced in Oaxaca. Cochineal is a parasite that lives on the cactus plant and used alone or mixed with others it can produce dyes from 1/3 of the colour spectrum. 

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.Museo Nacional de las Culturas Populares.

This museum is dedicated to Mexico’s ethnic and cultural diversity. It tries to document and promote the creative activities in the various subcultures of Mexico in both rural and urban areas. It includes collections of art and other objects, photography, film, sound and documentation. Important installations on the site are the Cuezcomate, the Arbol de la Vida and the Tejedores de Suenos mural. The Arbol de la Vida is a fired clay sculpture associated with the State of Mexico This five meter tall tree was created by José Alfonso Soteno Fernández in 1992 to commemorate the 500 anniversary of Columbus’s discovery of the Americas. It contains allusions to indigenous culture when Columbus arrived, Spanish culture and that of African slaves brought over which have combined to create the various manifestations of Mexican culture. The museum also features a lot of information around the importance of corn, of how it has been domesticated, and what role it plays in their culture. The photos above show strong theme of corn throughout the museum. 

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 .Tonaltonko/Tolantango.

State of Hidalgo in the Mezquital valley. The natural pools are located in a semi-desert zone, surrounded by rock formations carved by water flow and geological pressures. Exposed rock shows sedimentary layers that have folded. There are numerous cacti and semi-arid vegetation on the hills above. The river itself is coloured by mineral salts, the water itself comes from a complex series of channels inside the mountain that heats the water to about 20 degrees celsius. The surrounding areas have a lot of biodiversity- this can be seen through the numerous plant species (yucca, mesquite, “viejitos”, gumbo-limbos, poinsettias, magueys). There are also numerous animal species: raccoons, greater roadrunners, hooded skunks, white-nosed coatis, and white-winged doves. Also the area has been inhabited by various indigenous peoples such as  the Otomi, the Mexica, the Toltecs, and the Tepehua. The management of Tonaltonko is under the control of the “Socieded Cooperative Ejidal “Grutas Tolantongo”. This ejido has about 5,200 hectares, with only 40 open to the public. This association was formed 30 years ago by the 112 families that own the ejido (a type of communal property). While today the park and resort are well-run and tranquil, the enterprise had problems with drugs, violence and vandalism when it first began. Working with local authorities, they created barriers to control access and gained permission to carry firearms as deputies to patrol ejido land. Despite the problems and the lack of governmental help, the ejido association has managed to preserve much of the resort and the ejido land around it in its natural state.

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The Embrace of the Serpent

Directed by Ciro Guerra. Set in Colombia in 1909 & 1940.

1. How traditional knowledge, indigenous people, and their territory is seen by foreigners (rubber exploiters, missionaries, and scientists)?

Through this film it portrays how foreigners see traditional knowledge, indigenous people, and their territory. Rubber exploiters see their territory as full of resources from which they can extract and make profits, they also see indigenous people as something they can exploit through hard labour to gain the rubber. The rubber exploiters carried out violent acts on indigenous peoples. Missionaries view traditional knowledge as a distraction from Christianity, a knowledge which must be rid of. They view the indigenous as people they need to guide and teach, because they are so unaware of the truth, the Spanish priest is attempting to rid of any “pagan” behaviour- even their language. The film shows a horrible scene of him whipping a child in punishment. The priest states that he is keeping them away from “cannibalism and ignorance”, to help the “cannibal savages”. The first scientist in this film views traditional knowledge and indigenous peoples as things that need to be studied and protected from the rest of the world- Theo Von Martius tries desperately to retrieve his compass in an attempt to maintain the tribes ability to navigate using the stars. The American, Evan, who comes in 1940 is shown to try and offer Karamakate money in exchange for his knowledge about the “yakruna” plant. Evan views their territory as a huge potential for profit, in order to find the purest rubber trees. I thought his disrespect for the jungle is shown at the beginning, when Evan throws his cigarette into the water.

2. How indigenous peoples (represented by the shaman) and their knowledge relates with nature?

In the film the shaman is shown to have an extensive knowledge of nature, and the powers that it holds. Especially in relation to healing and ‘dreaming’. Karamakate helps to prolong the life of Theo using a white powder called “the sun’s semen”, in the film we are shown the shaman taking creating this powder from leaves. Before they set off on their journey to find “Yakruna” Karamakate sets some rules- that they have to respect nature in order for their journey to be successful. When Evan tries to offer Karamakate money to help him find the plant, he laughs, as he believe that there is any real value in this. Karamakate is portrayed as wise as he tells Theo Von Martius that knowledge belongs to all men, and who is he to prevent them of it. The film shows that the indigenous do not have the same obsession with ‘things’, what there knowledge is not material it is all around them, and is passed down orally. Karamakate tells the little missionary boys “every plant, every tree, every flower is full of wisdom”, showing his respect for nature. The film focuses on the shamans belief in the importance of dreams, where the American cannot understand this, he only sees one truth.

