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Week 11: Organization of Freedpeople

Florida during the Reconstruction era is characterized as a war zone, pitting enfranchised blacks with conservative whites. Many efforts were made by black communities to organize to fight off the oppressive nature seen in the south. These efforts primarily included the formation of organizations that concentrated the voices of blacks calling for reform. Usually, these organizations advocated non-violence, such as the Union League while other groups relied on armed self-defense to ward off racial violence. These organizations dealt with religious institutions along with labor issues while upholding human rights for freedmen.

The ideal goal of freedmen during the Reconstruction Era and thereafter was to express their political beliefs without persecution. Freedmen expressed that “we are all looking for the day when we shall vote, to sustain the great Republican Party” (Ortiz 2005, 9). Blacks often sided with the Radical Republicans for their strict beliefs on social political freedom for all races. However, as business opportunities transpired, the Republican Party slowly shifted “into a white-controlled organization that excluded black citizens from real political representation” (Ortiz 2005, 11). These business opportunities proved detrimental to the black labor force. The imperative was clear, blacks needed to be bound by labor to perpetuate cheap labor systems while restrictions on wealth prevented blacks from moving up the social ladder. W.E.B Du Bois noted that during this time it was widely “‘accepted as absolutely true by most planters that the Negro could not and would not work without a white master’” (Ortiz 2005, 14).

Similarly, the opposing conservative Democrats planned on transforming Florida into a “land of fruit groves, resorts, and industries built on the backs of the freedpeople” (Ortiz 2005, 10). Consequently blacks “would toil for low wages with minimal citizenship rights that would in any case be controlled from above” (Ortiz 2005, 10). Ultimately, “conservatives schemed to deprive African American workers of political power in orderto keep wages, taxes, and labor mobility low. Bourbons used terror, fraud, and coercion to elect governors and increasing numbers of white legislators” (Ortiz 2005, 32). Although blacks had the odds stacked against them as they fought for enfranchisement, black politcal aspirations never wilted. For white conservatives to create and maintain a society of inferiority, conservatives needed to “wipe out black politcal activity because they realized that African American men and women were never going to accept an inferior place in the state’s economic and social order as long as they could participate in the electoral system” (Ortiz 2005, 33). To protect the rights of blacks many organizations formed, branching predominantly from churches and labor unions. The Union League particularly became popular to freedpeople in the 1870’s. This organization gathered a sizeable following and arguably became a threat to white conservatism. Cases in Florida depict blacks being kidnapped and tortured for political for the Union League and the Republican Party (Poland and Scott 1872, 263). These organizations were vital in upholding the Republican Party, so vital that klansmen sought out Union members for political intelligence.

Rev. Charles Beecher, brother of Harriet Beecher Stowe, was advised “to setup a ‘line of churches’ along the St. John’s River to train African Americans in the regimens of obedience and correct religious practice” (Ortiz 2005, 13). Stowe, represented by the Episcopal Church, believed “the best system for training immature minds such as those of our negroes” (Ortiz 2005, 14), were religious institutions. Further, Stowe posited “generations of toiling for no wages had destroyed the freedpeople’s work ethic” (Ortiz 2005, 13); Stowe aimed to break this cycle. Churches doubled as education institutions for freedpeople, “by 1871, the African Methodist Episcopal Church alone had organized forty-eight Sabbath schools responsible for educating over 2,500 children” (Ortiz 2005, 22). Inevitably, establishing cultural centers saw resistance; notably in Florida “Emanuel Fortune reported that African Americans in Jackson County took up arms to defend their schoolhouse from whites who tried to physically destroy black education in their county” (Ortiz 2005, 22).

Enthusiastic freedpeople saw Florida as the new Jerusalem for negroes. Ideally, “if African Americans could find a way to stop capital from crushing the people, then Florida—as in the days of the Seminole and African alliance—could become a sanctuary from the tyranny of modern-day slave masters” (Ortiz 2005, 18). Freedpeople exuded high hopes for Florida mainly because of the abundance of land. Florida had twice as much public land, more than any other southern state (Ortiz 2005, 18). Freedpeople believed Florida’s “close proximity to Cuba, Hayti and Jamaica, makes her the great gateway between the negro tropical belt and the great Temperate Zone of the white race in the United States”(Ortiz 2005, 18). Homesteading was popularized but ultimately proved difficult for freedmen. For more on the homesteading initiatives, see Richard Edward, “African Americans and the Southern Homestead Act,” and Warren Hoffnagle, “The Southern Homestead Act: Its Origins and Operation."

Works Cited:

Paul Ortiz. Emancipation Betrayed: The Hidden History of Black Organizing and White Violence in Florida From Reconstruction to the Bloody Election of 1920. American Crossroads. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=129009&authtype=shib&site=eds-live&scope=site.

United States, Luke P. Poland, and John Scott 1872. Report of the Joint select committee appointed to inquire in to the condition of affairs in the late insurrectionary states: so far as regards the execution of the laws, and the safety of the lives and property of the citizens of the United States and Testimony taken. Washington: Govt. Print. Off. http://books.google.com/books?id=07pCAQAAMAAJ.

Edwards, Richard. "African Americans and the Southern Homestead Act." Great Plains Quarterly 39, no. 2 (2019): 103-129. doi:10.1353/gpq.2019.0018.

Hoffnagle, Warren. “The Southern Homestead Act: Its Origins and Operation." The Historian 32, no. 4 (1970): 612-29. Accessed July 7, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/24441013.

