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Biocultural Impacts of Tourism in Mexico

Tourism is an ever-growing industry with the potential of bringing substantial national revenues. Tourism in Mexico has contributed to high economic growth, but also degradation of the biological and cultural heritage of the country. A yearly influx of 32,093,000 tourists to Mexico (World Bank 2015) and the industry that surrounds them, threatens nature preservation, especially in the coastal areas of the Yucatan peninsula, Baja California and the Pacific coast.

In this essay I will present two different discourses on tourism globally, and discuss these related to Mexico. The first is the main discourse on tourism driven by governments and institutions, and the second is a post-colonial and academic perspective. With a case study from a Maya community in Quintana Roo, I will discuss how tourism is changing the socio-economic status and biocultural foundations of indigenous groups. I will start by presenting discourses and impacts of tourism. Then I will briefly discuss ecological tourism as an alternative. Lastly, I will present the case study from Mexico with a discussion.

Background and discourses Since the 19th century, certain regions of the world have been presented as areas for relaxation, especially for the wealthy (Chavero 2013, 13). Indigenous or cultural tourism has become a bigger submarket, especially in developing countries and post-colonial contexts in the global South (Smith 2002, xi). This sort of tourism has among other things been seen as a way to revitalize cultural traditions and identities of those communities (Smith 2002, x). Mexico has become a major tourist destination over the past 40 years, well known for its pristine beaches, landscapes, archeology and cultures (Greathouse-Amador 2005, 709). The indigenous groups constitute a big market value in the tourism of Mexico. As Greathouse-Amador puts it, after conquest, colonization and the ongoing process of 'modernization' and 'globalization', several indigenous cultures of Mexico have survived until today (2005, 709). The main discourse on tourism today is that it is one of the most effective ways to increase national revenue and generate development. The World Travel & Tourism Council (WTTC) introduces a report about the positive economic impact of tourism on Mexico in 2015:

"Travel & Tourism’s impact on the economic and social development of a country can be enormous; opening it up for business, trade and capital investment, creating jobs and entrepreneurialism for the workforce and protecting heritage and cultural values." (WTTC 2015, foreword).

In 2014 tourism contributed to 6,8% of the total GDP of Mexico (WTTC 2015, 1). 3,692,500 jobs were in the tourism industry, which makes up 7,4% of total employment. Investment in the tourist industry was 3% of total investments in the country. The total contribution to GDP, including wider effects from investments and incomes, was 14,8% in 2014. It is safe to say that tourism consitutes an important part of the Mexican economy. The tourism industry has grown steadily since the 1970s. Most tourists are still from Western countries, but many tourists in Mexico are also nationals with an economy that allows them to travel.

The discourse of the tourism report and the government of Mexico follows the main discourse of tourism, where the fundamental goal of tourism is economic development. Other positive consequences can be infrastructural development, funding for conservation of cultural sites and tradition, renewal of cultural pride, cross-cultural exchanges, local integration to national and global economy (Smith 2003, 56). However, a problem is that many governments consider tourism as a 'quick fix' for their economic problems (Smith 2003, 57). This leads to the temptation of developing tourism as fast as possible and to maximize visitors and attractions, not considering environmental and cultural consequences. Local needs are thus easily bypassed by the national agenda.

The second discourse is a post-colonial one. According to Mathieson and Wall (1992) in Smith (2003), there are three economic conditions that support the argument that tourism is a new form of imperialism. The first is that tourism creates an economic dependency for developing countries. This is related to the 'quick fix' mentality of goverments. The second is that a large percentage of profits flow out of the country and wind up with foreign investors, for example through resorts that are owned by foreigners. The last condition is the dynamics of the workforce. Foreigners are often holding the high professional positions in the tourism industry, while locals more often are low-wage workers in the service industry. Hall (1994) in Smith (2003) suggests that the socio-cultural influence of tourism depends on whether the country tourists come from has a hegemonic relation to the host country. Since most tourists come from Western countries who can be argued has a global cultural hegemony, the influence "will be pervasive in both social and cultural spheres" (Smith 2003, 49). Locals might not question their subservience to Western tourists, because the hegemonic and economic dynamics are inherent in upbringing and understanding of the world. Globalization has provided another layer to inequal host-guest power dynamics. Locals are exposed to lifestyles and luxurious products they cannot attain on a daily basis as workers in the tourism industry.

