#用tripod

[niteshade925]

April 13, Xi'an, China, Shaanxi Archaeology Museum/陕西考古博物馆 (Part 2 - Shang and Zhou dynasty):

A 1:1 replica of a Warring States period (476 - 221 BC) horse chariot that was unearthed in an ancient tomb in Gansu province. The original artifact was made of lacquered wood, decorated with gold, silver, bronze, turquoise, and other semi-precious stones; it's basically the "Lamborghini" of its time. This replica was just sitting in the hallway in between exhibition halls, and it's very big:

Another one of my favorites, which is also one of the stars of the museum. These are called xizun/牺尊, which are animal-shaped bronze wine vessels (notice the lid on its back). This particular pair is "deer-shaped", but also has patterns on the sides that look like bird wings and paws that look like those of predators. Ugh they are so cute...🥺

A Western Zhou dynasty (1046 - 771 BC) "lunch box" made of bronze, called a luxu/录盨. It was found inside of a Western Han dynasty (202 BC - 8 AD) tomb, indicating that even Chinese people from 2000 years ago had an interest in collecting artifacts from earlier times

More bronze food/wine vessels from Shang dynasty (1600 - 1046 BC) and Zhou dynasty (1046 - 256 BC). Top one is called a gui/簋, bottom left is a gu/觚, and bottom right is a jue/爵. The tall-footed wine vessels can be used to warm up wine before drinking, by heating it with a small flame placed between the feet.

This is what a complete set of bronze vessels from Shang/Zhou dynasties looks like. This particular set, called "fanjin and thirteen vessels"/柉禁十三器 (translated as "Altar Set") is currently at the Met. This diagram below gives the name of each vessel:

Bronze chariot decorations with turquoise inlays. The bronze would have looked golden back then

A little bronze dragon. Cute.

Late Western Zhou dynasty pendant made of jade and agate beads called a yupei/玉佩, and from what I can gather, this one should be part of a necklace, which would be one heavy necklace indeed. I feel like a lighter modern replica might go well with sweaters though:

Left: necklaces, bracelets, and armlets from Spring and Autumn period (770 - 476 BC). Right: another jade and agate yupei from Spring and Autumn period, but this one was probably supposed to be hung from the waist.

This one is known as the Rui Gong ding/芮公鼎 or "Cauldron of Duke Rui", which is a bronze tripod ritual vessel (known as ding/鼎). It is inscribed with the text "内(芮)公乍(作)铸口宫宝鼎，万年子孙永宝用", which roughly translates as "Duke Rui cast this treasured ding, may his descendants use it for ten thousand years to come".

More bronze vessels. The top two are ding/鼎 vessels. Sidenote: notice the right one......does it look familiar? I'm pretty sure the rectangular ding is one of the inspirations for the design of TotK's temple of time. Also note the design patterns...I'm fairly certain these are the inspiration for TotK's aesthetics. TotK's Zonai script is also clearly inspired by Seal script/篆书 (I do want to make a post on this but my hands are pretty full atm)

Gold decorations on accessories:

An (incomplete?) bianzhong/编钟 (bronze bell set) and bianqing/编磬 set. The pentagonal stone chimes on the bottom are part of the bianqing.

A paper that studied the oldest face cream found in China (link to the article on Nature for those who have access).

Wadang/瓦当 (decorative roof edges) from Warring States period featuring various animals and mythical creatures, and their moulds:

[araiwatal]

渓谷を流れる川の音。 これは1／fゆらぎをもったピンクノイズです。 その効果をネットで調べてみますと、次のように書かれていました 寝つきが良くなる 深い眠りにつく時間が長くなる ノンレム睡眠が増える 記憶の再編成が促進される リラックス 集中力アップ 赤ちゃんを安心させる と、ストレスの多い現代人にピッタリな効果がズラズラと並んでいます どうせピンクノイズを聞くなら、美しい大自然のものが良いですよね。 そこで、カメラと三脚を担いで秋川渓谷までハイキングをして、 音と映像にこだわり撮影しました。 作業用動画としてぜひともご活用ください。

The sound of a river flowing through a valley. This is pink noise with 1/f fluctuation. I looked up its effects on the internet and the effects are as follows. Falls asleep easier. Extends the time spent in deep sleep. Increases non-REM sleep. Promotes memory reorganization. Relaxes. Improves concentration. Reassures babies. The list goes on, and is full of effects perfect for stressed modern people. If you're going to listen to pink noise, it might as well be something from beautiful nature. So I took my camera and tripod and hiked to Akigawa Valley, and captured beautiful sounds and images. Please use it as an ambient video.

4K【深い眠り】秋川渓谷【ASMR】自然音💧8時間 4K [Deep Sleep】Akigawa Valley [ASMR] nature sounds💧8hours

[calleryphoto]

🪨 影石幾好玩 但唔應該用無反玩 太容易有熱噪點

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📸 @CalleryPhoto

📍 Sam Ka Tsuen, Hong Kong

🗓 2023. 12. 25

💻 Lightroom

🎞 Single Frame

•

Social:

IG. FB. Threads. Twitter. LINE. VERO. Flickr. Tumblr. Pinterest: CalleryPhoto

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• Panasonic LUMIX S1 @lumix

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• Sigma Mount Converter MC-21 ( EF - L )

• KASE Wolverine Armour 100mm System

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• iFootage Gazelle FastBowl TC7 Tripod

• Leofoto G4 Geared Head

• Leofoto GR-2 Geared Panning Clamp

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[pronouncingitwang]

[Description: A two-minute Douyin by 33310118231. Dialogue is in Standard Chinese with captions in Chinese and English, with emojis and special effects added for emphasis and humor. An interviewer approaches a person on the street. The person next to them responds. Their conversation is as follows:

(Chinese version)

A: 请问一下可不可以用五块钱换一个你身边最炸裂的八卦？

B: [laughing and taking money] 你先说！你先说！

就是我的一个大学同学 [laughing] 他真的很恶心，他长得很丑。然后他高中高三的时候谈了一个女朋友，她现在考到浙江去了，但是这个男生突然之间地就是冷淡她嘛冷暴力她，然后突然那个男生发了个微信转台，这个男生的缩写名字然后一个爱心然后是另外一个女生的缩写。这个女生明知道他有女朋友，结果他们俩现在还在联系，然后两个人就是会约在某个酒店见面，然后 [they gesture, the caption reads 大火爆炒] 当中最抓马的一次就是这个女生突然之间某一次发生着关系的时候这个男生说，“我想录视频。”这个男生平时做这种事情的时候-

A: [reaching into pocket for another 5 yuan] 等一下，我在给你- [B laughing] 请您继续说。

B: 谢谢。这男生，他平时是会关灯的但是今天突然之间他就说，“开着灯”,甚至带了一个三脚架。

A: [laughing and reaching into pocket] 等一下- [handing another 5 yuan, B laughs]

B: 就是带了一个三脚架然后放在那个阳台上面嘛，让后那个女生不同意，结果穿上衣服就走了。然后后面又去打听到我们戏里面的另外两个女生现在也被这个男生在约，同一时间约会四个女生，但是呢他就是跟那两个骚的女生说，“姐姐，我是你的小狗狗。” [laughing] 他说，“狗狗要哭了，解决能不能来安慰一下狗狗？”

A: [laughing and handing more money] 五元！太搞笑了！

B: 然后后面，浙江的那个女生，就是原配质问那个男生，“这种事情你怎么做得出来的？”然后这个男生跟她说得很义正言辞说，“我不认为我在聊骚。聊骚这种事情应该是两个情投意合互相喜欢的人。我们只是说一些这种话，都是很正常的，但我认为这并不是聊骚。”最抓马的事情就是他们两个现在还在一起。[A looks confused] 他们还一起约去海边散步、一起发朋友圈、一起冲浪。

B: 你说是那男的和那学姐是吧？

A: 对的！

The end screen reads, "真实街采。谢谢观看"

(English version)

A: Excuse me, could I trade you 5 yuan for the spiciest gossip you know?

B: [laughing and taking money] You go first! You go first!

Just like, I had this university classmate... [laughing] Like, this guy, he's really very disgusting, and he's very ugly. And then when he was in senior year of high school, he got this girlfriend who is now at school in Zhejiang. But this guy, he suddenly just like, started giving her the cold shoulder, started emotionally neglecting her. And then suddenly that guy posted a WeChat status. It was this guy's abbreviation, and then a heart, and then some other girl's abbreviated name. That girl knew he had a girlfriend, but in the end, the two of them still kept in contact. And then the two of them would meet up at a certain hotel... And then... [they gesture, the caption reads "big fiery eruption"] At the time, the most "drama" time was just like, this girl- Suddenly during one time that they were having relations, this guy said, "I want to record a video." Normally when this guy was-

A: [reaching into pocket for another 5 yuan] Hold on, let me give you another... [B laughing] Please continue speaking.

B: Thank you. This guy would normally turn off the lights, but that day, suddenly, in the middle of it, said, "Keep the lights on." He even brought a tripod.

A: [laughing and reaching into pocket] Hold on. [handing another 5 yuan, B laughs]

B: Just like, he brought a tripod and then put it on the balcony. And then that girl wouldn't agree to it, so she put on her clothes and left. And then she went to inquire with our drama's two other girls. Right now, they were also being dated by this guy. He was dating 4 girls at once. But like, he was telling those two girls he was sexting with, "Jiejie, I'm your little puppy." [laughing] He said, "Puppy is going to cry. Can jiejie come console puppy?"

A: [laughing and handing more money] 5 yuan! So funny...

B: And then later on, the girl at Zhejiang, that is, the original girl, she asked the guy, "How could you even do something like this?" And then that guy said to her, as if totally justified, "I don't believe that I'm sexting. Sexting is something that can only be done by two who are in love. We were just saying this kind of stuff... It's all very normal... But I don't think this necessarily counts as sexting." The most "drama" part of this is the two of them are still together right now. [A looks confused] They still go on beach dates and stroll by the sea, they still post WeChat Moments together, they go surfing together-

B: You're saying that guy and the university girl?

A: Yes!

The end screen reads, "Real Street Interviews. Thanks for watching"

The reblog shows that USD/CNY exchange rate. 5 Chinese Yuan is 70 cents.

/end description]

Paying 5 yuan for hot gossip

English added by me :)

[masterscrafts]

Crystal Vessel, Chinese Ding, A Majestic Duo

Color: Bluish / Green Clear

Material: Crystal Glass

Technique: Pate de Verre

Size: 5.12L x 2.76D x 3.54H inches

Limited Edition: 3,278 pieces (Worldwide)

Note: As the art pieces are individually hand-made, the color and dimensions will vary slightly.

Sku: PCC053.ADACF

Design Concept

2 mythical creature tigers face each other, guarding the central tripod, forming the shape of a treasure-filled basin. The cloud pattern below the artwork represents abundant blessings, arriving on clouds. Gui & ding (vessels) are the most common archaeological discoveries in bronze ware, followed by the appearance of pottery gui & jade gui. The casting methods, decorative patterns & inscriptions on bronze ware are important representations of ancient Chinese civilization. From the unique expression in terms of form & production techniques, unprecedented efforts have been made in the study of patterns. In order to restore the perfect form of the bronze ware, a design element of double ears has been added.

兩隻螭虎兩兩對望，守護著中央的鼎，是一聚寶盆之造型。作品下方之如意雲紋，代表著滿滿福氣的祝福，乘雲而來。簋和鼎(器皿)，是青銅器中最常見的考古發現，而後也有陶器���、玉簋的出現。青銅器的鑄造方法、雕飾花紋，篆刻銘文都是中國古代文明的重要表現。從造型到製作在技法上的獨特表現，前所未有，對紋飾的運用，花了大量的時間研究。為了還原青銅器的完美造型，加入了雙耳的設計部分。

A Majestic Duo

Mighty, a working partnership Upon clear clouds of fulfillment. At the crux of an era, Take in the exquisite beauty of the sun and moon.