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Week 10: Black Political Emergence

The southern economy greatly depended on black labor. Whether it was the system of forced labor preceding the abolishment of slavery or the wage labor system that provided small incentives encouragung blacks to stay on plantations, black labor systems were integral in sustaining the southern economy, which the north also depended on. During the antebellum period, slaves were given privileges to conduct commerce within their own communities. “It had become a common practice, especially on plantations, for masters to permit or tolerate a range of economic activities among the slaves that might include cultivating subsistence and market-garden plots” (Hahn 2005, 24). This ‘internal economy’ reinforced slaves ability to sustain a southern slave economy. The southern slave economy helped strengthen relationships between blacks and fellow kin. These relationships acted as the foundation for politcal education and assisted in the overall advancement of freedmen.

Through the Civil War, slaveholders either stayed on plantations in an attempt to keep production at a status quo while others fled their property entirely. In the case that a slaveholder abandoned their property, slaves “took charge of the ‘abandoned’ estate, farmed it on their own account, and kept order by their own rules and customs” (Hahn 2005, 14). However, instances where slaveholders remained on their property during the onset of the war saw shifts in how black laborers conducted themselves. Eventual-freedmen hoped to rearrange the balance of power and authority on the plantations. Black laborers “slowed the pace of work, devoted more time to their provision crops, ignored master’s commands, moved about as they wished or could, and generally tried to tend to their own affairs” (Hahn 2005, 14). Blacks began to become sustainable on their own as they traded among each other in small-knit communities. White slave owners grew anxious as blacks began to freely work under their own conditions and without the consideration of their masters. Eventually blacks fled plantations as the Union army encroached on southern territory. In an attempt to deter blacks from deserting their workplace, “some wartime slaveholders ultimately offered their slaves small wages or shares of the crop to keep them at work and operations afloat” (Hahn 2005, 15). Slaveholders hoped that providing incentives to freedmen would prevent an exodus from forced labor. The southern imperative aimed to keep blacks working for cheap wages whiles sustaining a strong agricultural economy in the south.

Prior to the passage of Reconstruction legislation, blacks lacked the rights to be politically active. Additionally black were also ignorant to the inner workings of the political system in America. This lack of knowledge needed to be overcome to make strides within the political realm. For more on the politcal struggles of freedmen see, "The Right to Vote and the Long Nineteenth Century in Florida,” by Robert Cassanello. Fortunately, organizations formed that aimed to educate freedmen on political processes and consequently inspired the education of blacks. With the defeat of the Confederacy, social reform initiatives sprang up along the south. These newly acquired rights intrigued blacks to the point that they “showed ‘a remarkable interest in all political information’” (Hahn 2005, 177). Moreover, freedmen “were ‘fast becoming thoroughly informed upon their civil and political rights’” (Hahn 2005, 177). Significantly, like-minded blacks concentrated together to create clubs to spread this political knowledge. Notably, a single group proved “important to former slaves or emblematic of the developing character of local politicals in the postemancipation South,” this “often vilified and widely misunderstood body” (Hahn 2005, 177), would come to be known as the Union League. Among other clubs, the Union League proved vital in the furtherance of black political activism.

Primarily, the purpose of the Union League supported the political education of freedmen, giving awareness to their rights and inspiring blacks with potential for progression within society. The league aimed “to protect, strengthen, and defend all loyal men without regard to sect, condition, or race” (Hahn 2005, 177). As blacks developed strong social institutions with the help of churches and congregations, the league strengthened these foundations. “The churches and congregations became virtual community centers, assuming a range of vital functions. Almost invariably they established Sunday schools and welcomed other educational activities, disseminated news and information, helped resolve disputes among members” (Hahn 2005, 232). Churches enabled the gathering of blacks to handle issues dealing with social reform. Moreover, the league had a “goal of mobilizing black support for the national government and the Republican Party fed on and nourished the sensibilities and customs that organizers found in many African-American communities” (Hahn 2005, 183). The Republican Party greatly depended on the black vote to keep power within the southern states. Importantly, league councils were effective as “crucial political schools, educating newly franchised blacks in the ways of the official political culture” (Hahn 2005, 183). Blacks gradually became accustomed to politics soon after the passage of Reconstruction legislature. Moreover, blacks became aware of the harsh labor conditions that were cast upon them. League councils “enabled and encouraged freedpeople to negotiate better contracts, contest the abuses of their employers, engage in strikes and boycotts, claim their just wages and shares of the crop, and generally alter the balances of power on the land” (Hahn 2005, 186). With the emergence of these councils, blacks are provided opportunities to gain more social status as freedmen became more politically adept.

Although blacks became more politically literate, southern whites hoped to discourage the advancement of black political activism. White landholders saw political opportunities for blacks as offensive, asserting that these opportunities “‘demoralized’ labor and courted upheaval,” also adding that the rise of black political education “struggled to maintain the freedpeople in ignorance” (Hahn 2005, 192). Southern whites made every attempt to keep freedmen ignorant to political practices, a Freedmen’s Bureau agent reported that “‘the colored people living on farms remote from the towns... are still ignorant of their political status, their former masters and employers having taken no pains to enlighten them, and much to keep them ignorant on this front’” (Hahn 2005, 192). Besides keeping freedmen ignorant on small farmlands, these masters also threatened blacks that sought political education by warning that “registration would bring reenslavement, military impressment, higher taxes, or ‘another war upon the country’” (Hahn 2005, 192). With these efforts to deter black political activism, some southern whites known as Cooperationists aimed to “encouraged the formation of a handful of black ‘conservative’ clubs” (Hahn 2005, 200). These conservative supporters, although scarce, supported the Democratic agenda only out of fear and ignorance. Blacks that generally supported the Democratic Party did so out of “‘the instinct of self-preservation’” (Hahn 2005, 300). The practice of gaining black support could theoretically strengthen the Democratic Party within the south. Planters hoped to ‘poison their minds-telling them that if the Freedmen vote for the planters, the Cotton tax will come off, and that if the Freedmen do not vote the way the planters want them to, they will all be discharged from work’ (Hahn 2005, 200). Due to freedmens struggle for political expression, the U.S. Army “carved out registration districts, solicited recommendations from Freedmen's Bureau agents for eligible registrars […] and ordered registrars to travel out to plantations and farms” (Hahn 2005, 192). For the time being, military occupation ensured that blacks could freely educate themselves along with expressing political interests while being protected. For more on Military Reconstruction, see Mapping Occupation for the spatial history of the U.S. Army in the South. Additionally, see "Aftermath of Military Reconstruction, 1868-1869,” by Robert Peek for the lasting impacts of Military Reconstruction in the South.