Many researchers have interpreted tourism as a new form of imperialism, because of the imbalance in power dynamics that arise between tourists and locals. According to Smith, cultural tranformation is an inevitable fact of tourism, something which strikes indigenous societies primarily (2002, 53). Their traditions, customs and values are adapted to tourism, rather than the other way around. In this way, tourism leads to homogenisation of culture in favor of the Westernized global culture. Behavior and lifestyles are sometimes copied by locals (Smith 2002, 53). In highly religious, indigenous or patriarchal societies these changes can lead to intra-generational conflicts, when younger generations desire a Western lifestyle while older generations are conserned about protecting traditions. Another example of deterioration of culture is how tourism commodifies culture. Excessive demand for traditional hand-made products can lead to mass production and loss of artisanal practices (Smith 2002, 55). Nevertheless, it is important to remember that culture is dynamic and will change over time, irrespective of tourism. However, it is clear that tourism contributes to the globalization of indigenous cultures, for better and worse.

Ecological tourism as a sustainable alternative? 2002 was declared the International Year of Ecotourism by the United Nations (UN) Commission on Sustainable Development (Smith 2003, 58). Smith uses the following definition of ecotourism by the Ecotourism Society, "Responsible travel to natural areas which conserves the environment and sustains the well-being of the local people" (2003, 58). Ecotourism has been promoted as a possible solution for conservation of biodiversity and a way out of poverty by international organizations such as the UN.

Growing concerns for climate change and cultural preservation have caused critique towards mass-tourism for its unsustainability and effects on local cultural and natural environments (Chavero 2013, 13). Ecological tourism has been presented as an sustainable option to the consumption-oriented mass-tourism. It is meant to help local economies and at the same time give tourists a more 'authentic' experience of nature and culture. But, according to Chavero, it has lead to a never-ending search for untouched nature and authencity of cultures, ironically disturbing the untouched and authentic parts of it. Often ecotourism takes place in indigenous or poor communities, left behind in terms of modernization and Western development (Chavero 2013, 14). This leads to a growing value of 'authencity' and indigenous and poor people, in the market of tourism.

Smith stresses that not all ecotourism is sustainable, and refers to Hall (1994) and Hawkins and Khan (1994, 193), who states that the footprint of an ecotourist is essentially the same as a 'mass-tourist' (2003, 58). What differentiates ecotourists is that they tend to be richer and looking for natural experiences in pristine environments, while also being concerned by environmental issues and wanting to be part of the solution. A problem is that the label of ecotourism is being abused as a marketing ploy, without any real monitoring of whether the companies are operating in a sustainable way (Smith 2003, 59). According to Smith, ecotourism and other forms of tourism can be successful; if it remains small-scale and the power of the locals is maximized.

It is worth keeping in mind the term 'indigenismo' when discussing cultural tourism. Most tourists who visit Mexico go to the coastal areas. However, there is a great interest among tourists to experience indigenous cultures and archeological sites. According to Greathouse-Amador, tourists often display a somewhat condescending attitude to the indigenous people. It goes into a pattern of wanting to experience the 'the other'. This self-acclaimed superiority and distance mixed with and romantization of the indigenous cultures is referred to as 'indigenismo'.

Case: Mayas in Quintana Roo Juárez conducted a study with a Maya community south of Tulum, where since the 1970s an immense tourist industry has been developing. Based on ethnographic field study, she found that the Maya communitites do not critique globalization in itself, but inequality, loss of cultural autonomy and their subordinate position in the global culture and economy. Mayas have limited control over the globalization process and the following mass tourism and its effects on their cultures and lives. In their lifetimes, they have experienced a shift from a subsistence based economy, where they grew food in milpas, to a commercialized tourist-oriented economy, where engaging in wage labor is a necessity. Tulum is in the state of Quintana Roo, which has had highest economical growth rate since the start of mass tourism in Mexico in the 1970s. Still, most local citizens remain marginalized. Quintana Roo is one of the countries wealthiest states, but also has some of the poorest citizens. Juárez refers to higher rates of infant and maternal mortility and lower life expectancy than average in Mexico.