威風共青雲

威風合力 青雲圓滿； 在時代的關鍵 看日月都錦繡。

[joyousnudibranch]

Living in a Japanese countryside as locals involves doing a lot of community chores. You would easily say that traditional customs are lovely and should be continued, IF you are a guest or “just helping with” some traditional community events there. But for locals, keeping tradition demands hard work, conformity, sense of duty and sacrifice as the price of worm feeling of belongingness. And as the aging and depopulation of the community gets worse, the community members there can’t help having complicated feeling about keeping tradition... I guess it’s the same, more or less, in other countries, too... 日本の田舎の地元民の暮らしを生きるという事は、地域で集まってする作業をイロイロすることを含む。お客さんとか、行事を「手伝う」という立場からなら、「伝統的な行事はステキ」とやすやすと言えるものだが。その暮らしを生きる者にとっては、地域の伝統を踏襲することは、暖かなつながりやそこに所属してるという実感の代償として、シンドイ作業・人と同じようにする義務、責任、そして犠牲が必ず伴う。 犠牲というのは、時間やお金だけの話じゃなく。その地の行事・風習を本気で全部続けて行くなら、そこに住むしかない、他所に出ていけない、という一面もある。たとえそこでは活かしきれない能力があっても、他の場所に行きさえすればかなえられる夢があっても、そこにいては結ばれることが出来ない愛する人が他所にいても、そういうものを犠牲にしなければならなくなってくるのは一つの事実だ。 そして、地域の高齢化・��疎化が進むにつれ、伝統を繋げていく事には複雑な想いが必ずつきまとって...　おそらく、世界のどこでも、多かれ少なかれこういうことは同じなんじゃないだろうか...。

Anyway, this morning, people in my neighborhood (of course including me) got together at 7:00 am to clean the small temple for o-bon. (Here we celebrate o-bon in July instead of August.) ともあれ、今朝は午前7時に集まって、ウチの近所の持仏堂の掃除。（この辺は7月盆なので）。

Our job was to clean the gathering place, cut grass and build this special stand made with bamboo and leaves. 今日の仕事は、お堂の掃除に周りの草刈り、そして施餓鬼棚の作成。

In o-bon, offerings are made for our ancestors who visit us in this special period. But this stand is a special one for gaki or hungry ghosts. They are the soles of bad people who can not go to the other world and are always starving as punishment. It is considered a virtue to save such hungry ghosts, too, in this o-bon period, so traditionally many Buddhists make this kind of stand and offer food in it. The small bamboo stick and tripods are used as candle holder (though they use candlewicks and oil, not regular candles) when they pray for the hungry ghosts. お寺でとか自宅ででなく、集落の檀家で集まって、持仏堂周りの自然の草木を使って施餓鬼棚を作る行事をやってる所って、室戸でも他にどれだけあるんだろう？

There will be a small gathering for o-bon celebration this Saturday. Usually they have a very humble banquet after prayer, but this year the banquet is cancelled because of COVID-19. 今週土曜が、お参りの日。例年なら会食もあるところが、コロナのため、昨年から食事の部分はナシ。

BTW, I learned something new today. I found this old, small tombstone and asked what it was for. They say that it was to console the sole of an ancient warrior. According to the legend, he was running on a horseback, being chased by his enemy. Then his horse stumbled on rice stump and he fell down. He was caught and killed by the enemy, so he resented the rice stump so much that he turned into a pest that damage the rice. Thus, farmers started some ritual to pray for his sole so that he won’t damage their rice. Until today, I didn’t know about this legend or the fact that our neighbors are still keeping this tradition by praying at this tombstone once a year. (Almost none of the neighbors grow rice any more...) ところで、今日初めての発見！ 持仏堂の裏に、この墓石があって、ちゃんと掃除して花枝を供えてる。コレは誰の墓石かと尋ねたら、「虫送り」のためのお参り用なのだと。 なんでも昔の侍で、敵に追われて馬で逃げてた時、馬が田の稲の切り��につまづいて転び、敵につかまって殺されたので、恨みに思って稲を枯らす害虫に生まれ変わった人がいたとか。（農民こそエライ迷惑だ）その人の霊を祀って、稲が枯れないように祈る習慣が「虫送り」だそうで。日本でもいろんなところで残ってるらしいと。 家で後で調べたら、たぶんこの斎藤実盛の伝説から来てる風習のようで。この人、平氏の出らしいから、ウチの辺りの集落の先祖が平家の落人だったという言われの裏付けなのかも？

It WAS really tiring to do the work early in the morning in this humid weather. But it did feel good to clean up a place and do something together with community people. I always feel touched by the community people’s diligence and cooperation. Really... But how long can we continue this?  Would younger generation come back to this rural place to keep this tradition? Oh, no, not for this tradition only.  There HAS TO be decent work for them... and decent living condition for them and their children. Can this place provide that? Or is it really worth keeping this small traditional custom? I mean, we have A LOT of such traditional customs here in this neighborhood, more than other places in the same city. Aren’t we being the slave of it rather than appreciating it? There’s a lot of questions to be answered and one of these days we’re going to have to make some choices...

.

[homest]

(三脚で固定した時だけに現れる隠し(？)設定iPhone13での長時間露光 – AOKA-Tripodから)

あまり知られていませんが、Appleの純正カメラアプリはiPhoneが三脚等に固定されたことを検出して、自動的に１０秒以上の長時間露光（スローシャッター）を行うことができるようになります。 この機能はナイトモードが搭載されているiPhone11以降で(Apple公式ヘルプより)利用することができます。

[jemch]

How It’s Made Index（S21~S30）

How It’s Made是由 Discovery Channel 制作一款王牌节目，又被翻译为制造的原理或造物小百科， 本片从2001年推出至今，涵盖了几乎所有的制造技术 ，非常适合机械专业和对此感兴趣的同学。希望大家享受这趟制造的艺术之旅！

第二十一季推出时间为2013-04-04至2013-08-01

S21E01 Rubber Gloves; Soap Carvings; Aircraft Cabinets; Motorcycle Brake Locks 橡胶手套，肥皂雕刻，飞机木柜，摩托车制动锁

本集看点：极其舒适的橡胶手套制作过程；

S21E02 Powder Horns; Handcrafted Molds; Perogies; Inner Tubes 粉角，手工模具，饺子，内胎

S21E03 Lace; Antique Frame Replicas; Orchids; Unicycle Wheel Hubs 蕾丝，古董架复制品，兰花，独轮车轮毂

S21E04 External Hard Drives; Frozen Shrimp; Thai Rice Boxes; Paper Towel 外置硬盘，冷冻虾，泰国米箱，纸巾

本集看点：硬核的西部数据移动硬盘组装制程；

S21E05 Tea; Roof Finials; Artificial Flowers; Alloy Wheels 茶，屋顶饰物，人造花，合金轮毂

S21E06 Gel Caps; Playground Spring Riders; Frozen Pancakes; Natural Rubber 胶囊，摇摇玩具，冷冻煎饼，天然橡胶

S21E07 Paper Umbrellas; Coal; Aircraft Seats; Urns 纸伞，煤，飞机座椅，瓮

S21E08 Aluminum Canoes;Wood Bowls;Wheelchair Accessible Vans;Marimbas 铝独木舟，木碗，残疾人改装车，木琴

S21E09 Indy Car Seats; Paper Flowers; Stand-by Generators; 赛车座椅，纸花，备用发电机

S21E10 Knee Replacements; Leaf Springs; Lavender; Rivets and Rivet Tools 膝关节置换，��板弹簧，薰衣草，铆钉和铆钉的工具

本集看点：另外一种大型弹簧结构；铆钉的工作原理；

S21E11 Cast Iron Stoves; Ultralight Aircraft; Snow Groomers; Rubber Bands 铸铁炉具，超轻型飞机，推雪车，橡皮筋

S21E12 Barber Chairs; Sewage Pumps; Bimini Boat Tops; Diesel Filters 理发椅，污水泵，比米尼游乐船，柴油过滤器

S21E13 Car Tires; Silk; Art Conservation; Scuba Tanks 汽车轮胎，丝绸，艺术保护，潜水氧气瓶

本集看点：铝合金终极冲压教程；

本季资源链接：

magnet:?xt=urn:btih:8e3c0ca289825ca99cbb7699dcbaf926aeb42265&dn

第二十二季推出时间为2013-10-10至2014-01-16

S22E01 Electric Stand-Up Vehicles; Frozen Fruit; Beer Coasters; Forged Door Handles 电动站立车，冰冻水果，啤酒杯垫，锻造门把手

本集看点：专业铁匠；

S22E02 Rock Crushers;Fabric Lampshades;Cake Sprinkles;Steam Irons 岩石破碎机，织物灯罩，蛋糕彩条，蒸汽熨斗

S22E03 Indy Steering Wheels;Mixed Salad;Wind Turbines 印地赛车方向盘，什锦沙拉，风力涡轮机

S22E04 Blast Doors; Lipstick; Artificial Palm Trees; Brass Plaques 防爆门，口红，人造棕榈树，黄铜牌匾

S22E05 Carbon Fiber; Antique Frame Restoration; Railcar Movers; Hood Ornaments 碳纤维，古董保存架，有轨机车，车头装饰品

S22E06 Sawhorses and Toolboxes;Sorbet Pops;School Buses 史丹利工具箱，便携汁冰糕，校车

S22E07 Sanders;Solid Terrain Models;Stucco;High-Speed Roll-up Doors 抛光机，固体地形模型，水泥，高速卷门

S22E08 Pressed Glass;Pickup Truck Caps;Alpaca Yarn;Utility Knives 压制玻璃，敞蓬小型载货卡车，羊驼纱线，工具刀

S22E09 Body Casting; Downdraft Stoves; Compression Garments; Electric Motorcycles 身体模型，气流炉灶，长袜，电动摩托车

S22E10 Sidecars;Frozen French Toast;Refrigerator Compressors;Superchargers 摩托侧箱，冷冻法式土司，冰箱压缩机，增压器

S22E11 Custom Knee Braces;Air Conditioners;Window Films;Motorcycle Exhaust 定制膝盖支撑，空调，窗户贴膜，摩托车排气管

S22E12 Solid State Drives;Eye Shadow;Limousines;Dead Blow Hammers 固态硬盘，眼影，豪华加长轿车，香槟锤

本集看点：先进半导体制程制作的硬盘；

S22E13 Dragster Tires; Icing; Floating Docks; Spiral Pipes 赛车轮胎，冰淇淋，飘浮船坞，螺旋管

本季资源链接：

magnet:?xt=urn:btih:c1ddbd38f95041c1482295587ae0c59e19416937&dn

第二十三季推出时间为2014-04-03至2014-07-03

S23E01 Motion Sensors; Belt Loaders; Pheasant Breeding; Diving Helmets 运动传感器，带式装载机，野鸡养殖，潜水头盔

本集看点：先进半导体制程制作的传感器芯片；

S23E02 Rawhide Lampshades; Chocolate Chip Cookies; MRI Scanners 皮灯罩，巧克力饼干，核磁共振成像扫描仪

S23E03 Noise Barrier Walls; Front-Load Washers; Bourbon; Flexible Circuit 声音屏障墙，滚筒洗衣机，威士忌，柔性电路板（FPC）

本集看点：柔性电路板是如何加工的；

S23E04 Railway Bridge Ties; Membrane Filters; Hydraulic Post Drivers; Bi-Planes 铁路桥梁枕木，膜过滤器，桩机，四翼飞机

S23E05 Hospital Laundry; Brass Instrument Restoration; Horse Replicas; Excavation 医院洗衣，铜管乐器修复，马复制品，挖掘机挖斗

本集看点： 用玻璃纤维制作空心复制品；巨厚钢板的激光切割，折弯与焊接；

S23E06 Ceramic Fireplaces; Synthetic Corks; Parking Garage Floor Slabs 陶瓷壁炉，合成软木塞，车库楼板

本集看点： 多种塑胶粒子组合的连续注塑；

S23E07 Oil Pressure Sensors; Printing; Equipment Simulators; Head & Neck Restraints 油压传感器，大型印刷，设备模拟器，护颈

本集看点： 打金线制程；

S23E08 Mobile Concert Stages; Mascara; Continuous Miners; Wood Gift Boxes 移动音乐会舞台，睫毛膏，挖煤机，木制礼品盒

S23E09 NASCAR Car Bodies; Hurley Sticks; Tube Amplifiers; Thermal Coffee Pots 纳斯卡跑车车身，赫尔利球球棒，声音放大器，热咖啡壶

S23E10 Electric Vehicle Charging Stations; Grappa; Lunar Rover Replicas 电动汽车充电站； 格拉巴酒； 月球车复制品

S23E11 Slate Tiles; Hot Dog Carts; Garage Door Openers; Bicycle Seats 板岩瓷砖；热狗车； 车库门开启器； 自行车座椅

S23E12 Racing Leathers; Evaporative Cooling Towers; Rocking Chairs; Wire Wheels 赛车皮革；蒸发冷却塔； 摇椅； 钢丝轮

本集看点： 滚丝螺纹工艺；

S23E13 Mountain Bikes; Rice; Lever Action Rifles 山地自行车；大米；杠杆动作步枪

S23E14 Shark Week Edition: Surfboards; Diving Regulators; SCUBA Tanks; Water Skis 回收冲浪板； 潜水调节器； 潜水氧气瓶； 滑水板

S23E15 300th Episode - Shark Week Edition: Sails; Reef Aquariums; Oceanographic Buoys; Folding Kayaks 风帆； 珊瑚礁水族馆； 海洋浮标； 折叠皮划艇

本季资源链接：

magnet:?xt=urn:btih:33139d133183e8bf6e6dfec6684ca9f07bec0982&dn

第二十四季推出时间为2014-09-25至2015-01-15

S24E01 Saunas; Wheelchair Lifts; Dioramas 桑拿； 轮椅升降机； 立体模型

S24E02 Oil Lamps; Chocolate Mints; Underfloor Heating; Pillows 油灯； 巧克力薄荷糖； 地板采暖; 枕头

S24E03 Upright Pianos; Flags; Wet/Dry Vacuums; Medieval Axes 立式钢琴； 旗帜； 湿式/干式吸尘器； 中世纪斧头

S24E04 Skeletal Replicas; Ice Buckets; Dining Chairs; Inground Pools 骨骼复制品； 冰桶； 餐椅； 地下游泳池

S24E05 Automatic Sliding Doors; Gin; Firearms Restoration 自动推拉门； 杜松子酒; 枪械修复

S24E06 Scuba Lights; Sandals; Race Car Simulators; Fibreglass Doors 潜水灯；凉鞋；赛车模拟器； 玻璃钢门

S24E07 Wood Windows; Cashmere Fabric; Plastic Recycling; Architectural Glass 木窗； 羊绒面料； 塑料回收； 建筑玻璃