Works Cited:

Hahn, Steven. A Nation Under Our Feet: Black Politcal Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003. https://hdl.handle.net.eu1.proxy.openathens.net/2027/heb.03953

Gregory P. Downs and Scott Nesbit, Mapping Occupation: Force, Freedom, and the Army in Reconstruction, http://mappingoccupation.org, published March 2015, accessed July 15, 2020.

Peek, Ralph L. Aftermath of Military Reconstruction, 1868-1869." The Florida Historical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (1964): 123-41. Accessed July 16, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/30161473.

Cassanello, Robert. “The Right to Vote and the Long Nineteenth Century in Florida." The Florida Historical Quarterly 95, no. 2 (2016): 194-220. Accessed July 17, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/44955673.

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Week 8 and 9: Land Reforms for Ex-Slaves

From an optimistic standpoint, freedmen hoped to gain compensation from the harsh conditions endured during slavery. Congress made various strides in hopes of relocating ex-slaves while aiming to create a new southern economy. Before the conclusion of the Civil War, Congress had passed the Homestead Act of 1862. The conditions of this act contained no racial limitations but limited homesteading to U.S. citizens exclusively (Edwards 2019, 105). Notably, blacks lacked the rights of citizenship during this time as the institution of slavery continued to exist. Progressively, as Reconstruction legislation like the creation of the Freedmen’s Bureau, and the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment, and the Civil Rights Act of 1866 through Congress, the slave labor system within the South gradually diminished. Later, the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendements bolstered the rights of freedmen. As an effort to promote opportunities for small land ownership for blacks, ‘An Act for the Disposal of the Public Lands for Homestead Actual Settlement in the States of Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Florida’ (Edwards 2019, 105), briefly referred to as the Southern Homestead Act of 1866, materialized from Congress. Considering the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, blacks could now potentially possess homesteads of at most eighty acres. Ideally, this bill promised to divide the respective states’ land in hopes of splitting the southern slave and landholding oligarchy (Hoffnagle 1970, 614).

Republicans in Congress intended on creating opportunities to improve the lifestyles of ex-slaves and to formulate a new southern economy. Mainly, Congress needed to shape the future for nearly 4 million ex-slaves that lacked the means and resources to accomplish a sustainable future of their own. Additionally, the Union had an industrial economy that relied on the South’s raw cotton exports. Upon the end of the Civil War the majority of the southern region was devastated while famine threatened neighboring states. Ultimately Congress aimed to create a “southern economy based on a yeomanry of black and white small farmers to replace the regime controlled by plantation owners” (Edwards 2019, 106). However, efforts for Reconstruction saw strong opposition. Opposition came from southern whites, conservative Democrats, and northerners that wished to reestablish the profitable prewar cotton trade (Edwards 2019, 107). Even some Republicans were worried about the dislocation of ex-slaves caused by the Southern Homestead Act. One of the greatest opponents of the Southern Homestead Act of 1866 was President Andrew Johnson. President Johnson created difficulties for the Freedmen’s Bureau by pardoning former Confederate officers and forcing the Bureau to return confiscated lands to whites. Whites were able to retain much of the fertile land that had been confiscated while less viable land had been acquired by a fraction of blacks. Ironically, these fertile lands needed a labor system to produce raw materials. Southerners knew that if blacks were ‘not allowed to acquire property or become landowners, they must ultimately return to plantation labor and work for wages’ (Edwards 2019, 108). Consequently, contract systems were devised by the planter class to bound blacks to the land for wages that were in mist cases withheld to pay for household expenses such as food, shelter, and clothing.

In the case of Florida, a settlement proposal conducted by former Brevet Brigadier General officer Ralph Ely aimed to relocate approximately 400 black families which seemed promising to freedmen hoping to begin a new life. The plan entailed relocating blacks from Charleston, South Carolina to New Smyrna, Florida (Hoffnagle 1970, 623). The Freemen’s Bureau had supported this initiative, however Ely had plotted to exploit this process. Ely illegally charged a fee of ten dollars per person and refused to compensate blacks after the journey. The establishment of a new territory for blacks required doctors, schools, housing and clothing. Although these institutions are vital for a successful settlement, neither Ely nor the Bureau were able to provide these necessities. Additionally, “provisions provided by the bureau disappeared; it was later discovered that Ely had stolen the barrels of pork, molasses, sugar, rice, candles, and other provisions and sold them” (Edwards 2019, 117).