The Mayas of Quintana Roo had centralized control over the area until the mid 1900s. After that, they were subject to state interventions such as land reforms in the 1930s, which were successful in other southern areas of Mexico, but hurt the autonomy Mayas previously had had over their lands, by being subject to laws that changed their communital land-sharing traditions. Since 1971, when the Mexican government and private entities started building megaresorts in Cancún, global tourism became a major factor in local Maya economies and lives. According to Juárez, the turn toward commercialization increased social stratification and inequality between Mayas. Furthermore, rapid population growth and influx of tourists has led to ecological degradation in the area. Juárez explains that the Mayas went from efficient, autonomous farmers who only needed to work half a year to have food for a whole year in unregulated lands, transformed into overworked farmers who are dependent on wage labor in addition to farming. The biological degradation has been very notable for them. For example, the access to game has reduced rapidly. In one of the interviews, a woman says that before, game was available to be hunted "as soon as you went out". But now (1992), "there is no game". The milpas were no longer creating enough corn, so they needed to buy, in addition to what they grow. Still, the community expressed that the tourist developments did bring benefits to them as well. Some said that life was harder before, for example childbirth, health issues, food shortage and so on. The benefits they mentioned were centered around material things and entertainment - having access to TV, radio, meeting more people, having soap and packaged goods. The costs they identified as natural degradation, for example in terms of less food from milpas, game and seafood. They no longer had the same access to the same lands or the coast. They used to have bigger areas and access to the coast for food. Now, private resorts took up much of the coast, even though all beaches are public by law in Mexico. They also missed immaterial things of the culture, such as oral traditions, a sense of reciprocity in the community and egualitarian social relations. The main shift was what life revolved around, from seeking food to seeking money, and an increased desire for modern products and lifestyles. According to Juárez, modernization in Tulum brought benefits for the Mayas, but also positioned them as a structurally and ideologically inferior global class.

Discussion and conclusion The case of the Mayas in Tulum show the reality of an indigenous community that went through social, cultural and economic changes as a consequence of tourism. They did not identify globalization itself as an issue and see themselves in a metaperspective, but they identified the changes they could sense in their own lives. As mentioned, inequality, loss of cultural autonomy and a subordinate position in the global culture and economy were identified as issues. These issues correspond with the issues in the debate of whether tourism is a new form of imperialism. The post-colonial discourse argues that tourism has parallels to imperialism because it is dominated by Western nationals who travel to post-colonial countries, where the locals are subservient to the tourists needs and wishes (Smith 2003, 49). As Smith writes, "the majority of the world population, particularly in some of the poorest nations, will never have the chance to venture outside their country, nor perhaps even their home or village" (2003, 49). This seems to be true for the Maya community in Tulum according to Juárez' observations. There is often a vast contrast between the opportunities and lifestyles between the tourists and hosts, as in this case. I would argue that this creates dichotomies between visitors and hosts. While the visitors are: rich, mobile, modern, consumers, often from countries that have benefited on colonialism, locals are: poor, stationary, in development, providing services and from a post-colonial context. This establishes an unequal powerdynamic between host and visitor. In the Mayas case, these developments, completely out of their control, has changed their access to lands and changed the land itself, with infrastructure that has driven game away, less food in milpas, access to the coast and so on. They have experienced cultural and social changes, that may or may not had happened without tourism. Quintana Roo has become one of the richest states in the country, yet they haven't experienced the same rise of wealth. This makes them experience themselves as inferior in their homelands.

However, they also identify benefits from globalization and tourism which should not be forgotten. The benefits they mention correspond to the main discourse on tourism, because they focus on the material development and integration into a globalized culture. They seem ambiguous towards the changes, because on one side their culture has changed, but on the other side "some things were worse before" and they have bigger access to goods. Ecotourism could be a viable alternative for the Mayas, to be able to take pride in their culture by showing it, and at the same time experience the economic benefits of tourism. But, also in ecotourism, the local versus external power relations can be a major problem. Often, the conservation practices of ecotourism are adapted from a Western perspective, while indigenous population may have had their own well functioning practices in the past. Another problem for the Mayas close to Tulum may be that they are not considered as 'authentic enough' for the tourists prejudice of what indigenous cultures should be in modern day Mexico. They are a Christian society, and Juárez' article give the impressions that the have similar lifestyles to many meztisos in Mexico.