3. What are the cultural and environmental consequences of colonialisation that are seen in the movie?

The film shows the mass extraction of rubber during Spanish colonialisation where there were huge environmental impacts such as deforestation and harm of the forest. This extraction also effects many of the indigenous peoples who are forced through torture and slavery to work for the Spanish. Colonialisation impacts culture as the invaders impose their own ideas upon the local people. This is largely shown through the missionaries in this film, who try to rid of their ‘pagan’ knowledge. Indigenous beliefs and rituals are forbidden and replaced with Christianity. Colonialisation brought the mass murder of many indigenous peoples, the shamans refusal to help Theo Von Matius is based on this fact, the Spanish destroyed many communities and cultures in their invasion. The film is dedicated to all the “the peoples whose songs we will never know”. Karamakate does not like Theo as the “whites” only bring violence and death. Karamakate points out Manduca’s clothes arguing that he has let the “whites” culture him. Karamakate talks to boys of the missionary telling them not to listen to the “whites” as soon they will finish all the food in the jungle, he states that they do not respect it.

4. How the main characters transform after their cultural interaction

In the first encounter with the American, Evan shows him trying to bribe Karamakate with money to help him find the “Yakruna” plant. Karamakate does not see the point in teaching the whites as they do not see the truth, and have only served harm the indigenous people and their lands. However Manduca sees the importance, as if they can show one westerner, then he can teach the rest. “He’s a hero to his people. They all admire him and listen to his stories”. “If we can’t get the whites to learn, it will be the end of us. The end of everything”. Karamakate tries to teach Evan how to dream and to believe, this act is him trying to finish his mission to carry on the truth and knowledge of his people. Evan ends up throwing away all of his things, and trying to believe. Evans admits that he wanted the Yakruna to purify rubber, for rubber for the Americans in their war. Karamakate refuses this and wants to give it as a gift to Evan, to help him see, “I wasn’t meant to teach my people, I was meant to teach you”.

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.Museo Nacional de Antropología.

Is the largest and most visited museum in Mexico. It contains significant archaeological and anthropological artifacts from ancient Mexican civilisations. It was established in 1964. 

The first two pictures show examples of the Mayan script. The third shows the head of Quetzalcoatl- whose name comes from the Nahuatl language and means “feathered-serpent”. The worship of Quetzalcoatl is first recorded in Teotihuacan, this god continued to have a large significance throughout ancient Mexican civilisations. The fourth picture is a jade mask, which features the jaguar god. The symbol of the jaguar has a regular appearance in Mesoamerican art, especially for the Olmecs. It was an important symbol as the jaguar god was able to travel to the underworld which was an important part of shamanism. The fifth picture shows a Chacmool, in which the bowl on the chest was used to carry out offerings to the gods. The sixth picture is a hoop which was used in the game ‘Poc-a-Toc’, this game was played throughout the evolution of Mesoamerican cultures. Lastly the final picture shows the Aztec calender, which consists of 365-day calender, and a 260-day ritual cycle. 

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Indigenous Craft in Sayulita, Nayarit. 

I interviewed Felix, a craftsman who is part of the Wixáritari culture (also known as Huichol). In this culture they have four principle deities: Corn, Blue Deer, Peyote, and the Eagle who all depended from their Sun god. These deities serve as an inspiration and often appear in Wixáritari crafts. Peyote is of upmost importance for the Wixáritari as it allows the shamans to contact the gods. The majority of Wixáritari live in isolation, but modernisation has had some impacts. As you can see from this photograph Felix is using glass beads, before modernisation they would have used bone, seeds, jade, and ceramics. The main Wixáritari crafts include embroidery, beadwork, and weaving. Each creation is related to their tradition and beliefs. To complete one of his crafts, it takes Felix between one hour to one day. He told me that the tradition in his family was still strong : “Todo vida”. I wonder how his work is effected by the constant flow of tourists to Sayulita. He mentioned that one of his inspirations were ‘olas’, the symbol of waves may have increased in his craft since the influx of surfers to this town.

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.Danza de los Voladores (dance of the flyers) or Palo Volador (pole flying).

.In Teotihuacan.

This dance is an ancient Mesoamerican ceremony that is still performed today. It is thought to have originated with the Nahua, Huastec, and Otomi peoples in central Mexico. In pre-hispanic times the ritual was far more complex. The participants were thought to impersonate birds and in some areas dressed as parrots, macaws, quetzals, & eagles. These represented the gods of the earth, air, fire, and water. The ritual includes the climbing of a 30-metre pole from which 4 of the 5 dancers launch themselves off, tied by a rope they spin upside-down to the ground. The fifth participant remains on the top of the pole and plays a flute and drum. The four modern-day participants typically circle the pole 13 times each, for a total of 52 circuits, or the number of years of the Aztec ‘calendar round’. It is suggested that this ritual was used to ask the gods to end a drought. Although this ritual did not originate with the Totonac people, today it is strongly associated with them. According to Totonac myth there was a severe drought at least 450 years ago, they used this ritual to appease the gods, and afterwards the rains began again.

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Teotihuacan: ‘The place where the gods were created’

This ancient Mesoamerican city was the commercial and religious centre in the Valley of Mexico, 50km northeast of Mexico City. It was built around 100 B.C, more than 1000 years before the arrival of the Aztecs. It was one of the largest cities in the ancient world, with at least 25,000 inhabitants. This site provides evidence of incredible knowledge in mathematics, geology, astronomy, and engineering. 

The “Avenue of the Dead” is bordered by three main monuments, the Temple of Queztalcoatl, the Pyramid of the Sun, and of the Moon. The Pyramid of the Sun is the tallest in Mexico, of 216 ft. The city is actually orientated with the north-south axis through the monuments positioning. Various decorations and brightly coloured wall paintings existed, especially on the Temple of Queztalcoatl which has carvings of feathered serpents.