The corruption incited by Ralph Ely led to the ultimate failure of the New Smyrna settlement. Blacks lacked the resources, tools, and knowledge to create a sustainable society which drove the majority of black families to move into the interior of Florida for contracted labor. Charles F. Hopkins, a Freedmen’s Bureau agent went to investigate the progress on the New Smyrna settlement and “learned that within six weeks after their arrival, some 750 of the freedmen had signed contracts with planters in Florida's interior” (Hoffnagle 1970, 623), these migrations largely caused by hunger and disparity. Assistant Commissioner Colonel John T. Sprague used previous surveyors findings to draw hasty conclusions about the black settlement, claiming that “the freedmen had failed because of their own shortcomings” (Hoffnagle 1970, 624). Furthermore adding that without direction and advice, blacks proved to be “timid and distrustful, and thereby become indolent, and regardless of the future” (Hoffnagle 1970, 625). The morbid conditions in New Smyrna were also felt in settlements such as Tampa, Tallahassee, and Jacksonville, especially during the year 1867. Farmers in Florida had experienced “a host of plagues: ‘worms, excessive rains, droughts, floods, and fields overrun with pernicious growths of neglected years’” (Hoffnagle 1970, 627). These regions shared commonalities of blacks being illiterate, resistance from southern whites, and difficulties of maintaining sustainable crops on small farm lands. By 1868, Congress had terminated the Bureaus project of assisting blacks with settling on homesteads. The Southern Homestead Act had been a noble cause to relocate blacks wanting a new life, however these potential homesteaders suffered from extreme poverty and lacked viable land to operate on. Most importantly, blacks were subject to perpetual hostility from southern whites which denied blacks the opportunity to create a sustainable lifestyle. Ultimately these factors ensured the demise of black yeomanry by the 1870’s.

The image below displays the figures of successful land acquisitions by races and states. (Image provided in “African Americans and the Southern Homestead Act by Richard Edwards.)

Works Cited:

Edwards, Richard. "African Americans and the Southern Homestead Act." Great Plains Quarterly 39, no. 2 (2019): 103-129. doi:10.1353/gpq.2019.0018.

Hoffnagle, Warren. “The Southern Homestead Act: Its Origins and Operation." The Historian 32, no. 4 (1970): 612-29. Accessed July 7, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/24441013.

Foner, Eric. “The Challenge of Enforcement.” In A Short History of Reconstruction, 1863-1877. New York: Harper & Row, 1990. Accessed July 9, 2020.

Hahn, Steven. A Nation Under Our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003. https://hdl.handle.net.eu1.proxy.openathens.net/2027/heb.03953

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Week 7: Resistance to Reconstruction

Although having much support from Congress, Reconstruction is directly challenged by groups hoping to see its upheaval. The pressures to halt Reconstruction in its tracks originated from the same motivators that wished to keep a perpetual system of forced labor while maintaining black inferiority. Primarily, white conservatives upheld their beliefs; conservatives aimed to reinforce black inferiority while striving to maintain power within the state. The Democratic Party began this campaign in 1869, “the party threw support to disaffected Republicans and focused its campaigns on the restoration of voting rights to former Confederates rather than opposition to black suffrage.” (Foner 1990, 7) Additionally, the Democratic Party utilized direct physical force to push their conservative agenda.This support came from organizations such as the White Brotherhood, the Knights of White Camelia, and the Ku Klux Klan. These groups saw support from the Democratic Party as they feared freedmen rising to statuses of power overshadowing the white population. Moreover, the implementation of the Black Codes soon after the war complicated freedmens mobility within the society, primarily within the south. The parameters of these Black Codes are discussed by Joe Richardson in his article “Florida Black Codes.” Motivated by the same principles, these groups worked in conjugation to violently uphold these beliefs. Eric Foner analyzes the inner workings and goals of the Klan along with white conservatism in A Short History of Reconstruction 1863-1877.

As the Civil War came to a foreseeable end, the Democratic Party became weak as the Republicans regained control of the restoring southern states. Losing their political dominance, the Democratic Party implemented the use of the Klan as a means to weaken Reconstruction, reestablish a black labor force while reasserting white supremacy. The Klan focused on driving out Radical Republicans and political leaders protecting Reconstruction. Foner incorporates a personal description by Emmanuel Fortune, a local leader in Jackson County, Florida, alerting that the Klan’s main objective ‘is to kill out the leading men of the republican party ... men who have taken a prominent stand’ (Foner 1990, 10). This single motive alone indicated that the Klan resorted to drastic measures, mainly using violence to carry out their campaign to recontrol south. Violence proved to be effective in driving out some local leaders from their residence. Early on, the Decomcrats fought to prevent blacks from voting, this ensured the misrepresentation of black majorities. Foner also discusses the effectiveness of the Democrats campaign to stop the black vote. In most southern states a simple poll tax was enough to disqualify black voters. Denying the black vote proved crucial in preventing the complete dominance by the Republican Party. In turn, this disenfranchisement solidified decades of Democratic ascendency (Foner 1990, 9). Additionally, some states had property requirements that accompanied monetary stipulations crippling black voter eligibility. For arguments on the stipulations regarding voting rights, see Casanello, “The Right to Vote and the Long Nineteenth Century in Florida.”

Aside from targeting political figures, the Klan focused on detering the education of freedmen. White conservatives felt threatened as blacks became educated and began to single those out with formal educations. Moreover, efforts were made to prevent blacks from being economically stable. Land disputes rarely went in favor of freedmen; in most cases the Klan drove blacks off their land. In the Conditions of Affairs pertaining to Florida, a colored man by the name of Charles Pearce described the difficulty of acquiring land in small counties. Blacks in larger counties experienced an easier time acquiring land but the overall assertion proves that land allocation for blacks was a difficult endeavor. Usually, blacks were kicked off their land, crippling their opportunity to harvest to make a profit. Whites feared that blacks becoming economically established would threaten the securities of white citizens.This constant state of fear caused feirce resistance from white conservatives. These conservatives fought to reassert their dominance in the South. However, blacks received support from agencies funded by the government to overseee their social preservation within American society.

Works Cited:

Foner, Eric. “The Challenge of Enforcement.” In A Short History of Reconstruction, 1863-1877. New York: Harper & Row, 1990. Accessed June 25, 2020.