In the end, a major issue is that the changes that are brought upon the indigenous communities are out of their own control. Other actors' interests are above the local communities wishes. Tourists have their demands, and there is a huge market there to tend to them and capitalize on the demands. When tourists are interested in authentic culture, indigenous communities often adapt to the demands. When tourists want to relax in nature, locals work in the hotels as staff, while foreign investors and foreign employees in higher ranking positions are on the top of the pyramid and take most of the profits. Another important actor is the national government, who will most probably set economic goals over preservation of nature. When even important organizations like the UN promote ecotourism without putting focus on measures to make sure it is really being done in a sustainable way, it is hard to see a way in which tourism can be controlled outside of the market. I would argue that ecotourism can be a sustainable option, but that it needs a mechanism to control it. Furthermore, governments and tourists alike need to change their attitudes and see the whole picture of the impacts on tourism.

Bibliography

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Día de muertos en México - importancia y mis experiencias personales

Ofrenda en el mercado Lagunilla

Contexto histórico y cultural

Por toda la semana pasada, he aprendido mucho sobre el contexto cultural y la historia de día de muertos en México. Es una de las celebraciónes más importantes para mexicanos, y se celebra 1 y 2 de noviembre, pero también hay eventos en toda la semana anterior. Día de muertos tiene orígen de Mesoamerica y una perspectiva de la muerte diferente que en la mayor parte del mundo. En el occidente y también otras partes del mundo, la muerte es un tema tabú y sólo encontrado con tristeza. Pero con día de muertos, se celebran las vidas que fueran con una fiesta por los fallecidos.

Lagunilla

Después de la conquista y la llegada de catolicismo en México, surgía una mezcla de los celebraciónes anteriores y nuevas. Los conquistadores manipulaban las indígenas de Mesoamerica a través de poner fechas de celebraciónes catolicos en días con significa por las culturas indígenas. Por lo tanto, las nuevas celebraciónes eran más facil integrar las ideas catolicas en la sociedad mesoamericana. En tiempos Prehispánicos celebraban la muerte seis veces al año. El día de muertos que celebramos ahora, coincidiendo con las celebraciones católicas de Día de los Fieles Difuntos y Todos los Santos. Según un sitio de web sobre la celebración, era común conservar los cráneos de los muertes como trofeos y usarlos durante rituales. Los cráneos tenían una significa símbolico por la muerte y el renacimiento.

Entonces, día de muertos es un ejemplo del sincretismo, desde tiempos y cosmovisiones Prehispánicos, a hoy en día con catolicismo y síncretismo en México. El propósito en ambos celebraciónes eran honorar a los muertos y sus vidas pasadas.

Mi experiencía de día de muertos El fin de semana antes del día de muertos, había muchos eventos en la ciudad de México. Fui al désfile en centro histórico en sábado, que fuera muy hermoso. El désfile mostró la historia de México, primero con gente con ropa inspirado de civilizaciónes mesoamericanas, por supuesto con caras pintadas de calaveras. Después de este mostró la conquista y entrada de catolicismo, y después la revolución mexicana, y ropa tradicional mexicana, y varios diferentes aspectos de la cultura moderna, pos ejemplo con la Catrina y el Catrin. Había gente de todas formas, muchos niños y familias, y la ambiente estuvo muy festivo.

Dios de lluvia del désfile

Mi experiencia de los días reales fue variado. Fuimos a Pátzcuaro y Isla Janitzio el primero de noviembre. Pátzcuaro es un pueblo chico y lindo con mucha festividad. Isla Janitizio fue incómodo por la cantidad de turistos y tiendas con cosas turisticas. Sentí que toda la celebración ya estaba acomodaba por turistos y no por las tradiciónes reales. Eso me entristreció. Tomamos el autobús nocturno a Ciudad de México y el proximo día descansamos en el día. En la noche fuimos a Huichapan, en el sur de la ciudad, pero cúando llegamos ya estuvo cerrada hace 15 minutos. Sin embargo, toda la experiencia de la semana pasada me enseñó sobre la celebración y eso fue muy interesante.