S24E08 Gas Barbecues; Mattress Pads; Ear Prostheses 燃气烧烤炉； 床垫； 耳假体

S24E09 Recycled Skateboards; Braided Pastry; Construction Trailers; Vises 回收滑板； 编织糕点； 施工拖车； 虎钳

S24E10 Plasma Gems; Special Effects Snow; Piano Restoration 等离子宝石； 特效雪； 钢琴修复

S24E11 3-Wheel Electric Bikes; Skin Cream; Patio Heaters; Wood Wheels 三轮电动自行车； 润肤霜; 天井取暖器； 木轮

S24E12 Old West Holsters; Underwater Video Housings; Soy Beverages; Pet Nail Trimmers 老西部皮套； 水下视频外壳； ��豆饮料； 宠物指甲修剪器

S24E13 Wood Garage Doors; Sand and Salt Spreaders; Animatronic Dinosaurs 木车库门； 沙子和盐撒布机； 电子动画恐龙

本季资源链接：

magnet:?xt=urn:btih:0a4eda224bbaf24666bb12c13bf1cd5732bf51fd&dn

第二十五季推出时间为2015-04-02至2015-07-02

S25E01 Grammy Awards; Bicycle Lights; Above-Ground Pools; Foldable Solar Panels 格莱美奖; 自行车灯； 地上游泳池； 可折叠太阳能电池板

S25E02 Led Stage Lights; Apple Cider; Chemical Tank Trailers; Ornate Stone Floor LED舞台灯； 苹果酒; 化学品罐拖车； 华丽的石地板

S25E03 Fishing Line; Industrial Mixers; Natural Baking Soda; and Tow Trucks 钓鱼线; 工业搅拌机； 天然小苏打； 拖车

S25E04 Storage Sheds; Industrial Fans; Parchment Paper; and Climbing Walls 储藏棚； 工业风扇；羊皮纸；攀岩墙

S25E05 Precast Concrete Walls; 3D Printers; Telescopic Cranes; Kerosene Lamp Burners 预制混凝土墙； 3D 打印机； 伸缩式起重机； 煤油灯燃烧器

S25E06 Car Headlamps; Directional Drills; Pet Combs; and Stained Glass Restoration 汽车大灯； 定向钻； 宠物梳子； 彩色玻璃修复

S25E07 Handcrafted Skis; Septic Tanks; Hydroformed Chassis Parts; Aquarium Windows 手工制作的滑雪板； 化粪池; 液压成型底盘零件； 水族馆窗户

S25E08 Zip Line Brakes; Silk Fiber Lamps; Round Balers; Comfort Shoes 拉链线制动器； 丝纤维灯； 圆形打包机； 舒适鞋

S25E09 Armored Vehicles; Tension Fabric Buildings; Rowers; Sculpture Enlargements 装甲车； 张力织物建筑； 划船者； 雕塑放大

S25E10 Mountain Bike Suspensions; Surgical Sutures; Grain Dryers; and Frying Pans 山地自行车悬架； 手术缝合； 谷物烘干机； 煎锅

S25E11 Downhill Ski Bindings; Immersion Washers; Mining Ventilation; Pencil Sharpeners 速降滑雪绑定； 浸入式垫圈； 矿用通风； 卷笔刀

S25E12 Gingerbread Houses; Livestock Trailers; Hangar Doors; and Toy Figurines 姜饼屋； 牲畜拖车； 机库门； 玩具公仔

S25E13 Traffic Signal Poles; Coffee Filters; and Chainsaw Mining Machines; 交通信号杆； 咖啡过滤器； 链锯采矿机；

本季资源链接：

magnet:?xt=urn:btih:78ae318559e0477f5bb1db0abb0fcfa841e491be&dn

第二十六季推出时间为2015-09-10至2015-12-17

S26E01 Time-Delay Locks; Brownies; Pallet Dispensers; and Crystal Chandeliers 延时锁； ���朗尼; 托盘分配器； 水晶吊灯

S26E02 Bead Wire; Mini Pepperoni; Irrigation Sprinklers; and Leather Gloves 珠线； 迷你意大利辣香肠； 灌溉喷头； 皮手套

S26E03 Mouth-Blown Window Glass; Water Pumps; Sake; Tweezers 口吹窗玻璃； 水泵; 清酒; 镊子

S26E04 Statue Restoration; Tripods; Polish Sausages; Welding Guns 雕像修复； 三脚架； 波兰香肠； 焊枪

S26E05 Champagne; ATMs; Marine Turbochargers; 香槟酒; 自动取款机； 船用涡轮增压器；

S26E06 Sharpening Steels; Bladder Pumps; Ironing Boards; and Kayak Paddles 磨刀钢； 膀胱泵； 烫衣板； 皮划艇桨

S26E07 Champagne Hoods; Pneumatic Systems; Espresso Machines; Pizza Ovens 香槟罩； 气动系统； 浓缩咖啡机； 比萨烤箱

S26E08 Stile & Rail Doors, Steam Cleaners, Hand-Held Pizzas, and Power Brushes 轨道门；蒸汽清洁器；手持比萨饼；电动刷

S26E09 Industrial Casters; Wedding Cakes; THz Spectrometers; Racing Catamarans 工业脚轮； 婚礼蛋糕； 太赫兹光谱仪； 竞速双体船

S26E10 Ceramic Grills, Pneumatic Punchers, Water Jet Fountains, Wooden Surfboards 陶瓷烤架、气动打孔机、喷水喷泉、木制冲浪板

S26E11 Vibrating Mining Screens; Whoopie Pies; Utility Poles; Roller Conveyors 振动采矿筛； 百日咳派； 电线杆； 滚筒输送机

本集看点：电线杆也内卷；

S26E12 Exercise Bikes; Cornish Pasties; Pasta Makers; Slate Products 健身车； 康沃尔馅饼； 面食制造商； 板岩产品

S26E13 Channel Signs, Wetsuits, and Aluminum Aircraft 航道标志；潜水服；铝制飞机

本季资源链接：

magnet:?xt=urn:btih:85892a96e09b0d9f596d98bcd450aeb870a6af3d&dn

第二十七季推出时间为2016-05-19至2016-08-15

S27E01 CNC Assembly Machines; Lemon Tarts; Miniature War Figures 数控组装机； 柠檬馅饼； 微型战争人物

S27E02 Chemical Tank Pressure Vents; Candy Wafers; Food Trucks; Traditional Ropes 化学品罐压力通风口； 糖果晶圆； 食品卡车； 传统绳索

S27E03 Graphene; Worlds Smallest Car; Force Testers; Composite Cans 石墨烯； 世界上最小的汽车； 力测试仪； 复合罐

本集看点：单层的石墨烯是如何分离出来的；

S27E04 LED tubes; chocolate peanut butter bars; robotic medication dispensers. LED灯管；巧克力花生酱棒；机器人配药器

S27E05 Commercial drones; aquarium fish; runway cleaners. 商用无人机； 观赏鱼； 跑道清洁工

S27E06 Wooden Matches, Tillage Machines, Telescopic Gangways 木火柴、耕地机、伸缩式舷梯

S27E07 Mosquito Coils, Solar-Assist Tricycles, Palm Oil, Fiberglass Chopper Guns 蚊香、太阳能辅助三轮车、棕榈油、玻璃纤维斩波枪

S27E08 Wood Toys, Retro Toasters, Laboratory Furnaces, Aerogel 木制玩具、复古烤面包机、实验室炉、气凝胶

S27E09 Combination Squares, Farmed Shrimp, Ball Valves and String Trimmers 组合方形、养殖虾、球阀和切线器

S27E10 Chinese-style Furniture, Electrical Switches, Thai Fish Sauce, Cappers 中式家具、电器开关、泰式鱼露、压盖机

S27E11 Mortars and pestles; bowling lane conditioners; crematories 研钵和研杵； 保龄球道调节器； 火葬场

S27E12 Race Car Oil Tanks; Plaster Mouldings; Lemongrass Oil 赛车油箱； 石膏线条； 柠檬草油

S27E13 Coconut Charcoal; Dial Indicators; Wet Downdraft Tables; Bassoon Reeds 椰子炭； 表盘指示器； 湿式下吸台； 巴松管簧片

本季资源链接：

magnet:?xt=urn:btih:5289719d3944f98f2c2d425cd79b0487aec36fc7&dn

第二十八季推出时间为2016-08-22至2016-11-03

S28E01 Classic Car Gauges; Chocolate Marble Cake; Ghillie Kettles 经典汽车仪表； 巧克力大理石蛋糕； 吉利水壶

S28E02 Pasta Dies; Blueberries; Composting Toilets; Surge Arresters 面食模具； 蓝莓; 堆肥厕所； 避雷器

S28E03 Angle Grinders; Berry Baskets; Omnidirectional Speakers 角磨机； 浆果篮； 全向扬声器

S28E04 Cartridge Blades; Chocolate Banana Loaves; Vending 墨盒刀片； 巧克力香蕉面包； 自动售货机

S28E05 Ultra-Thin Glass; Pallet Dismantlers; Cupcakes; Stainless Steel 超薄玻璃； 托盘拆卸器； 纸杯蛋糕; 不锈钢

本集看点： 溢流熔融法制作的柔性超薄玻璃（应该是康宁）；

S28E06 Potash; Leather Bracelets; Wild Rice; Hex Key L Wrenches 钾肥； 皮革手链； 野米; 六角扳手 L

S28E07 Nail Files; Birch Canoes; Boat Hardtops; High Voltage Circuit 指甲锉； 桦木独木舟； 船硬顶； 高压电路

S28E08 Macarons; Pine Needle Baskets; Micrometers 马卡龙； 松针篮； 千分尺

S28E09 Endoscopes; Megaphones; Uranium 内��镜； 扩音器； 铀

S28E10 Hollow Disk Pumps; Palm Sugar; Yachts 空心圆盘泵； 棕榈糖; 游艇

S28E11 Abalone Collagen; Digital-to-Analog Converters; Embosssed 鲍鱼胶原蛋白； 数模转换器； 压花

S28E12 Thai Barbecues; Diving Masks & Fins; Bassoons 泰式烧烤； 潜水面罩和脚蹼； 巴松管

S28E13 Wooden Utensils; Transport Refrigeration Units; Moccasins 木制餐具； 运输制冷装置； 莫卡辛鞋

本季资源链接：

magnet:?xt=urn:btih:6b3298e03c0e32ede5bc1b81e13a315adae86528&dn

第二十九季推出时间为2017-06-22至2017-09-24

S29E01 Skateboard Wheels; Baklava & Galaktoboureko; CO2 滑板轮；千层酥皮奶冻玉米糕 ；二氧化碳

S29E02 Nuno Felt; Drum Crushers; Kimchi; Parquet Floors 努诺毡；鼓式破碎机；泡菜；镶木地板

S29E03 Wood Watches; Steel Bicycles; Raw Pet Food; Replica Police 木表； 钢制自行车； 生宠物食品； 复制警察

S29E04 Thermoplastic Fire Helmets; Basketry Sculptures; Coffee 热塑性消防头盔； 篮子雕塑； 咖啡

S29E05 Office Chairs; Vinobrew; Reconditioned Sander Drums 办公椅； 酒酿； 翻新砂光鼓

S29E06 Fireplace Bellows; Calissons; Diving Watercraft 壁炉波纹管； 卡利松； 潜水艇

S29E07 Artist Brushes; DEF Tank Heaters; Game Tables; Art Glass 艺术家画笔； DEF 储罐加热器； 游戏桌； 艺术玻璃

S29E08 Flying Water Bikes; Throttle Position Sensors; Cinnamon 飞行水上自行车； 油门位置传感器； 肉桂

S29E09 Foosball Tables; Marseille Soap; Laguiole Pocket Knives 桌上足球桌； 马赛皂； 拉吉奥小折刀

S29E10 Berets; Pastis; Stationary Bikes 贝雷帽； 意大利面食； 固定自行车

S29E11 Bistro Sets; Letterpress Printing; Bamboo Lights; Asphalt 小酒馆套餐； 凸版印刷； 竹灯； 沥青压车

S29E12 Technological Corks; Zinc Gutters; Traditional Ham; Chisteras 技术软木塞； 锌天沟； 传统火腿； 奇斯特拉斯游戏手臂

S29E13 Pentanque Ball; Biologic Medicines; Asphalt Pavers; Basques 滚球； 生物药物； 沥青摊铺机； 巴斯克鞋

本期看点：空心半铁球焊接，再两步CNC制作出完美球形；

本季资源链接：

magnet:?xt=urn:btih:971ec4ef1ce447538e18d1305ec2f8103daee29d&dn

第三十季推出时间为 2017-09-11至2017-12-18

S30E01 Leather Basketballs; Flood Gates; Wood Panel Canvases; Shoelaces 皮革篮球； 防洪闸； 木板画布； 鞋带

S30E02 Power Steering Pumps; Asian Bowl Meals; Walking Canes 动力转向泵； 亚洲碗餐； 手杖

S30E03 Plant Oil Extractors; Custom Chandeliers; Power Trainers; Coffee Pods 植物油提取器； 定制吊灯； 力量训练器； 咖啡包

S30E04 Witness Samples; Pressure Washers; Bee Hives; Cast Iron Cookers 见证样品； 压力垫圈； 蜂箱； 铸铁炊具

S30E05 Leather Sculptures; Travel Hot Plates; Ochre; Hurdy Gurdies 皮革雕塑； 旅行热板； 赭石；赫迪·古尔迪斯

S30E06 Spiral Stairs; Pita Bread; Exhaust Headers; Molded Limestone Artwork 螺旋楼梯； 皮塔饼； 排气集管； 模压石灰石艺术品

S30E07 Recycled Skateboard Guitars; Solar Street Lights; Dolls 回收的滑板吉他； 太阳能路灯； 娃娃

S30E08 Glass Sculptures; Racing Pulley Systems; Inductors; Medicine Balls 玻璃雕塑； 赛车滑轮系统； 电感器； 药丸

S30E09 Fish Rubbings; Clay Shooting Machines; Almonds; High-End Motorcycles 鱼拓片； 粘土射击机； 杏仁; 高端摩托车

S30E10 Throttle Bodies; Limestone Fireplace Mantels; Candied Fruit & Fruit Jellies; Linen Ukulele 节气门体； 石灰石壁炉架； 蜜饯和果冻； 亚麻尤克里里

S30E11 Rubber Balls; Motion Chairs; Montreal Smoked Meat; Motorized Scooters 橡胶球； 运动椅； 蒙特利尔熏肉； 电动滑板车

S30E12 Aerospace Fasteners; Cactus Pear Puree; Lab Reactors 航空紧固件； 仙人掌梨泥； 实验室反应器

S30E13 Wall Beds; Sundae Cups; Digital Paintings; Badminton Rackets 壁床； 圣代杯； 数字绘画； 羽毛球拍

本季资源链接：

magnet:?xt=urn:btih:cc865a515b621051b71e833bd62e466fc45949d3&dn

[chanoyu-to-wa]

Nampō Roku, Book 6 (12):  the Ro [爐] in the Sō-an [草菴].