Richardson, Joe M. “Florida Black Codes.”The Florida Historical Quarterly 47, no. 4 (1969): 365-79. Accessed June 26, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/30140241

Cassanello, Robert. “The Right to Vote and the Long Nineteenth Century in Florida." The Florida Historical Quarterly 95, no. 2 (2016): 194-220. Accessed June 25, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/44955673.

United States, Luke P. Poland, and John Scott. 1872. Report of the Joint select committee appointed to inquire in to the condition of affairs in the late insurrectionary states: so far as regards the execution of the laws, and the safety of the lives and property of the citizens of the United States and Testimony taken. Washington: Govt. Print. Off. http://books.google.com/books?id=07pCAQAAMAAJ.

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Week 6: Spatial History of the Army in the Reconstruction South (1868-1871)

By 1868, democratization of the South began to expand to African-Americans. Although efforts are made for the full integration of blacks in society, a massive backlash ensues causing even more conflict that the U.S. Army must address. As blacks became more politically active, paramilitary groups like the Ku Klux Klan intitiated anti-progressive campaigns to insight fear and instill violence within the southern states. To combat this, the U.S. Army dispersed troops to oversee areas plagued with the most violence.

(Image provided by Mapping Occupation)

Notably, states like Texas, Virginia, Mississippi, and Florida had no data for the election of 1868. Texas, Virginia, and Mississippi had yet to ratify new constitutions, preventing their restoration into the Union. This perpetuated a state of conflict within these areas. Florida ratified a new constitution in 1868, later becoming a state by 1875; this process is discussed in Episode 3, The Constitution of 1868, featuring Dr. Cassanello. However, even with a newly ratified constitution, Florida legislators feared that open voting would erupt into outright violence. Florida awarded its electoral votes to Ulysses S. Grant without conducting a popular vote. Military Reconstruction helped usher in a Republican Party that aimed to reinforce civil rights for blacks. By 1869, states that has been restored to the Union were home to only a few army posts. Areas that had not been restored to the Union remained in a state of war, permitting a continuination of military occupation.

(Image credited to Palestine Library)

However, the presence of the U.S. Army could not stop the spread of paramilitary groups from causing violence in the south. Conflict between the U.S. Army and paramilitary groups reached new highs between 1874-1876 as white supremacy groups began to mobilize in various states like Louisiana and Mississippi. In the case of Florida, regions like Jackson County continued in a state of perpetual violence. Civil strife in Jackson County is documented in Daniel Weinfeld’s text, The Jackson County War: Reconstruction and Resistance in Post-Civil War Florida. Weinfeld recounts specific acts of violence in Jackson County, Florida. See chapter 6 of, The Jackson County War: Reconstruction and Resistance in Post-Civil War Florida. Additionally, the theme of lawlessness in Jackson County is explored in Ralph Peeks "Lawlessness in Florida, 1868-1871."

To quantify the amount of violence inflicted on African-Americans during this period, recent findings show that an estimated 2,000 lynchings took place during the span of the Reconstruction Era (1863-1877). Deacdes after the Reconstruction Era, approximately 4,400 additional lynching were documented, primarily driven by the refusal to acknowledge black civil rights and their political rights, ultimately asserting white supremacy. These findings are discussed by Campbell Robertson in his most recent New York Times article.

An ongoing struggle between the U.S. and paramilitary continued to take place; the military struggled to assert dominance as they only had the power to make arrests. Congress issued the 1871 Ku Klux Klan Act which allowed the president to suspend habeas corpus, the process of bringing a detainee before a judge or court. Moreover, this act empowered the military even further, allowing the president to dispatch troops when deemed necessary. Although occupying regions in perpetual states of violence proved to be challenging, the role of the U.S. Army hindered the efforts of the rebels that sought to reestablish the Confederacy and to recapture portions of the South. Additionally, the army enforced civil rights for blacks, also gaining testimonies from former slaves that gave awareness to the conditions in the South. This allowed both federal agencies and Congress to create legislation protecting black citizenship.

Work Cited:

Gregory P. Downs and Scott Nesbit, Mapping Occupation: Force, Freedom, and the Army in Reconstruction, http://mappingoccupation.org, published March 2015, accessed June 15, 2020.

Cassanello, Robert. “Episode 3- The 1868 Constitution.” Audio blog. Humanities and Social Sciences Online (blog). Robert Cassanello, December 10, 2018. https://networks.h-net.org/episode-3-1868-constitution

Weinfeld, Daniel R.. “A Small Hell on Earth, 1869,” in The Jackson County War : Reconstruction and Resistance in Post-Civil War Florida. 83-103. Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 2012. Accessed June 18, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central.

Peek, Ralph L. “Lawlessness in Florida, 1868-1871." The Florida Historical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (1961): 164-85. Accessed June 18, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/30145780.

Robertson, Campbell. “Over 2,000 Black People Were Lynched From 1865 to 1877, Study Finds.” New York Times. June 17, 2020. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/16/us/reconstruction-violence-lynchings.html (accessed June 17, 2020)

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Week 5: Spatial History of the Army in the Reconstruction South (1865-1868)

After the surrender of the Confederate Army in 1865, the Union Army, also referred to as the United States Army, began its occupation of the insurrectory states. The presence of the United States Army plays an important role in reassuring newly-freed blacks defending their rights. A map below depicts U.S. Army outposts set up at the conclusion of the Civil War. (Image by Mapping Occupation)

It is apparent that the concentration of U.S. soldiers showed more prominence in some regions than in others. In the case of Florida there is a scarce distribution of U.S. troops between March and April of 1865, mainly concentrated in the north bordering Georgia. Regions that had the highest concentration of U.S. troops promoted the establishment of functional governments postwar. Conversely, areas lacking substantial military support saw a resurgence of ex-Confederate rule; without the presence of the U.S. Army conflict shows to intensify between whites and blacks, as well as Radicals and Conservatives.