Ofrendas También fui a unos mercados y ví muchas ofrendas en todos lados. En el mercado del Chopo el sábado pasado, un mercado por las subculturas de rock, punk y más, yo ví una gran ofrenda dedicaba por grandes estrellas de rock fallecidos. En la ofrenda eran imagenes de, entre otros, John Lennon, Jimi Hendrix y Janis Joplin. 

Mercado del Chopo

Tenían muchos flores de cempasúchil cubrían todo el piso de la ofrenda en el color naranja. Además, había velas de luz, un gran humo delante de la ofrenda, cigarros y la música alta de las artistas. Gente con estilo de rock, con ropa negra de cuero y muchos pinchos, hacía la ofrenda. La atmósfera era genial, con esta ofrenda tradicional mexicana, pero también con elementos modernos de un grupo particular. En esta manera, era una ofrenda tradicional y personal en el mismo tiempo, que me gustó. También en el mercado Lagunilla el domingo eran ofrendas muy chidos. Las ofrendas tienen en común las cosas símbolicas como mucho cempasúchil, comida que ellos gustaban, fruta, agua, a veces tequila, velas y imagenes de los fallecidos. Me gusta la tradición que está en el fondo y como la gente lo hacen personal también.

Detalle en ofrenda en el mercado Lagunilla

Réflexion personal En mi opinion, la celebración de día de muertos es una cosa muy interesante en la cultura mexicana. En su fondo, es una perspectiva cultural de la muerte y de morir. Esta fiesta convierte algo difícil en una celebración de la vida, y eso me encanta muchisimo. También me alegra que tradiciónes Prehispánicos subsisten en otras formas hoy en la sociedad moderna de México.

Pan de muertos (el con azúcar)

Del désfile

Del désfile

Fuentes

Sin autor o fecha. Día de los Muertos. Descargó 3.11.17, http://diadelosmuertos.yaia.com/historia.html

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Real de Catorce

The Huicholes of Mexico have five sacred sites where they go on pilgrimages and do ceremonies that are important to their spiritual life. I went to Real de Catorce last weekend, and climbed one of these sacred sites called Wirikuta. On the top of the mountain called Cerro Quemado, meaning the "burned hill", we saw rock formations. These are used for ceremonies that are done at the end of the pilgrimage. The ceremony include, among other things, dance, meditation and eating the sacred peyote-cactus. We also found remains of a fire with candles and the remains of huichol-art in them. Here are some photos:

Offerings on Cerro Quemado.

Beautiful flora.

Sunset on the mountain range.

Ceremonial site for the huicholes.

Beautiful views.

Remains from the pilgrimage.

More cactuses.

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Mercado Jamaica

El fin de semana pasada, fui a mercado Jamaica para probar algunas comidas mexicanas. Una bebida que nunca he probado, que se llama Tepache, está hecho de piña fermentada con canela y clavo. Estaba muy sabrosa.

Unas de las comidas que probé son tlayudas, quesadillas con huitlacoche y pan de elote. Todo fue muy interesante. Casi toda la comida tiene maiz en común.

Tlayudas

Huitlacoche

Pan de elote

El mercado Jamaica es grandisimo, y casi la mitad es veniendo flores, y es por eso que el mercado es famoso.

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Voluntarios en Morelos

Hace unas semanas, fuimos con unos estudiantes de mi clase y un grupo organizado, a unos lugares cerca de Cuernavaca para voluntariar y ayudar después del sismo del 19 de septiembre. El estado de Morelos estuvo muy afectado por el sismo y este grupo de gente, conformado por artistas, académicos y médicos, se han organizado para ayudar al largo plazo. Fue una experiencia muy interesante. Hablar con la gente que está afectada de esta catástrofe fue triste pero también interesante. Siento que he aprendido mucho sobre la cultura mexicana con el evento del sismo. Mucha gente en la Ciudad de México y en todo el país se ha comprometido a trabajar voluntariamente para ayudarse uno al otro.