12) With respect to the ro in the sō-an [草菴], in the beginning the dimensions of the ro were not fixed.  Jōō [and] Rikyū, after extensive discussion, [decided that] everything should be cloaked in the rules [governing] the large daisu², resulting in the mukō-ro being fixed at 1-shaku 4-sun square.

    The width of the naga-ita [長板]³, 1-shaku 4-sun, is the source of [this measurement]; [but the idea that] the “seat of the furo” [on the large daisu] is 1-shaku 4-sun square, was also used [when determining the size of] the ro⁴.

    On the far side [of the mukō-ro], a board 2-sun 5-bu wide is inserted.  When [the width of] this board is subtracted from the 4-sun 5-bu that was left on the far side of the daisu, the remainder [which is transposed to the front of the ro] constitutes the yū-yo [有餘] within the space used for placing the utensils -- this is a secret⁵.

     Adding all of these together yields 1-shaku 8-sun 5-bu, and it is on this space that the kane are superimposed⁶.  These [concepts that were directly derived from the daisu] are the basis on which the rules that govern the ro were established⁷.

[The writing reads (above to below, and right to left):  kabe-tsuke go-bu no yū-yo・ku-den (カヘ付五分ノ有餘・口傳)⁸; ita ni-sun go-bu (板二寸五分)⁹; isshaku yon-sun shi-hō・ro (一尺四寸四方・爐)¹⁰; kono ni-sun oki-kata no yū-yo nari・ku-den (此二寸置方ノ有餘也・口傳)¹¹; in-kane (陰カネ)¹², yō-kane (陽カネ)¹³.]

_________________________

◎ With respect to the sketch, the reader should understand that it shows a muko-rō [向爐] -- not a sumi-ro [隅爐]* -- according to the original configuration (where the guests are seated on the host's left).

    This section is covered in entry 6 in Kumakura Isao's Nampō Roku wo yomu [南方録を読む]†. __________ *A ro that is cut in the corner of the room).

†Though Kumakura sensei, rather predictably, asserts that the sketch shows a sumi-ro -- and then goes off on a tangent discussing this within the context of Urasenke’s way of doing things.

    My own explanation, which is based on the shiki-shi [敷き紙], will be found under footnotes 8 and 11.

¹Sō-an no ro ha, hatsu ha ro no sunpō sadamarazu [草菴ノ爐ハ、初ハ爐ノ寸法定ラズ].

    As Shibayama Fugen points out at the beginning of his commentary on this entry, the sō-an [草菴] did not exist before Rikyū’s time -- and made its first appearance during the last year of Jōō’s life.  This is a fact that must not be forgotten, otherwise the result will be complete confusion regarding the development of chanoyu*.

    The evolution of the ro proceeded from two directions.  First, it seems that, toward the end of the fifteenth century (if not before†), certain members of the expatriate Korean community (who had arrived in Japan during the second half of the century‡) were already sinking a cooking pot (with the rim broken off above the flange) into a round hole cut in a board (which lifted the mouth to the level of the mats), arranging the ashes and charcoal therein, and suspending a kama over the fire, as a simple substitute for a furo (which, even if cast of iron in Japan, would still require a significant financial outlay, and long waiting period before the order could be filled), in imitation of the o-chanoyu-dana [御茶湯棚].

    On the other hand, Jōō said that his own inspiration was the sunken hearth in the common room of a farmhouse -- where four mats were arranged around a central square (equal to a half-mat), with the fire located toward one corner of that square (beside which the wife of the house would sit to cook the food over the fire).  Because making the ro this size would make things difficult for the guests (since there was no room in front of their knees beyond the edgd of the mat on which they were seated), Jōō reduced the size to 1-shaku 8-sun square (with the actual well for the fire being around 1-shaku 2-sun square -- the shaku-tate and futaoki being placed on the ro-dan [爐壇]**); and he suspended the kama over this ro on a chain or ji-zai, also in keeping with the mechanics employed in the farmhouse setting.

    Though the details of their discussion were not recorded, it seems most likely that their ultimate solution took both situations into consideration -- since, as shown here, the first 1-shaku 4-sun ro was the one cut in the far end of the utensil mat (which was precisely the part of the mat that had been originally enclosed), as a mukō-ro††. __________ *And, indeed, because Kanamori Sōwa was either unaware of this fact, or chose to ignore it, his “history of chanoyu in Japan” (which is the only history bandied about in the books and believed by the modern schools) is responsible for a very large part of the confusion suffered not only by the people of his generation -- but those of our own.

     Later in the Nampō Roku, the discussion of the 3-mat room, and the 4-mat room, are discussed in some detail, and the implication is that these were the first forms of the “small room” (which is generally considered equivalent to the sō-an).  However, both of these rooms (in their several permutations) resulted from architecturally fixing the earlier kakoi [圍], where the far end of a larger room was physically segregated from the rest by folding screens, with chanoyu offered within the enclosure -- the 3-mat room representing the far end of a six-mat room (the typical size of the jō-dan [上段]), while the 4-mat size was created when the far end of an 8-mat room (a common size for the ni-no-ma [二の間]) was enclosed in a similar way.  In rooms of this sort, either the daisu was used, or the naga-ita (meaning a simple board on which the furo and kaigu were arranged, with the other utensils carried out at the beginning of the temae).  The Nampō Roku discusses how the ro came to be cut in these rooms, but it should be understood that this practice did not come about until the second half of the sixteenth century (even though the Nampō Roku implies that it occurred there much earlier -- perhaps a conclusion interpolated by Tachibana Jitsuzan based upon his reading of Kanamori Sōwa’s writings).

    One of the biggest points of confusion, if we exclude the 3- and 4-mat rooms from this discussion, centers on the argument presented in the present entry:  namely, that the mukō-ro was fundamental to the creation of the sō-an -- because the first sō-an (in Japan) are said to be Jōō’s Yamazato no iori [山里の庵], and Rikyū’s Jissō-an [實相庵] -- both of which were 2-mat daime rooms. 

    The only way to resolve this conundrum is through the understanding that the 2-mat room derived directly from the 2-mat tsugi-no-ma [次の間], the “preparation room” that was appended to a shoin, and wherein the o-chanoyu-dana [御茶湯棚] was found.  So, the mukō-ro came from a simplified form of o-chanoyu-dana where the furo was replaced by a large cooking pot with a flange that was sunk into a hole cut in the floor-board of the o-chanoyu-dana, with ashes and the kama arranged within it.  This seems to have been the form that the Shukō-an [珠光庵] took; and, it is possible that Rikyū encountered similar small rooms being used in Korea (where Buddhism and chanoyu were only beginning to recover from the persecutions of the second half of the fifteenth century during the decade of his sojourn, and so where a state of utmost simplicity had arisen as a consequence of the destruction of the utensils and rooms that had been employed before the Ming invasions), thereby inspiring his, and Jō��’s, recollections of ideas that had been handed down from the earliest days of wabi no chanoyu in Japan.

†It is possible that this kind of thing was already being done on the continent -- since, obviously everyone who was involved with chanoyu could not possibly have been able to afford the costly bronze utensils that were required when the daisu was being used.  Arranging ones utensils in a sort of walled off recess would allow one to replicate the idea, while eschewing the costly objects.  The idea of sinking a large cooking pot into the board that constituted the floor of the recess, and arranging the fire in there, with a kama suspended over it on a tripod, would have been a rather natural solution.

‡Shukō, for example, seems to have used this kind of arrangement to serve tea in his 2-mat cell.  Though lacking the enclosure (and substituting the end portion of the mat for the wooden floor), the sketch of the ro that is included in this entry essentially replicates Shukō's way of doing things.  (The Shukō-an [珠光庵] preserves these original details, albeit with their purposes reinterpreted when the room was increased from Shukō's 2-mats to three.)

**The ro-dan [爐壇] forms the actual well in which the fire is kindled.  It is made of mud-plaster.  It is surmounted by the ro-buchi [爐縁], a wooden frame, the upper edge of which is at the same level as the surface of the mats (when they are new).

     With respect to this matter, while the height is the same when the tatami are new, if the tatami are older, and made in the traditional manner (with compressed dried-grass innards), they tend to settle, meaning that, after the passage of some time, the surface of the mats can be up to several bu lower than the top of the ro-buchi.  Some schools considered this effect “wabi,” and so elevate the ro-dan slightly (in the case of certain schools, the discrepancy is up to 5-bu, in fact), so that even when the mats are new, they are noticeably lower than the ro-buchi.

    In Rikyū’s day, the mats were usually replaced before each gathering.

††Reducing the ro to this size in the 4.5-mat room seems to have occurred a little later; the first examples were as the mukō-ro, and as the ro in the daime-giri setting. (Care must be taken when studying the architecture of the truly old rooms, since they were all rebuilt -- and remodeled, so they would conform to then-contemporary standards -- in the Edo period.)

²Jōō・Rikyū kure-gure sōdan no ue, daisu no hō wo motte banji wo yatsushi-mochiite, mukō-ro isshaku yon-sun ni sadamararuru nari [紹鷗・利休クレ〰相談ノ上、臺子ノ法ヲ以テ萬事ヲヤツシ用テ、向爐一尺四寸ニ定ラルヽ也].

    Kure-gure [呉々] means repeatedly, time and again, over and over.  In other words, Jōō and Rikyū discussed this qusetion extensively before arriving at any conclusions*.

    Sōdan no ue [相談の上] means by mutual agreement or consent:  sōdan [相談] means consultation, while ue [上], in this case, means after (the discussions were concluded).

    Yatsushi-mochiite [窶し用て]:  yatsusu [窶す] means something like to loose (oneself) in, to be absorbed in, to dress or cloak (oneself) as/in (something); mochiiru [用いる] means to employ, make use of.

    In other words, after extensive discussions, Jōō and Rikyū concluded that the best approach was to bring the rules governing the large daisu over wholesale, and apply them to the ro in the sō-an.

    A mukō-ro [向爐] is a ro cut on the far end of the utensil mat.  It seems to have been because space on the utensil mat was extremely limited that the conclusion that the ro should be based on the large daisu was reached‡. __________ *While the usual interpretation is that they discussed this matter for a long time before reaching any conclusions, in fact, this discussion, its conclusions and its application to the small room, and the proliferation of the various forms of the small room, all took place between Rikyū's return from the continent, near the end of 1554, and Jōō's death toward the end of in 1555 -- and so, in the space of less than a year.

‡Retaining the original 1-shaku 8-sun format that Jōō was using in his 4.5-mat room would have made the utensil mat appear imbalanced.  Furthermore, the precedent of the o-chanoyu-dana required the ro to be smaller than 1-shaku 5-sun front to back.

    Nevertheless, this measurement of 1-shaku 8-sun will return later in this entry (please refer to footnote 6, below), though the derivation mentioned here is part of the ku-den (and so not explained openly in the text).

³Naga-ita [長板] refers to the ji-ita of the large daisu.

⁴Naga-ita no haba isshaku yon-sun wo moto to shite, furo no za isshaku yon-sun shi-hō wo ro to shi [長板ノハヾ一尺四寸ヲモトヽシテ、風爐ノ座一尺四寸四方ヲ爐トシ].

    Moto to shi [元とし] means “(this) is the basis (of the idea that the ro should be 1-shaku 4-sun).”  In other words, the measurement is based on the width of the ji-ita of the large daisu.

    To shi [とし] means “(this argument) is (also) used.”

⁵Mukō ni ni-sun go-bu no ita wo ire-shi ha, daisu no mukō yon-sun go-bu wo, ni-sun wo dōgu no oki-kata yū-yo no hiji ni mochiite [向ニ貳寸五步ノ板ヲ入シハ、臺子ノ向四寸五分ヲ、二寸五步板ニトリ、二寸ヲ道具ノ置方有餘ノ秘事ニ用テ].