The goals of the U.S. Army consisted of creating power in the local governments through military presence and to enforce anti-slavery. To prevent rebels from uprising against these local governments, U.S. troops removed Confederate officials from local offices that they currently held. Ultimately, the removal of rebels from local offices allowed the U.S. Army to possess the majority of power. The realization that slavery had been outlawed did not come into furition until U.S. troops enforced proclamations by direct force. It is important to note that if proclamations had been sufficient as a catalysts for change then the use of military force would not be needed, however this is not the case. In the summer of 1865 companies of soldiers mobilized into plantations and signaled the end of slavery. Understanding that verbal enforcement lacked the urgency necessary for the eradication of slavery. U.S. troops also set up stations that allowed blacks to access them should a complaint or a grievance arise.

Regions that were dominated by white majorities threatened the immediate freedom for blacks. These areas hoped to reestablish the powers of slavery while maintaining black inferiority. Ex-slaves saw assistance from the U.S. Army as a saving grace. Efforts of the U.S. Army included officers handling court cases involving freedmen, the prosecution of white vigilantes, and preventing the reassertion of slavery.

The map above, credited to Mapping Occupation, illustrates both the distribution of the black population in Florida and the concentration of troops in various regions. From examination of the map, it becomes apparent that areas with a larger black population received more military support; conversely, areas that have a smaller demographic of blacks have a lesser military presence.

As mentioned previously, where there lacked a strong military presence there was disorder and conflict. During the fall of 1865, President Johnson hoped to ease the presence of military power by sending small companies of troops home. However, the slight decline of military control gave rise to white paramilitary groups like the Klu Klux and the Knights of White Camellia. These groups caused terror for newly-freed slaves and radicals supporting Reconstruction. Personal accounts of these paramilitary groups are captured during 1866-1869 in the “Report of the Joint Select Committee to Inquire into the Condition of Affairs in the Late Insurrectionary States,” as it pertains to Florida.

These images, both credited to Mapping Occupation, shows the proposed effective radius of the U.S. Army in September of 1865 and 1866, respectively. September of 1865 showed that the U.S. Army had a greater reach than that of the following year. The brief downscale of the U.S. Army allowed white paramilitary groups to mobilize, seeing an opportunity to regain power.

By the midterms of 1866, northerners had discovered the conditions of the south and expressed outrage. The momentary absence of the military allowed ex-rebels to take provisional control over certain regions in Florida. To combat this, Congress in 1867, which was primarily dominated by Republicans, created a series of acts named the Military Reconstruction Acts of 1867. This split the Confedeacy up into 5 military districts and empowered the U.S. Army to impose martial law, also taking control of local offices and ensuring freedom to blacks. In the state of Florida between 1868-1871, violence between both political factions and social groups became palpable. Peek illustrates this atmosphere in “Lawlessness in Florida, 1868-1871.”

The Army also assisted in registering freedmen to vote and promoted a biracial democracy. The black demographic will be integral for the success of electing African-American officials, white loyalists, and Northern Republicans for representation in congressional conventions. Ideas on the importance of black suffrage for the success of the Republican Party is discussed in Cassanello, “The Right to Vote and the Long Nineteenth Century in Florida."

Works Cited:

Gregory P. Downs and Scott Nesbit, Mapping Occupation: Force, Freedom, and the Army in Reconstruction, http://mappingoccupation.org, published March 2015, accessed June 10, 2020.

United States, Luke P. Poland, and John Scott. 1872. Report of the Joint select committee appointed to inquire in to the condition of affairs in the late insurrectionary states: so far as regards the execution of the laws, and the safety of the lives and property of the citizens of the United States and Testimony taken. Washington: Govt. Print. Off. http://books.google.com/books?id=07pCAQAAMAAJ.

Peek, Ralph L. “Aftermath of Military Reconstruction, 1868-1869." The Florida Historical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (1964): 123-41. Accessed June 10, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/30161473.

Peek, Ralph L. “Lawlessness in Florida, 1868-1871." The Florida Historical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (1961): 164-85. Accessed June 10, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/30145780.

Cassanello, Robert. “The Right to Vote and the Long Nineteenth Century in Florida." The Florida Historical Quarterly 95, no. 2 (2016): 194-220. Accessed June 11, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/44955673.

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Week 4: Constitutional Conventions

It is important to note the constitutional changes that shaped the political climate before, during and after the American Civil War. Prior to the Reconstruction Era, the southern states had been governing themselves based on previous legislation that had distinguished the Confederacy from the Union. Territories like Florida will alter their constitutional framework on multiple occasions to reflect the goals of the conservatives, moderates, and radicals as seen throughout the Civil War.

In the year 1838, Florida was not yet admitted into the Union. Florida at the time was a territory and was faced with the dilema of deciding whether to become a state or to remain a territorial possession. Florida was also faced with the ongoing conflict with Native Americans seen in the Seminole Wars. A constitution would be required by Florida to be admitted into the Union. A constitutional convention was held in 1838 in St. Joseph, Florida that would address issues related to territorial banking, governance, and most importantly protection of property. This constitutional convention aimed at upholding the institution of slavery within Florida while barring the settlement of freed blacks within the territory. As Florida developed their statehood from the beginning through the end of the Civil War, modifications will be made to their state constitution to adhere to the legislation proposed by Congress. On further discussions and ideological ideas brought up during the Florida Constitution of 1838, see Robert Casanello, Episode 1, The 1838 St. Joseph Constitution.