Aquí tengo unas fotos del viaje:

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Depictions of traditional knowledge and Western perspectives in Embrace of the Serpent

In this essay I will analyse the movie Embrace of the Serpent, a Colombian drama film directed by Ciro Guerra in 2015. First I will give a short summary of the film, then I will analyse how the movie depicts the foreign perspective on traditional knowledge, indigenous people and their territory, how indigenous peoples and their knowledge relates with nature, the cultural and environmental consequences of colonization seen in the movie and at last how the main characters transform after their cultural interaction.

Summary The movie is shot in black-and-white, and tells two stories simultaneously. Karamakate, the last survivor of his tribe in the Amazones and a shaman, are central in both stories. Two Western scientists visit the Amazon looking for a plant with healing properties, yakruna. The first man, Theodor from Germany, travels with a westernised local guide, Manduca, and has been in the Amazon for years doing anthropological work. He meets Karamakate when he gets fatally ill, and the shaman, skeptical of "white intruders" because of the extermination of his own people, reluctantly helps the scientist find yakruna. On their travels to find this plant, all characters are faced with challenges and somehow transform through their experiences. Many years later, the American botanist Evan, encounter an older Karamakate in search of yakruna. He has read the work of the deceased Theodor and asks Karamakate for help. The shaman agrees only after Evan says he is devoted to plants, although his real objective is rubber, more specifically disease-free rubber trees to advance US supplies of the material.

Theodor with an Amazonian tribe

Western perspectives on traditional knowledge, indigenous people and territories The movie depicts several Western perspectives on traditional knowledge, indigenous people and their territories. First, the perspective of anthropologer Theodor, who tries to understand and learn about traditional knowledge and cultures. He does this by interacting in a seemingly equal and non-eurocentric manner, even though he gets violent at one point. When indigenous children take his compass, he becomes incredibly angry, and act in a superior way. During the movie he goes from interested in traditional culture, to becoming home-sick and on the verge of regretting traveling. The other perspective is depicted by Evan, who seeks to exploit the indigenous heritage to his personal economic gain, even though he at the end transform into a more understanding character, changed by experience. Karamakate is initially skeptical to both, because of their ethnicity, but ends up helping them. This skepticisim clearly derives from the fact that his own tribe was exterminated by "outsiders" who ruined their territory in search of resources, such as rubber. That leads us to another Western perspective, the perspective of the exploiters, who do not see the value of traditional knowledge and see the groups as uncivilized people who can be easily taken advantage of. A fourth perspective are missionaries. In the movie the protagonists encounter a missionary school with a head-priest that forbid any behavior that links the indigenous children living there to their own cultures. This is a perspective that acknowledges that indigenous people are people, but that their beliefs are wrong. The indigenous are violently forced to assimilate to Christianity and Western thought and behavior.

Approaches to nature It is evident that the shamans traditional knowledge has a different approach to nature than the scientists. Karamakate shows respect to nature. As we have discussed in our class, indigenous groups of the Americas have a different view of nature than the Western Christian tradition. Christianity promote a view of nature where man is the master and nature can be tamed and used for our purpose. This has been taken to the extreme in modern capitalism, where natural resources are yet another commodity to be forced up by the roots and sold. This is an unsustainable practice that destroy local ecosystems. On the other hand, many indigenous groups have lived off nature and very close to nature for centuries. Their spirituality often regards nature in high respect, because it is the source of all life. An example of this is from an article from the Guardian, "When Evans describes himself as someone who has devoted himself to plants, Karamakate counters that this is the first reasonable thing he’s ever heard a white man say" (Hoffman, 17.02.16).

Manduca, Theodor and Karamakate

Cultural and environmental consequences of colonization

The main cultural and environmental consequences of colonization seen in the movie are the extermination of Karamakates tribe and the systematic rubber exploitation for economic gain. Both are dire consequences that cannot be reversed. The movie shows how deep the consequences of colonization are, without saying it directly but showing it instead. Karamakate is left without a tribe, knowing that his knowledge will die with him. In this sense, Theodor represents a foreigner whose mission is to document and capture traditional knowledge before it is lost to modernization.