    Ire-suru [入れする] means “is inserted.”

    Ni-sun go-bu ita ni tori [二寸五步板に取り] means that the 2-sun 5-bu is taken (away) -- is subtracted -- from the 4-sun 5-bu that was located on the far side of the daisu.

    Oki-kata [置き方] means placement, setting -- here it refers to the space where (the utensils) are placed.

    Yū-yo [有餘] literally means remainder, excess, above, over.  In the Nampō Roku, it refers to space that is off limits -- a space where objects should never be displayed.  In other words, oki-kata yū-yo means a specific part of the mat within the space used for displaying the utensils that must never be used.

    Hi-ji ni mochiite [秘事に用いて] means this (non-) use of this space is a secret.

    The argument that is being made here is that this 2-sun strip was originally part of the 4-sun 5-bu wide space that was found on the far side of the daisu, that was not used.  Though it has been transposed to the front side of the mukō-ro, on account of its origins, it is still forbidden to place objects in it -- though this prohibition, and the reason for abstaining from making use of it, are secret matters (which apparently was the case, since the modern schools are generally not familiar with this concept).

⁶Tsugō isshaku hassun go-bu ni kane wo tori-orosaretari [都合一尺八寸五分ニカネヲ取ヲロサレタリ].

    Tsugō [都合] means the total*.

    Tori-orosaretaru [取り下ろされたる] means are to be lowered, let down, brought down.  In other words, the kane are superimposed upon this area of the mat (specifically, as a guide to the host, when he is going to arrange the utensils prior to the shoza and goza).

    The original purpose of the kane was as a guide to the correct arrangement of the utensils.  However, they are also used during the temae, mirroring the shiki-shi [敷き紙].

    Regarding this 1-shaku 8-sun 5-bu, as mentioned above, Jōō’s original ro was 1-shaku 8-sun square.  Furthermore, there is a rule that the outer 5-bu on every side of the tatami is to be considered yū-yo [有餘], meaning that the 1-shaku 8-sun “seat of the ro” would have to be moved 5-bu away from the wall.  This is the actual source of the 1-shaku 8-sun 5-bu dimension.

    Jōō‘s original ro had a very wide ro-dan [爐壇].  The ro-buchi [爐縁] was 1-sun wide, and the ro-dan extended 2-sun beyond that, so the opening of the well was approximately 1-shaku 2-sun square, but the kama was arranged toward the corner closest to the kyū-dai daisu*.  As the reader may recall, on the kyū-dai daisu the mizusashi is also placed on the side of the daisu closest to that same corner of the ro.  And at the beginning of the temae, the shaku-tate was moved from the daisu to the ro-dan, and then the futaoki was also moved to that place.  Thus, the arrangement of the utensils mirrored the way they were disposed when all of them (including the kama and furo) were on the daisu.  As in the daisu temae, the hishaku was always stood in the shaku-tate, and the futaoki was used only as a stand on which the lid of the kama was rested.  After the creation of the 1-shaku 4-sun ro, the futaoki had to be placed on the mat, and, on account of the distance from the shaku-tate, the custom arose of resting the hishaku on the mouth of the kama.

    In the old writings, we occasionally encounter a reference to an “8-sun ro.”  These references always postdate the creation of the 1-shaku 4-sun ro, and they mean an “old style” ro -- one that measures [1-shaku] 8-sun [square], rather than [1-shaku] 4-sun.  I mention this because even some Japanese scholars become confused, and imagine that there was some sort of miniature ro -- which is the opposite of what was actually the case. ___________ *Since the kama used in the ro were originally the same kama that were used on the furo, they usually occupied no more than an 8-sun square space within the ro.  Thus, on the far side, as well as on the side of the kama farthest from the daisu, was 4-sun of empty space that mirrored the 4-sun on the far side of the daisu.  Because the 5-bu closest to the wall is always yū-yo, the actual space on the far side of the daisu should be understood to be 4-sun + 5-bu, rather than a single unit of 4-sun 5-bu.  All of these details were secret teachings, and many of them have been lost between Rikyū’s and Nambō Sōkei’s day and our own.

⁷Kore sunawachi ro no hō wo tatashi sadametaru-konpon nari [コレ卽爐ノ法ヲタヽシ定メタル根本ナリ]

    Sunawachi [卽ち = 即ち] means “for example;” “in other words.”

    Tatasu [立たす] means to set up, raise, establish.

    Sadametaru-konpon [定めたる] means the foundation (konpon [根本]) on which (the rules that govern the ro) are based.

    The teachings that were derived from the daisu are the basis on which the rules that govern the ro were set up.

==============================================

==============================================

⁸Kabe-tsuke go-bu no yū-yo・ku-den [カヘ付五分ノ有餘・口傳].

    “The 5-bu that adjoins the wall is yū-yo; there is a ku-den.”

    A 5-bu yū-yo is found on every side of every mat, not just on the side that adjoins the wall -- it exists also on the outer half of the heri, and at the foot of the mat as well), and it must be subtracted before any discussion of kane-wari is possible.  This has already been mentioned, with respect to the 1-shaku 8-sun 5-bu measurement, above.

    Ultimately, this was a consequence of the shiki-shi [敷き紙].  As has been mentioned several times before in this blog, when the idea of the shiki-shi was applied to the wabi setting, Rikyū (perhaps in consultation with Jōō) decided that the temae-za should be limited to the space between the heri*.

    In order to achieve this, the folds of the shiki-shi had to be removed, so that the three inner kane became simple lines, like the outer two (which corresponded to the edges of the shiki-shi); and the fold in the center was also reduced to a horizontal line as well.

    When placed in front of the daisu, the utensils arranged on the shiki-shi are mostly found on the far side of the central fold, though the entire 1-shaku 2-sun 3-bu width is used to some extent.  In the wabi setting, in consideration of the fact that much simpler utensils are used†, Rikyū concluded that the space necessary for the temae-za should be limited to one row of panels, and, as a result, he had the central line (previously fold) placed 2-sun away from the front edge of the mukō-ro (as can be seen above).

    A second shiki-shi of this sort‡ was then placed on the far side of the first, allowing the space from the front edge of the 2-sun wide yū-yo to the end of the 1-shaku 8-sun area (that was derived from Jōō’s original ro) to be divided into thirds (again, as may be seen in the above sketch).  The space covered by the shiki-shi stops 5-bu short of the far end of the mat, and this is the origin of the 5-bu yū-yo.

    Under this system, the temae-za occupies the lower row of panels; the chaire or other objects displayed occupy the second ro, the mizusashi is centered in the third row, and the final row is generally not used (it being too far away for the host to reach easily from his seat on the far side of the temae-za).  The host’s knee line is 2-sun below the lower edge of the shiki-shi, meaning he is seated 1-shaku away from the front edge of the ro.

    While the above narration of the derivation of the 5-bu yū-yo actually seems to have been the ku-den, since all knowledge of these things was lost among his contemporaries with Rikyū’s death, by Jitsuzan’s day all that remained was the teaching that a 5-bu yū-yo is found on all four edges of the mat. ___________ *This contrasts with the original case where, as a consequence of the 3-bu wide folds, the temae-za was expanded to the middle of both heri, so that the space to the right and left of the shiki-shi would be equal to the space of each of the panels (meaning 5-sun wide).  This was perhaps the origin of the idea of yū-yo [有餘] -- since yū-yo actually means excess, extra, what is left over.  This 5-bu on the outer edges of the heri probably came to be associated with the 5-bu at the head of the utensil mat later -- perhaps only after the idea of kane-wari came to be applied to the wabi setting.

†And, specifically, that the large trays are done away with.

‡These were not actual, physical objects, but mental images, used to help the host partition the space, and so aid him in orienting the various utensils appropriately.

⁹Ita ni-sun go-bu [板二寸五分].

    “[This] board [measures] 2-sun 5-bu.”

¹⁰Isshaku yon-sun shi-hō・ro [一尺四寸��方・爐].

    “1-shaku 4-sun square - the ro.”

¹¹Kono ni-sun oki-kata no yū-yo nari・ku-den [此二寸置方ノ 有餘 也・口傳].

    “This is the yū-yo found within the area [of the mat] where the utensils are placed; there is a ku-den.”

    As mentioned above, the origin of this yū-yo can be found in the modified version of the shiki-shi that Rikyū envisioned as governing the arrangement of the utensils in the wabi setting.

    Once the position of the mukō-ro had been decided upon, the mizusashi was placed in line with the kama (as it is on the daisu).  The (fictional, foldless) shiki-shi was placed immediately in front of the mizusashi (as the real shiki-shi had originally been placed immediately in front of the daisu).  Since the upper row of panels extends over the ro, it could not be used as the temae-za.  Thus, the temae-za was pushed to the lower row of panels, with the chawan and chaire being oriented so that their far sides touch the line.  Since the space between the line and the front edge of the ro is not used, it was considered yū-yo.  This was the original ku-den.

    As these teachings were lost following Rikyū’s death, an alternate system was created (this will be explained in the next post) which, while similar, differs in the interpretation of the space between the front edge of the ro and the front of the mizusashi.  But since this system was created after the fact, no one is able to say exactly what the actual ku-den is.

     I am afraid that it is unlikely that those people who prefer the “traditional” scholarship (which depends on repeating the explanations that were voiced by earlier generations of scholars) will be satisfied with any of this.  Unfortunately, since these earlier assertions were all made without any knowledge of the existence of the shiki-shi, they will never be able to offer an explanation of where their arguments come from.  When pressed, they either simply refuse to answer (usually by saying -- as Tanaka’s source did -- that these teachings are secret and inviolable, and cannot be disseminated even were the inquirer to offer vast sums of money), or by averring that they originate in the writings of this or that famous name (though if one manages to locate the source that is being quoted from, the reader will more than likely find that he is then referred somewhere else, eventually arriving at a dead end when the source has been “lost” -- and so an actual explanation will never be found).  Nevertheless, people who find the “speculations” related here distasteful are asked to simply ignore them (since they are always restricted to the footnotes:  the translations themselves being strictly literal renderings of what the entries in the Nampō Roku actually say).

¹²In-kane [陰カネ].

    The vertical black (dashed) lines represent the yin kane.

¹³Yō-kane [陽カネ].

    The vertical red (dashed) lines represent the yang kane.

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Cao Jiong’s “Discourse on the Six Dynasties”

This essay appears in the Wenxuan or Literary Selections, in Chapter 52, the second chapter on Discourses.

Cao Jiong was a distant relative of the Wei royal family; he was two generations senior to Cao Fang, so he may have been a cousin to Cao Pi. We are told that he did not attach his own name to this essay, but claimed it was the work of Cao Zhi, who had an established reputation as a literary genius; the true author was only cleared up during the early Jin dynasty, when Cao Zhi's son confirmed that Cao Jiong and not his father had written it. Since Cao Jiong mentions in the essay that the Wei dynasty had existed for "twenty-four years" by then, he probably wrote it in 244 or 245.

It was the policy during the Wei dynasty for members of the royal clan other than the Emperor and the Crown Prince to be kept entirely from power. Although many of them were granted nominal titles and fiefs, they wielded no real power or influence and were kept under strict supervision by the court. In this essay, Cao Jiong argues forcefully against this policy. Drawing upon numerous historical examples, he makes the case for greatly empowering the imperial clan to provide greater security in the realm and ensure that the Emperor and his immediate family will be safe from rebellion and usurpation. Since at the time he wrote this, the reigning Emperor, Cao Fang, was still a young child, the real target of the essay was one of Cao Fang's regents, Cao Shuang, who was the de facto ruler. However, Cao Shuang did nothing to follow the advice presented here, and the imperial clan remained powerless to prevent the coup of Sima Yi a few years later and the gradually usurpation of the Sima clan that ultimately led to the end of Wei.

Yet Cao Jiong had not written this essay in vain, for ironically, it found a ready audience in the form of the founding ruler of the subsequent Jin dynasty, Sima Yan or Emperor Wu. The many historical examples were only further bolstered by the immediate example of the fate of Wei, which had indeed been powerless to stop Emperor Wu's ancestors from seizing the throne. Determined not to make the same mistake, Emperor Wu went far in the other direction: he greatly empowered a large number of his own relatives and entrusted them with civil authority and control of military forces. Initially, the policy was a success: it prevented the attempted usurpations of the father of Emperor Wu's wife, Yang Jun, of his son's wife, Jia Nanfeng, and of his uncle, Sima Lun. Yet in the end, Emperor Wu's policy was one of many factors that led to the civil strife of the War of the Eight Princes, when a great number of the Princes fought for control of the realm. Perhaps one bright spot was that one of the Princes, Sima Rui or Emperor Yuan, was still able to refound a diminished version of Jin in the south afterwards.

A shorter version of this post without source text or notes is available here.

六代論 曹元首

Discourse on the Six Dynasties

By Cao Yuanshou

〈論夏、殷、周、秦、漢、魏也。〉〈魏氏春秋曰：曹冏，字元首，少帝族祖也。是時，天子幼稚，冏冀以此論感悟曹爽，爽不能納，為弘農太守。少帝，齊王芳也。〉

(These "six dynasties" were Xia, Yin (Shang), Zhou, Qin, Han, and Cao-Wei.

The Annals of the Clans of Cao-Wei states, "Cao Jiong, styled Yuanshou, was a kinsman of the Young Emperor, two generations his senior." The Young Emperor was the Prince of Qi (Cao Fang).