Ultimately, this constitutional convention of 1838 will allow Florida to be admitted into the United States, officially becoming a state in 1845. This constitution will be in effect leading up to the division of the United States into the Union and the Confederacy. Prior to the start of the war, many southern states will begin to devise their own constitutions, distinguishing their beliefs of the Confederacy from the Union. These documents will be known as The 1861 Secession Ordinances.

During the early 1860’s, the nation was distinctly divided and war was commencing. Southern states began seceding while modifying old constitutions to match the beliefs of the Confederacy. In the case of Florida, the Constitution of 1861 paralleled the principles set in the Florida Constitution of 1838. A new clause would be added creating local tribunals to prevent the possibility of slave rebellions, helping reinforce the power given to local governments.

The Confederacy will be defeated, causing a new wave of constitutions to be drafted yet again. Florida will create the Constitution of 1865; Congress required all states to abolish slavery while Confederate leaders swore an oath of allegiance to the Union. However, Radical Republicans felt that the new constitution drafted by Florida in 1865 was unacceptable. Congress wanted to ensure the full rights of citizenship and political participation of all former slaves. For more on the topics of the 1861 Secession Ordinances and the 1865 Constitution, see Robert Cassanello, Episode 2, The 1861 Secession Ordinances and the 1865 Constitution.

Congress deemed the 1865 Constitution of Florida as impermissible. Moreover, during this year, Black Codes had been established so that blacks would not be fully integrated into society. For more on the Black Codes, see Joe Richardson, “Florida Black Codes.” Consequently, this prompted Congress to initiate martial law within the state. Congress split up the Confederate states in five military districts, Florida would be in the third military district. Congress expected southern states to draft new constitutions accordingly, adhering to newly adopted legislation allowing black men the right to vote as well as participation in congressional conventions.

The 1868 Constitution of Florida would see a contribution from various political spheres. The conservative Democrats would not support congressional reconstruction, while both the moderate Republicans and the Radical Republicans had differences as to how lenient Congress should treat the insurrectionary states. The 1868 Constitution will be centered around civil rights for former slaves; a direct example is shown with the dissolving of the Florida Black Codes. However, the 1868 Constitution would see black communities being misrepresented as apportionment would only benefit certain state legislators and most appointments could only be made by the governor. This discussion can be heard in, Robert Cassanello, Episode 3, The 1868 Constitution. As blacks were given civil rights and the right to become politically active, conservatives will view this as a threat to their own status in society. As a response, anti-progressive groups will use fear and violence as tools to deter the newfound political activism in black communities.

Works Cited:

Denham, Mike. “Episode 1-The 1838 St Joseph Constitution.” Audio blog. Humanities and Social Sciences Online (blog). Robert Cassanello , December 10, 2018. https://networks.h-net.org/episode-1-1838-st-joseph-constitution.

Murphee, Boyd. “Episode 2-The 1861 Secession Ordinances and the 1865 Constitution.” Audio blog. Humanities and Social Sciences Online (blog). Robert Cassanello , December 10, 2018. https://networks.h-net.org/episode-2-1861-secession-ordinances-and-1865-constitution.

Richardson, Joe M. "Florida Black Codes." The Florida Historical Quarterly 47, no. 4 (1969): 365-79. Accessed June 5, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/30140241.

Cassanello, Robert. “Episode 3-The 1868 Constitution.” Audio blog. Humanities and Social Sciences Online (blog). Robert Cassanello , December 10, 2018. https://networks.h-net.org/episode-3-1868-constitution.

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Week 3: Florida Black Codes

As blacks fought for citizenship, states such as Florida created legislation that would hinder the progression of black integration within society. This legislation was adopted by 1865 and infamously named the “Florida Black Codes.” These Black Codes were effective in creating an even more profound schism between the Republicans and the Democrats, but most importantly, these codes emphasized a clear distinction between whites and blacks. The Florida Black Codes addressed legal matters pertaining to qualifications for holding office, restrictions on bearing arms, along with marriage laws and vagrancy. Blacks struggled to exercise their right to vote; the Florida Black Codes made a clear distinction that only white men were permitted to run for office. This meant that blacks would be ineligible to run for either a Senator or a Representative for the U.S. Congress and in most cases black suffrage will be suppressed. With the passage of the Florida Black Codes, blacks will be seen as an inferior race, causing decades of inequality.

Moreover, blacks were excluded out of most legal processes. Testimonies of “colored people shall be excluded” as well as only have an all white jury present. These court systems were dominated by white officials and would see the exploitation of blacks. For instance, a measure was placed and stated that “neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall in future exist in this State, except as a punishment for crimes.” This was a controversial piece of legislation because blacks will be exploited for their crimes and forced back into contracted labor. Usually, whites were not contracted into forced-labor and received lesser fines and punishments. On a side note, people of color were also prevented the rights to bear arms, this was used as a measure to prevent any insurrection against the state.

The concept of vagrancy would also be used to exploit dislocated blacks. Vagrancy means wandering place to place without having an established home or form of work. Upon the conclusion of the Civil War, the black population became disorganized and displaced. Many were set free and simply wandered around the state killing livestock for food and trying to find ways to support themselves. Generally speaking, vagrancy was punishable by law, forcing the convicted into labor for no more than 12 months. If the vagrant could not be hired the violator would work for the county jail and given a “ball and chain of sufficient weight to prevent escape.” Vagrancy was shown to be prevalent among freed blacks, whites used this state of disorganization to generalize the black population.

Preventative measures to keep races from intermarrying were also established. Negroes were prohibited from marrying white women along with being barred from fornicating and committing adultery within the limits of the state. Moreover, same race marriages were required for Negroes within the state as their children would be licensed and legitimized. The goal of this piece of legislation was to keep blood lines “pure” and prevent the mixing of races.