Cultural interaction In the end, the main characters transform after their cultural interactions with eachother. As mentioned before, Karamakate is skeptical to the white scientists at first. Although he helps them both, he fluctuates between suspicion and approval throughout the movie. In the end of his journey with Theodor, they finally find the yakruna plant the german scientist desperately needs to stay alive. Karamakate ends up burning it in anger, he doesn't want yet another Westerner to harvest something that belongs to his culture. He doesn't want it to be planted in abundance and sold in a capitalist system. This most probably leads to the death of Theodor. Karamakate indicates that he owes Evan to be his guide many years later, maybe because of guilty conscience of what happened to Theodor? Later on it becomes obvious that Evan indeed had bad intentions. At one point he tries to kill Karamakate. In the end, however, Evan asks for forgiveness and Karamakate gives him a psychedelic which he ingests. This could be yakruna, and I get the impression that after ingesting it, Evan sees the world through Karamakates spiritual perspective. I interpret it as Evan ending up respecting Karamakates culture and beliefs and understanding how materialistic his own ambitions have been.

Young Karamakate

Old Karamakate with Evan

Sources:

Images: http://embraceoftheserpent.oscilloscope.net/

Hoffman, J. 17.02.16. Embrace of the Serpent review – dreamlike exploration of the Amazon's imperialist pollution. Retrieved 29.9.17 from https://www.theguardian.com/film/2016/feb/17/embrace-of-the-serpent-review-ciro- guerra-colombian-amazon

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Syncretism

Syncretism is a keyword in our classes on biocultural heritage in Mexico. Syncretism refers to combining different belief systems, traditions or culture. Contemporary Mexico can be seen as a result of syncretism, of hundreds of years of pre-hispanic indigenous culture mixed with spanish catholic culture. Even though this particular history of syncretism also is based on imbalance of power and exploitation, Mexico has an even longer history of syncretism. 

From Museo Nacional de Culturas Populares. 

The people that migrated to Latin-America 30-40,000 years ago came from somewhere in Asia. They adapted to the new climate in the Americas and changed. Later on they were mixed with spaniards, whom had earlier been conquered by arabs for centuries,  and were a result of mixture with Europe and North-Africa (which again was mixed with other Africans and Asians). It is in ways a very obvious observation, but still it is interesting to remember the continous migration, and how humans have and will always migrate and mix.

The three of life, here from Museo Nacional de Culturas Populares in Coyoacán in Mexico City, is an example of syncretism. It shows different components of what Mexico is made of today.

It also makes me think about Europe today in regards to the refugee crisis. The concept of 'syncretism', in addition to looking at patterns of migration since the start of homo sapiens' history, makes it obvious to me that all societies and at all times have migrated and merged with each other. Why does migration now a days feel so threatening for people that it has led to the rise of the far right in Europe? From my perspective, also being a product of modern migration (India and Norway), migration brings so much knowledge together from different parts of the world. We might say its a result of globalization, but I feel sure that people have always migrated and will continue to do so.

Some more photos from the museum

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Guerrero Mexica

I was in Malinalco for the weekend, a beautiful "pueblo mágico". I went to the Texcaltepec, Templo Monolítico - an archeological site (as I will tell you later on, I am unsure if this is the right term). We reached it by walking up a beautiful, green mountain for about half an hour (including mango breaks as seen here).

When we came to the top, we met a man who called himself "Guerrero Mexica". His hispanic name was Martín, and he spoke to the group of people that were on the site then. This was very different than any usual guided tour-talk. He spoke personally and with his choice of words, managed to redefine how the listeners understood México as a country today and its history. 

One example of this is how he was frustrated with the terms used to describe the place we were in and others similar to it. Today, adjusted to tourism, they are called pyramids, archeological sites or ruins. He emphasized that to the people who made the buildings, they were often sacred places, and that still, they should carry their original names. They are not merely ruins, and as a matter of fact, none of them are pyramids. Pyramids have pointed tops, whereas all the archeological sites (?) in México have flat tops.

 It is hard to convey his message in this format, but he really made me reflect on the way mexicans and others speak of their history and how the language we use reflects and affects indigenous peoples today. It is a way of neglecting their history and culture. 

There were mostly mexican people there, and they all seemed to take in and reflect on his words. For example about contemporary spirituality (which he meant is corrupted, all catholic holidays end with drunken parties, in contrast to the wisdom and spirituality their ancestors had), nationalism (how most mexicans are proud of their country, but know next to nothing about México as in the territory before the conquest) and how their very own history is being erased.