At the time that Cao Jiong wrote this discourse, the Son of Heaven was still young and tender, and Cao Shuang was in control of the government. Cao Jiong hoped that the arguments he set forward here would move Cao Shuang and awaken him to the seriousness of the situation. But Cao Shuang could not follow Cao Jiong's advice, and instead he sent him away to serve as Administrator of Hongnong.)

昔夏殷周之歷世數十，而秦二世而亡。何則？三代之君與天下共其民，故天下同其憂；秦王獨制其民，故傾危而莫救。夫與人共其樂者，人必憂其憂；與人同其安者，人必拯其危。先王知獨治之不能久也，故與人共治之；知獨守之不能固也，故與人共守之。兼親疏而兩用，參同異而並進。是以輕重足以相鎮，親疏足以相衛，并兼路塞，逆節不生。及其衰也，桓文帥禮；苞茅不貢，齊師伐楚；宋不城周，晉戮其宰。王綱弛而復張，諸侯傲而復肅。二霸之後，寖以陵遲。吳楚憑江，負固方城，雖心希九鼎，而畏迫宗姬，姦情散於胸懷，逆謀消於脣吻，斯豈非信重親戚，任用賢能，枝葉碩茂，本根賴之與？

Among the dynasties of ancient times, Xia, Yin (Shang), and Zhou each lasted for dozens of generations, while Qin perished after only two. Why was this? Because the lords of those three dynasties shared control of the people of the realm, thus the lords of the realm saw the sovereign's concerns as their own concerns, while the kings of Qin monopolized control of the people, thus in times of danger and distress no one was willing to come to their aid. Those with whom you share your joys will likewise sympathize with your sorrows; those you make your peers in peace will be your saviors when danger comes. The ancient kings knew that the sovereign who reigned alone could not ensure an orderly realm for long, thus they shared power with others in order to obtain stability; they knew that the ruler who defended the realm alone could not guard it forever, thus they shared responsibility with others in order to attain security. Both their intimate relatives and their distant kinfolk were employed; both members of their clan and outsiders from other surnames were advanced. Those of more or less power worked together to protect each other; those of the same or different blood acted in concert to shield one another. There were neither instances of "total annexation", nor were "traitorous impulses" allowed to fester.

Even when the Zhou dynasty was in decline, Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin still treated the King with respect and acted on his behalf. When the state of Chu refused to present its tribute of grass and thatch to the King, the state of Qi led an army to punish them; when the state of Song refused to help build walls around the King's capital at Chengzhou (Luoyang), the state of Jin executed their minister. Though the King's laws became lax and loose for a time, they were once again enforced; though the feudal lords become arrogant for a season, they were once more reverent.

It was said that "after the age of these two Hegemons (Dukes Huan and Wen), the feudal lords became boorish and remiss". Indeed, the states of Wu and Chu were defiant, trusting in the Yangzi to be their bulwark and the stout square walls of their cities to be their rampart. Yet though in their hearts they sought to "inquire after the Nine Tripods" (as though they had more right to dominion than the King), even then they feared to go so far as to outright threaten or oppress the royal clan. Wicked feelings scattered in the breast; treasonous plots died on the lips. Was it not because the King had trusted and empowered his kinfolk and relatives and employed and used the worthy and able? Don't the branches and the leaves grow great and luxurious because the roots and the stem depend upon them?

〈紀年曰：凡夏自禹以至于桀，十七王。殷自成湯滅夏以至于受，二十九王。大戴禮曰：殷為天子二十餘世，而周受之。周為天子三十餘世，而秦受之。秦為天子，二世而亡，何﹖殷周有道而長，秦無道而暴也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：孝宣帝稱曰：與我共此者，其唯良二千石乎？〉〈班固漢書贊曰：昔周盛，則周、召相，其治致刑措，衰則五伯扶其弱，與共守之。〉〈賈誼過秦曰：秦并兼諸侯山東三十郡。漢書，主父偃說上曰：今以法割削諸侯，則逆節萌起。〉〈齊桓、晉文。〉〈左氏傳曰：齊侯伐楚，楚子使與師言曰：不虞君之涉吾地，何故？管仲對曰：爾貢苞茅不入，王祭不共，無以縮酒，寡人是徵。又曰：晉魏舒合諸侯之大夫于翟泉，將以城成周，宋仲幾不受功，曰：滕、薛、郳，吾役也，為宋役亦職也。士伯怒曰：必以仲幾為戮。乃執仲幾歸諸京師。〉〈漢書曰：二霸之後，寖以陵遲。〉〈左氏傳，屈完對齊侯曰：楚國方城以為城，漢水以為池。又曰：楚子觀兵于周疆，問鼎之大小輕重焉，王孫滿對曰：周德雖衰，天命未改，鼎之輕重，未可問也。〉〈班固漢書述曰：公族蕃滋，枝葉碩茂。〉

(According to the historical records, the Xia dynasty had seventeen kings, from Yu the Great to Jie; the Yin (Shang) dynasty had twenty-nine kings, from Cheng Tang and his conquest of Xia down to their surrender of the Mandate of Heaven. The Book of Rites of Master Dai states, "The lords of Yin (Shang) were Sons of Heaven for more than twenty reigns, before Zhou inherited the Mandate from them; the lords of Zhou were Sons of Heaven for more than thirty reigns before they too surrendered the right. But Qin ruled for only two reigns before it fell. Why was this? Because Yin and Shang ruled with principle, thus they long endured; Qin ruled without principle, and so it was destroyed."

In the Book of Han's Biographies of Upright Officials, Emperor Xuan is quoted as saying, "The reason why the people are able to tend to their fields in peace and have no mournful lamentations or hearts filled with hatred is because of good governance and careful examination. I do not rule alone; it is the Administrators of the commandaries and the other Two Thousand Bushel salary officials who do the ruling with me."

In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of the Feudal Lords, Ban Gu remarks, "When the Zhou dynasty was ascendant, the Dukes of Zhou and Shao served as chief ministers, and they governed so well that punishments were greatly reduced; when the Zhou dynasty was in decline, the Five Lords (the Five Hegemons) aided the young rulers and shared the governance of the realm with them."

Cao Jiong uses the expressions "total annexation" and "traitorous impulses". The first of these quotes from Jia Yi's essay The Faults of Qin: "Qin totally annexed the lands of the feudal lords east of the mountains and organized their former domains into thirty commandaries." The second quotes from a petition from Zhufu Yan to Emperor Wu of Han: "Now is the time to use the law to cut the lands of the feudal lords down to size, so that no traitorous impulses may arise."

Cao Jiong refers to "Huan and Wen"; he means Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin.

Regarding Chu's failure to send tribute, the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "When the Marquis of Qi led a campaign against Chu, the Viscount of Chu sent envoys to speak to the Qi commander and ask, 'Just what has caused you to trespass on our lands?' Guan Zhong told them, 'You have failed to send in your tribute of grass and thatch, causing the King's sacrificial offerings to be insufficient and the royal wine to be lacking. Thus we are punishing you.'"

Regarding Song's failure to build the walls of Chengzhou, the same source states, "Jin, Wei, and Shu assembled the chief ministers of the feudal lords at Diquan, planning to build the walls of the King's capital at Chengzhou. But Zhongji of Song, who felt that Song would gain no merit for participating in this labor, objected, 'Has Song not already done such work at Teng, Xue, and Ni? Let that count as our share.' This angered Shi Bo of Jin, who said, 'We must slay Zhongji for this.' And they arrested Zhongji and brought him back to the capital."

Cao Jiong quotes from the Book of Han in speaking of the feudal lords becoming "boorish and remiss".

The Zuo Commentary states, "Qu Wan said to the Marquis of Qi, 'Chu perceives the square walls of their cities as their rampart and the Han River as their moat.'"

Regarding the act of "inquiring after the Nine Tripods", which were a symbol of Zhou's right to rule, the Zuo Commentary states, "The Viscount of Chu was reviewing his troops at Zhoujiang. He inquired about the size and weight of the royal Tripods. Wangsun Man told him, 'Though the virtue of Zhou may be in decline, the Mandate of Heaven has not passed from them. The weight of the Tripods is not for you to ask about.'")

自此之後，轉相攻伐。吳并於越，晉分為三，魯滅於楚，鄭兼於韓。暨乎戰國，諸姬微矣，唯燕衛獨存。然皆弱小，西迫強秦，南畏齊、楚，救於滅亡，匪遑相卹。至於王赧，降為庶人，猶枝幹相持，得居虛位。海內無主，四十餘年。秦據勢勝之地，騁譎詐之術，征伐關東，蠶食九國。至於始皇，乃定天位。曠日若彼，用力若此，豈非深根固蔕，不拔之道乎？易曰：「其亡其亡，繫于苞桑。」周德其可謂當之矣。

But from that time on, incessant fighting broke out between the states. Wu was taken over by Yue, and Jin split into three; Lu was conquered by Chu, and Zheng was annexed into Hann. Although originally most of the families of the feudal lords had come from the royal Ji family, by the time of the Warring States era, most of these royal relatives were long gone, and only in the states of Yan and Wey did they still rule. What was left of the King's domain was small and pathetic, threatened by powerful Qin to the west and menaced by fearsome Qi and Chu to the south; though they sought deliverance from their destruction, there was no one left to take pity on them. And even after King Nan was deposed to become a commoner, still the branches of the state grasped at each other's power, squabbling over an empty title. For more than forty years, the land within the Seas had no master.

The state of Qin occupied a powerful and influential region and was crafty at the arts of lying and deceit. Thus they were successful in their campaigns against the lords east of the mountains and were able to nibble the Nine States down to nothing. And by the time of the First Emperor, the imperial throne was once again filled. Yet when Qin employed force like this and a lack of virtue like that, how could they expect to last? In what sense did they have deep roots or a thick stem, to prevent themselves from being yanked up?

The Book of Changes states, "Though they cry 'perish, perish', he plants himself firm like a mulberry." Zhou was virtuous, and their longevity was because of it; such a verse could well describe them.

〈史記曰：越王勾踐自會稽歸，拊循其士民伐吳，大破之，吳王自殺。又曰：魏武侯、韓哀侯、趙敬侯滅晉後，而三分其地。又曰：楚考烈王伐滅魯。又曰：韓哀滅鄭，并其國。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：暨于王赧，降為庶人，用天年終，號位已絕於天下，尚猶枝葉相持，莫得居其虛位。海內無主，四十餘年也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：秦據勢勝之地，騁狙詐之兵，蠶食山東，一切取勝。賈誼過秦曰：九國之師遁逃而不敢進。〉〈尚書曰：天位艱哉。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：至始皇乃并天下。以德若彼，用力如此，其艱難也。〉〈老子曰：有國之母，可以長久，是謂深根固蔕，長生久視之道。班固漢書贊曰：所以親親賢賢，褒表功德，深根固本，為不可拔者也。〉〈周易否卦之辭也。鄭玄曰：苞，植也。否世之人，不知聖人有命，咸云其將亡矣，其將亡矣，而聖乃自繫於植桑，不亡也。王弼曰：心存將危，乃得固也。〉

(The Records of the Grand Historian mentions the destruction of the states mentioned here: "King Goujian of Yue returned from Kuaiji, then organized and led his officers and troops to campaign against Wu. He greatly routed them, and the King of Wu killed himself."

And, "Marquis Wu of Wei, Marquis Ai of Hann, and Marquis Jing of Zhao killed the descendants of the ruler of Jin, then partitioned Jin into three states."

And, "King Xiaolie of Chu campaigned against Lu and conquered it."

And, "Marquis Ai of Hann conquered Zheng and annexed its lands."

In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of the Feudal Lords, Ban Gu remarks, "After King Nan was deposed to become a commoner, so that the Heavenly calendar was ended and the royal title and position were cut off for the realm, still the branches of the state grasped at each other's power, though none of their squabbling could gain them the empty title. For more than forty years, the land within the Seas had no master."

And, "The state of Qin occupied a powerful and influential region and practiced the strategies of ambush and deceit. Thus they were were able to nibble the lands east of the mountains down to nothing and conquer all."

And, "By the time of the First Emperor, Qin had annexed all the realm. By virtue had Zhou ruled, by force had Qin; their position was indeed perilous."

And, "When the ruler treats their kin as kin and the worthy as worthy, and when they appreciate and extol the accomplished and the virtuous, then the state will be like a plant that has deep roots and a firm stem, and cannot be pulled up."

In The Faults of Qin, Jia Yi remarked, "The leaders of the Nine States shrank back and hid from Qin, not daring to advance against them."

The Book of Documents states, "What a perilous place, the Heavenly seat!"

The Daodejing states, "He who possesses the mother of the state may continue long. His case is like that (of the plant) of which we say that its roots are deep and its flower stalks firm: - this is the way to secure that its enduring life shall long be seen."

Cao Jiong quotes from the Fifth Nine Undivided verse of the Book of Changes. Zheng Xuan's commentary to that verse states, "The term 苞 means 'plant'. The ignorant people, unaware that the sage ruler still possesses the Mandate, all proclaim that the state is about to 'perish, perish'. Yet the sage ruler binds themself fast like a plant or a mulberry tree, and they perish not." Wang Bi's commentary states, "The heart is preserved though disaster looms, thus the state endures.")