Though segregated, freedmen were alloted the resources to create school systems. These school systems raised taxes to create funds like the Common School Fund. This funding would be responsible for perpetuating the education of newly freed blacks. Additionally, the emergence of these schools provided blacks with the necessary grounds to form communities. Since schools were used to educate blacks, this high demand for education will cause more blacks to migrate to these regions and create cultural centers. These cultural centers would be the foundation for black communities to emerge during the Reconstruction phase in Florida.

Works Cited:

Scene, U.S. History. “Excerpts from Florida State Constitution [Florida's ‘Black Codes’] (1865),” December 19, 2019. https://ushistoryscene.com/article/excerpts-florida-state-constitution-floridas-black-codes-1865/.

Richardson, Joe M. "Florida Black Codes." The Florida Historical Quarterly 47, no. 4 (1969): 365-79. Accessed May 26, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/30140241.

Cassanello, Robert. "The Right to Vote and the Long Nineteenth Century in Florida." The Florida Historical Quarterly 95, no. 2 (2016): 194-220. Accessed May 26, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/44955673.

Peek, Ralph L. "Aftermath of Military Reconstruction, 1868-1869." The Florida Historical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (1964): 123-41. Accessed May 26, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/30161473.

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Week 2: Conditions of Affairs Testimonies

Personal testimonies give accurate descriptions of events and occurrences from history. These descriptions capture the atmosphere of society during this time. Currently, I am discovering the sociopolitical climate that was present in Florida from 1866-1869. This timeframe would mark the beginning of a nearly two-decade long initiative that would see the reorganization of the Confederate states and the intergration of newly-freed blacks in society. A joint committee was placed in charge to oversee the “conditions of affairs in the late inserrectory states.” Basically, the committee wanting to see how the Confederate states were adjusting their laws and social policies to adhere to the newly adopted ideas placed on them by the Union.

From examining various testimonies, it is clear that violence and fear were forces that helped promote a sort of “civil war” within the state of Florida. I describe Florida as a war zone for reasons being that a portion of whites had an underlying fear of becoming second-class citizens to newly-freed blacks. To prevent an equal playing field, extremist groups led by former Confedererate generals and political figures aimed to disenfranchise blacks. This disenfranchisement meant that blacks would be denied any sort of political activity that went against the Democratic Party. The Young Men’s Democratic Club would act as a predecessor to what would come to be known as the Ku Klux. Interestingly enough, a prescript of the Ku Klux was included in the miscellaneous section from the report (image included). This was seen in Memphis and headed by Nathan Bedford Forrest, a former Confederate general. The prescript outlines the bureaucratic structure and beliefs of this organization. The organizations prescript was signed * * *. The word “Klan” would not be added until the group greatly expands and becomes a distinguished force along the South. Early on, the Ku Klux aimed to prevent blacks from exercising their right to vote. Methods to deter black political activism consisted of issuing threats to eligible voters; if threats were ineffective the Ku Klux resorted to violence and in some cases forced blacks off their property. Keeping the black vote at a minimum was crucial in weakening the chances of the Republican Party securing control of southern states, especially Florida. Blacks hoped for strong support from the Republican Party; support from the Republican Party would promote blacks to have more political autonomy. However, social groups built to crush black political activism hindered the intergration of blacks within the reconstructing South.

This report features a diversified demographic. Testimonies range from accounts by freed blacks and supporters of the Republican Party, to supporters of the Democratic Party and Ku Klux sympathizers. These different perspectives capture how differences in ideologies force people to take action to create a society they deem acceptable. This can be exhibited through instilling fear to create a subservient society, where blacks remain inferior. In contrast, blacks acknowledged these negative forces and fought to create an identity of their own. Many blacks had to create separate communities on there own. As I continue to work through this source I want to keep in-mind the conditions that called for the emergence of black leadership. This required leadership will be necessary for the foundation of black communities within Florida.

Work Cited:

United States, Luke P. Poland, and John Scott. 1872. Report of the Joint select committee appointed to inquire in to the condition of affairs in the late insurrectionary states: so far as regards the execution of the laws, and the safety of the lives and property of the citizens of the United States and Testimony taken. Washington: Govt. Print. Off. http://books.google.com/books?id=07pCAQAAMAAJ.

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Week 1: Preliminary Journal Articles

I have been given the opportunity to conduct independent research at the University of Central Florida under the supervision of Dr. Scot French. Through brainstorming, Dr. French and I devised a plan that would examine the factors and sociopolitical parameters that led to the emergence of black communities during the Reconstruction era in Florida. To begin my independent study, a list of primary sources ranging from scholarly journal articles to first-hand testimonies was compiled. I started by reading various journal articles such as “The Right to Vote and the Long Nineteenth Century in Florida” by Robert Cassanello as well as “Lawlessness in Florida, 1868-1869” written by Ralph Peek, respectively.

Working through the journal articles a common theme is discussed throughout. The majority of the articles discuss the concept of disenfranchisement. Blacks were striving for a political identity as well as an established role within society. However, while reading futher into the sources, there are topics up for examination such as racial segregation, ownership of land and property, and lastly political discourse. I will keep these topics in mind as I map the factors impacting the emergence of black communities.

Works Cited:

Cassanello, Robert. "The Right to Vote and the Long Nineteenth Century in Florida." The Florida Historical Quarterly 95, no. 2 (2016): 194-220. Accessed April 10, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/44955673.

Peek, Ralph L. "Lawlessness in Florida, 1868-1871." The Florida Historical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (1961): 164-85. Accessed April 10, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/30145780.