秦觀周之弊，將以為以弱見奪，於是廢五等之爵，立郡縣之官，棄禮樂之教，任苛刻之政。子弟無尺寸之封，功臣無立錐之土，���無宗子以自毗輔，外無諸侯以為蕃衛。仁心不加於親戚，惠澤不流於枝葉，譬猶芟刈股肱，獨任胸腹；浮舟江海，捐棄楫櫂。觀者為之寒心，而始皇晏然，自以為關中之固，金城千里，子孫帝王萬世之業也。豈不悖哉！是時，淳于越諫曰：「臣聞殷、周之王，封子弟功臣，千有餘歲。今陛下君有海內，而子弟為匹夫，卒有田常六卿之臣，而無輔弼，何以相救？事不師古而能長久者，非所聞也。」始皇聽李斯偏說而絀其義。至身死之日，無所寄付，委天下之重於凡夫之手，託廢立之命於姦臣之口，至令趙高之徒，誅鋤宗室。胡亥少習剋薄之教，長遵凶父之業，不能改制易法，寵任兄弟，而乃師謨申商，諮謀趙高，自幽深宮，委政讒賊，身殘望夷，求為黔首，豈可得哉？遂乃郡國離心，衆庶潰叛，勝廣唱之於前，劉項斃之於後。向使始皇納淳于之策，抑李斯之論，割裂州國，分王子弟，封三代之後，報功臣之勞，土有常君，民有定主，枝葉相扶，首尾為用，雖使子孫有失道之行，時人無湯武之賢，姦謀未發，而身已屠戮，何區區之陳項，而復得措其手足哉？故漢祖奮三尺之劍，驅烏集之衆，五年之中，而成帝業。自開闢以來，其興功立勳，未有若漢祖之易者也。夫伐深根者難為功，摧枯朽者易為力，理勢然也。

When the First Emperor of Qin considered the decline of Zhou, he felt that it was the weakness of the Zhou kings that had caused them to lose power. Thus he abolished the old system of the Five Noble Titles and organized the realm into commandaries and counties instead, and he threw out the methods of teaching the people through music and ritual behavior in favor of imposing stern and harsh government. His younger relatives received not an inch of land as fief, and his accomplished ministers had not a spade of land to call their own. Within, there were no royal relatives who might assist the state, and without, there were no feudal lords who might shield the realm from harm. He did not show a benevolent heart towards his flesh and blood, nor extend any kindness towards those who might have served as his branches and leaves. He was like a person who cuts off their own arms and legs, content to live as a mere torso; he was like a ship which, before crossing a wide river or a deep ocean, throws away its oars. There were many whose hearts turned cold when considering the danger of such a situation. Yet the First Emperor remained serene, believing that the capital area of Guanzhong was such an impenetrable region, a "bastion of golden walls and a thousand li", that his descendants would rule as sovereigns for ten thousand generations. Wasn't it ridiculous?

At the time, Chunyu Yue tried to remonstrate with him. He told the First Emperor, "I have heard that the Kings of Yin and Zhou granted fiefs to their relatives and their accomplished ministers, and their dynasties lasted for more than a thousand years. Now Your Majesty has become lord of all the realm within the Seas, yet your relatives are no more than commoners. Someday our dynasty might face the same threat of usurpation as happened with Tian Chang in Qi or the Six Ministerial Clans in Jin, yet Your Majesty has not provided for any powerful subjects who might help to guide affairs in the capital; who would step in to save the royal family? I have never once heard of any state which failed to heed the teachings of the ancients in these matters and yet long endured."

But the First Emperor dismissed these principles and heeded the advice of Li Si instead. And thus, on the day of his death, there was no one to whom he could entrust the future of the state. The weighty decisions of the realm were left in the hands of a miscreant, and the power to decide who and who would not inherit the throne was left to the words of a wicked subject. People like Zhao Gao were even able to bring about the slaughter and uprooting of the royal family.

Ying Huhai (the Second Emperor) had been instructed in the teachings of severity and oppression since youth, and he honored the philosophies of violent men as an adult. Rather than change the regulations and alter the laws of his father, he continued the models of Shen Buhai and Shang Yang, he consulted and plotted with Zhao Gao, he isolated himself deep within the palace, and he entrusted the governance of the realm to slanderous bandits. When at the last he met his end at Wangyi Palace, though he begged to be spared to live as a commoner, how could he have expected anyone to show him mercy?

Thus were the commandaries and the states alienated from Qin, and the people deserted and rose against them in rebellion; Chen Sheng and Wu Guang were the first to sound the call against them, and Liu Bang and Xiang Yu buried them in the end. If only the First Emperor has accepted the advice of Chunyu Yue and rejected the words of Li Si, if he had carved up the provinces and fiefs, empowered his younger relatives as Princes, granted domains to the descendants of the three dynasties (Xia, Shang, and Zhou), and repaid the deeds of his subjects by rewarding them with their own domains! Then the regions of the realm would have had settled lords and the people familiar masters. Branches and leaves could support one another; the head and the tail could work in tandem. Even if some of the successors of the Son of Heaven went astray, there were no great heroes in those days like Tang of Shang or King Wu of Zhou; the leader of any wicked plan would have been snuffed out before anything could be done, and how could the rabble of people like Chen Sheng or Xiang Yu have gotten anywhere?

When Gaozu of Han (Liu Bang) drew his three-foot sword and led his flock of crows to war, it only took five years before he had completed his imperial enterprise. In all of history, no one was ever able to achieve such a thing as easily as he did. But it was only natural. To chop down a tree with a thick trunk is a difficult undertaking, while to smash a bunch of rotten wood is easily accomplished.

〈班固漢書贊曰：秦既稱帝，患周之敗，以為諸侯力爭，四夷交侵，以弱見奪。於是削去五等。史記，李斯奏曰：置諸侯不便。始皇於是分天下以為三十六郡，置守尉監也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：秦竊自號謂皇帝，而子弟為匹夫。內亡骨肉本根之輔，外亡尺土蕃翼之衛。莊子曰：堯、舜有天下，子孫無置錐之地。〉〈法言曰：灝灝之海，濟樓航之力也。航人無楫，如航何？通俗文：櫂，謂楫也。〉〈��誼過秦曰：天下已定，始皇之心，以為關中之固，金城千里，子孫帝王萬世之業也。〉〈史記曰：齊簡公立田常、監止為左右相。田氏殺監止，簡公出奔。田氏執簡公于徐州，遂殺之。又曰：晉昭公卒，六卿強，公室卑。六卿謂：范氏、中行氏、智氏及趙、韓、魏也。論語，糾滑讖曰：陳滅齊，六卿分晉。尚書曰：事不師古，以克永代，匪說攸聞。〉〈史記曰：始皇崩，趙高乃與胡亥，丞相李斯陰破去始皇所封書賜公子扶蘇者，而更詐為丞相受始皇遺詔，立子胡亥為太子。更為書賜公子扶蘇死。〉〈史記曰：二世尊用趙高，申法令，乃行誅大臣及諸公子。春秋合誠圖曰：誅鋤民害。〉〈史記曰：趙高故常教胡亥書，及獄律令法事。史記，太史公曰：商君，其天資刻薄人也。〉〈史記，李斯上書二世曰：能明申、韓之術，而修商君之法，法修術明而天下亂者，未之聞也。應劭漢書注曰：申不害，韓昭侯相。衛公孫鞅，秦孝公相。李奇曰：法皆深刻無恩。史記曰：二世常居禁中，與趙高決事，事無大小，輒決於高。蒼頡篇曰：委，任之也。〉〈史記曰：二世齋望夷宮，欲祠涇，使使責讓趙高以盜事，高懼，乃陰與其女婿咸陽令閻樂謀易上。樂前，即謂二世曰：足下其自為計。二世曰：願得���子為黔首。閻樂麾其兵進，二世自殺也。〉〈尚書曰：受有億兆夷人，離心離德。左氏傳曰：人逃其上曰潰。〉〈史記曰：吳廣為假王，擊秦。班固漢書贊曰：秦竊自號謂皇帝，而子弟為匹夫，吳、陳奮其白挺，劉、項隨而斃之。〉〈曾子曰：烏合之衆，初雖相歡，後必相咋也。〉〈漢書曰：高祖五年斬羽東城，即皇帝位於汜水之陽。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：漢無尺土之階，繇一劍之任，五年而成帝業，書傳所未嘗有焉。何則？古代相革皆承聖王之烈，今漢獨收孤秦之斃。鐫金石者難為功，摧枯朽者易為力，其勢然也。〉

(In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of Princes and Feudal Lords Not From The Liu Clan, Ban Gu remarked, "After the First Emperor declared himself Emperor, he dreaded the mistakes which Zhou had made that brought about their downfall. He felt that it had been the great power and strife among the feudal lords and the incursions and ravages of the barbarians which had weakened Zhou until it lost power. Thus the First Emperor abolished and did away with the system of the Five Noble Titles."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "Li Si argued that it would not be beneficial to establish feudal lords to govern the regions of the realm. So the First Emperor divided the realm into thirty-six commandaries under central control, and he appointed Administrators and Commandants to govern these commandaries."

The Book of Han states, "The First Emperor of Qin presumed to call himself Emperor, yet his relatives were nothing more than commoners. Within, no members of his flesh and blood were empowered to guide the capital region; without, not an inch of ground was granted to relatives who might have defended the borders."

The Zhuangzi states, "Yao and Shun possessed the whole realm, yet their descendants had not a spade of land as their own."

Yang Xiong's Exemplary Sayings states, "To cross the vast ocean, one needs the strength of a large storied boat. But if the boatmen have no oars, how will they drive it?"

The Tongsuwen states, "The term 櫂 means 'oar'."

Jia Yi's essay The Faults of Qin states, "After the realm was settled, in his heart the First Emperor believed that Guanzhong was such an impenetrable region, a bastion of golden walls and a thousand li, that his descendants would rule as sovereigns for ten thousand generations."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "During the reign of Duke Jian of Qi, Tian Chang and Jian Zhi served as his Chancellors of the Left and Right. The Tian clan killed Jian Zhi, and Duke Jian fled the state. The Tian clan captured Duke Jian at Xuzhou and killed him."

And, "After Duke Zhao of Jin passed away, the Six Ministerial Clans of Jin were powerful while the Duke's family was weak. These Six Clans were the Fan, Zhongxing, Zhi, Zhao, Hann, and Wei clans." The Annotations to the Analects states, "Chen was conquered by Qi, and the Six Ministerial Clans fragmented Jin among themselves."

The Book of Documents states, "That the affairs of one, not making the ancients his masters, can be perpetuated for generations, is what I have not heard."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "When the First Emperor passed away, Zhao Gao, Ying Huhai, and the Prime Minister, Li Si, plotted together. They destroyed the will that the First Emperor had left behind, which appointed his son Ying Fusu as his successor, and instead forged a will that the First Emperor had supposedly left to Li Si, proclaiming Ying Huhai as the Crown Prince instead. Then they sent Ying Fusu a letter commanding him to kill himself."

And, "The Second Emperor honored and employed Zhao Gao and followed his thinking and advice, thus he had the great ministers and the other princes all put to death."

And, "Zhao Gao had often instructed Ying Huhai from Legalist texts, and so the Second Emperor imposed incarceration, investigations, and harsh laws."

And, "Li Si sent a letter to the Second Emperor, writing, 'I have never heard of an instance where the ruler was able to make clear the principles of Shen Buhai and Han Fei and practice the laws of Lord Shang (Shang Yang) and yet the realm fell into disorder."

And, "The Second Emperor often secluded himself within the palace; he entrusted affairs to Zhao Gao, who decided everything, no matter how great or small." The text Cangxiepian states, "The term 委 'entrust' means 'to grant a role to'."

And, "When the Second Emperor traveled to Wangyi Palace, planning to offer sacrifices to the Jing River there, he sent agents to rebuke and chastise Zhao Gao for having failed to deal with the rebellions in the realm. Zhao Gao feared for his life. So he secretly plotted with the Prefect of Xianyang, his son-in-law Yan Yue, to depose the Second Emperor. When Yan Yue stood before the Second Emperor, he told him, 'You had better take responsibility.' The Second Emperor begged, 'I am willing to live with my wife and children as mere commoners.' But Yan Yue still ordered his soldiers to advance, so the Second Emperor killed himself."

And, "Wu Guang was appointed as Acting King, and he attacked Qin."

Ying Shao's Annotations to the Book of Han states, "Shen Buhai was the Chancellor of Marquis Zhao of Hann. Gongsun Yang of Wey (Shang Yang) was the Chancellor of Duke Xiao of Qin." Li Qi remarked, "Legalism was a philosophy of strict harshness without pity."

The Hexiantu commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals has the phrase, "They slaughtered and uprooted the people, doing them harm."

Sima Qian's commentary of Shang Yang states, "He was a harsh and meager man by nature."

The Book of Documents states, "Though Shou has hundreds of thousands and millions of ordinary men, they are divided in heart and divided in practice."

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "When people abandon their sovereign, they 潰 'desert' him."

The Book of Han states, "Wu Guang and Chen Sheng rose their white lances against Qin, and Liu Bang and Xiang Yu came after to complete Qin's destruction."

Cao Xiong describes Liu Bang's army as 烏集之衆 "a flock of crows". Zengzi states, "A flock of crows are glad to assemble at first, but eventually they will peck at each other."

The Book of Han states, "In the fifth year of his reign (202 BC), Liu Bang took Xiang Yu's head at Dongcheng, and he declared himself Emperor on the north side of the Si River."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "Liu Bang was originally just one man with a sword, without an inch of land to serve as his foundation. Yet within five years, he had completed his imperial enterprise. The histories and traditions had no precedent for such a thing. How was this possible? Because the ancient dynasties had all endured by preserving the spirit of the sage kings, while Han only needed to deal with the wreckage of the isolated Qin dynasty. It is a difficult thing to cut your way through metal or stone, but simple enough to force your way through rotten wood, which is only natural.")

漢鑒秦之失，封植子弟。及諸呂擅權，圖危劉氏，而天下所以不能傾動，百姓所以不易心者，徒以諸侯強大，盤石膠固，東牟朱虛授命於內，齊代吳楚作衛於外故也。向使高祖踵亡秦之法，忽先王之制，則天下已傳，非劉氏有也。然高祖封建，地過古制，大者跨州兼域，小者連城數十，上下無別，權侔京室，故有吳楚七國之患。賈誼曰：「諸侯強盛，長亂起姦。夫欲天下之治安，莫若衆建諸侯而少其力。令海內之勢，若身之使臂，臂之使指，則下無背叛之心，上無誅伐之事。」文帝不從。至於孝景猥用朝錯之計，削黜諸侯。親者怨恨，疏者震恐，吳楚唱謀，五國從風。兆發高祖，釁成文景，由寬之過制，急之不漸故也。所謂末大必折，尾大難掉。尾同於體，猶或不從，況乎非體之尾，其可掉哉？

Gaozu reflected upon Qin's mistakes, and he granted fiefs to his younger relatives. Thus when the clan of Empress Lü Zhi monopolized power in the capital and plotted to seize control from the Liu clan, the reason why the realm did not support them or the common people lose faith in the dynasty was because the feudal lords were great and powerful and the foundation of the dynasty was firm and deep. The Marquis of Dongmou (Liu Xingju) and the Marquis of Zhuxu (Liu Zhang) upheld the dynasty from within the capital, while the Princes of Qi (Liu Xiang), Dai, Wu, and Chu acted as guardians without. If Gaozu had followed in the footsteps of Qin and forgotten the systems of the ancient kings, then the realm would have passed from their hands then and there, and the Liu clan would have been supplanted.

Yet in his granting of fiefs and domains, Gaozu went beyond what the ancient kings had done. The greatest of the Princes had territories that straddled provinces and combined regions, while the lesser ones still controlled dozens of cities. There was no distinction between the Emperor and the Princes, for they wielded power on par with that of the royal family. This was what led to the Rebellion of the Seven Princes, Wu and Chu foremost among them. Jia Yi tried to warn of the impending danger, saying, "The feudal lords have become too strong and prosperous, and if the situation continues, turmoil will arise. For those who wish to ensure peace and order in the realm, there can be no greater policy than to multiply the number of the feudal lords while diminishing the power of each one. For when the spread of power within the Seas is like the relation of the arms to the body, or of the fingers to the arms, only then will those below lack hearts of treason or rebellion and those above lack any need to attack or punish the lords." Yet Emperor Wen did not listen to his advice, and his successor Emperor Jing rashly heeded Chao Cuo's plan to directly strip territory from the feudal lords; this only brought about anger and resentment among the close relatives and fear and trembling among the distant ones, and when the Princes of Wu and Chu sounded their call of rebellion, the other five Princes joined them.

What was sown during the reign of Gaozu reached fruition during the reigns of Emperors Wen and Jing; fiefs and domains were granted more generously than had been the case in ancient times, and the attempted solution was too hasty. When the tip is too large, it breaks off; when the tail is too big, it is difficult to move. Even when the tail is proportional to the body, sometimes it is still difficult to make it move; how much more does this apply when the tail has grown beyond all reason?

〈漢書，太后崩，上將軍呂祿、相國呂產專兵秉政，謀作亂。賈逵國語注曰：權，秉，即柄字也。〉〈漢書，宋昌曰：高帝王子弟，所謂盤石之宗也。莊子曰：待膠漆而固者，是侵其德者也。范曄後漢書曰：鄭泰曰，以膠固之衆，當解合之勢。〉〈漢書，宋昌曰：諸呂擅權專制，太尉卒以滅之。內有朱虛、東牟之親，外畏吳、楚、齊、代之強。又曰：齊悼惠王肥，高祖六年立。又曰：齊悼惠王子章，高后封為朱虛侯。章弟興居為東牟侯。〉〈王逸楚辭注曰：踵，繼也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：漢興，懲戒亡秦孤立之敗，於是封王子弟，大者跨州兼郡，小者連城數十，宮室百官，制同京師。〉〈漢書賈誼上疏之文。〉〈漢書曰：朝錯數言吳過可削，文帝寬不忍罰。及景帝即位，錯曰：高帝初定天下，諸子弱，故大封同姓。今吳謀作亂逆，削之亦反，不削亦反。於是方議削吳。吳王恐，因欲發謀舉事。諸侯既新削罰，震恐，多怨錯。及吳先起兵，膠西、膠東、淄川、濟南、楚、趙亦皆反。猥，曲也。〉〈左氏傳，楚子問於申無宇曰：國有大城，何如？對曰：末大必折，尾大不掉，君所知也。杜預曰：折，折其本也。〉

(According to the Book of Han, after Empress Lü Zhi passed away, the Supreme General, Lü Lu, and the Chancellor of State, Lü Chan, assembled troops and monopolized power, plotting to usurp control of the state.

Jia Kui's Annotations to the Discourses of the States states, "Power and authority are the handles of the state."

In the Book of Han, Song Chang remarked, "Emperor Gao (Liu Bang) made Princes of his younger relatives, forming a rock out of the royal clan. The Lü clan monopolized power and wielded authority, but in the end the Grand Commandant (Zhou Bo) was able to purge them. Within, there were the imperial relatives, the Marquises of Zhuxu and Dongmou, and without there were the powerful Princes of Wu, Chu, Qi, and Dai, whom the Lü clan feared."

The Zhuangzi states, "In employing glue and varnish to make things firm, you must violently interfere with their qualities."

In Fan Ye's Book of Later Han, Zheng Tai states, "A host bound by glue and varnish will disperse a force hastily assembled."

According to the Book of Han, the first Prince of Qi was Prince Daohui of Qi, Liu Fei, appointed in the sixth year of Liu Bang's reign (201 BC). Two of his sons were Liu Zhang and Liu Xingju, whom Empress Lü Zhi appointed as Marquis of Zhuxu and Marquis of Dongmou.

Wang Yi's Annotations to the Songs of Chu states, "To 踵 'follow in the footsteps' means 'to continue'."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "When the Han dynasty began, they sought to take warning from Qin's downfall, brought about from the isolation of its rulers. So they made Princes of younger relatives. The greatest of the Princes had territories that straddled provinces and combined regions, while the lesser ones still controlled dozens of cities, and their palaces, estates, and ministries all used the same systems as those employed at the imperial capital."

Cao Jiong quotes from Jia Yi's petition to Emperor Wen as it appears in the Book of Han.

The Book of Han states, "Chao Cuo often advised Emperor Wen that the Prince of Wu had committed sufficient offenses to justify carving off part of his territory. But Emperor Wen was tolerant and could not bear to charge the Prince of Wu with any crimes. After Emperor Jing came to the throne, Chao Cuo told him, 'When Emperor Gao (Liu Bang) first settled the realm, his own sons were still young and tender, thus he granted great fiefs to other members of his clan. But by now, the Prince of Wu is plotting to commit treason and cause chaos. He is going to rebel whether you carve off part of his domain or not.' Thus Emperor Jing began discussing taking away some of the Prince of Wu's land. The Prince was afraid, thus he decided to carry out his plot and put his plans into motion. And some of the other Princes had also just had parts of their territory taken away as well, so they feared for their positions and many of them hated Chao Cuo. Thus when the Prince of Wu rose up, the Princes of Jiaoxi, Jiaodong, Zaichuan, Jinan, Chu, and Zhao rebelled as well." The term 猥 means "crooked".

In the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, the Viscount of Chu asks Shen Wuyu, "If the state has large cities, what trouble is it?" Shen Wuyu told him, "Great branches are sure to break the roots; a great tail cannot be moved about. You know these things." Du Yu's Annotations to the text states, "Where Shen Wuyu says that the branches will 'break', he means they will break the roots.")

武帝從主父之策，下推恩之命。自是之後，齊分為七，趙分為六，淮南三割，梁代五分遂以陵遲，子孫微弱，衣食租稅，不豫政事，或以酎金免削，或以無後國除。至於成帝，王氏擅朝。劉向諫曰：「臣聞公族者，國之枝葉。枝葉落，則本根無所庇蔭。方今同姓疏遠，母黨專政，排擯宗室，孤弱公族，非所以保守社稷，安固國嗣也。」其言深切，多所稱引。成帝雖悲傷歎息而不能用。至乎哀平，異姓秉權，假周公之事，而為田常之亂。高拱而竊天位，一朝而臣四海，漢宗室王侯，解印釋綬，貢奉社稷，猶懼不得為臣妾，或乃為之符命，頌莽恩德，豈不哀哉！由斯言之，非宗子獨忠孝於惠文之間，而叛逆於哀平之際也，徒以權輕勢弱，不能有定耳。

Emperor Wu of Han followed the strategy of Zhufu Yan, by implementing a policy of "grace", splitting up the inheritance of the feudal lords by distributing their domains among all their sons. Thus the princely fief of Qi was split into seven parts, Zhao into six, Liang and Dai into five, and Huainan was cut into three. And in later years the feudal lords were bullied and cowed, their descendants becoming ever weaker; they only received sufficient pensions and supplies to provide for themselves, but no longer took any hand in governing their fiefs. Some had their territories reduced on charges of failing to provide sacrificial wine and gold; some had their titles abolished when they died without heirs.

By the time of Emperor Cheng, the Wang clan, imperial relatives by marriage, had taken control of court affairs. Liu Xiang remonstrated with Emperor Cheng for allowing the situation to come to such a state, saying, "I have heard that the imperial clan are the branches and leaves of the state. When the branches and leaves have fallen, then the roots and the stem no longer have any support or shade. By now, your relatives of the Liu clan are all distant and remote, while the partisans of your mother's family monopolize control and keep the royal family from power. To leave the royal clan weak and helpless is no way to preserve the altars of state or ensure the succession of the imperial line." But though Emperor Cheng was moved to grief by this plea, still he was unable to implement Liu Xiang's advice.

Thus it was that in the reigns of Emperors Ai and Ping, the Wang clan's control of the court was absolute; Wang Mang passed himself off as a wise regent like the Duke of Zhou, but in truth he was a usurper like Tian Chang. Though presenting a lofty salute, he had his eyes on the throne; in a single morning, he became master of all within the Four Seas. The princes and nobles of the imperial clan all surrendered their seals and handed over their ribbons of office to him and presented tribute to the altars of state. Yet some of them, still worried that they would not be able to save the lives of themselves and their families, went so far as to invent reports of omens approving of Wang Mang's usurpation and even sang his praises to extol his grace and virtue! Was it not pathetic?

Why did these things happen? Not because the members of the imperial clan were loyal and faithful during the reigns of Emperors Hui and Wen and traitors and opportunists during the era of Emperors Ai and Ping, but simply because their power and influence had grown so weak and useless that they no longer had any hopes of securing their positions.

〈漢書，主父偃說上曰：今諸侯或連城數十，願陛下令諸侯，得推恩分子弟，以地侯之，彼人人喜得所願，上以德施，實分其國，必稍自銷弱矣。上從其計。又，班固贊曰：武帝施主父之策，下推恩之令，使諸侯得分戶邑以封子弟，不行黜陟而國自析。自是齊分為七，趙分為六，梁分為五，淮南分為三也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：景帝遭七國之難，抑損諸侯，諸侯唯得衣食租稅，不與政事。〉〈漢書曰：列侯坐獻黃金酎祭宗廟，不如法奪爵者百六人。漢儀注，王子為侯，侯歲以戶口酎黃金於漢廟，皇帝臨受獻金��祭。大祀曰飲酎，飲酎受金，小不如斤兩色惡者，王削縣，侯免國。漢書曰：趙哀王福薨，無子，國除。〉〈漢書劉向上疏之文。〉〈漢書曰：成帝即位，向數上疏，言得失，陳法戒。書數十上，以助觀覽，補遺闕。上雖不能盡用，然嘉其言，常嗟嘆之。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：至哀、平之際，王莽知中外殫微，因母后之權，假伊、周之稱，詐謀既成，遂據南面之尊。漢諸侯王厥角稽首，奉上璽韍，唯恐在後，或乃稱美頌德，以求容媚，豈不哀哉！田常篡齊，已見上文。漢書曰：王莽廢漢藩王。廣陵王嘉獻符命，封扶策侯。又曰：郚鄉侯閔以莽篡位，獻神書言莽，得封列侯。郚音吾。〉

(In the Book of Han, Zhufu Yan advises Emperor Wu, "These days, some of the feudal lords control dozens of cities. I implore Your Majesty to issue an edict concerning the feudal lords, saying that you are going to advance the cause of good grace by distributing the inheritance among all the sons and granting each of them a fief to hold as a marquis. Then each of the sons will be pleased to accept what you offer, and you will gain a reputation for virtue. In truth, you will be splitting up the overlarge fiefs, which will weaken of their own accord." And Emperor Wu followed his strategy. In his commentary, Ban Gu remarked, "Emperor Wu implemented Zhufu Yan's plan, advancing the cause of 'grace', and commanding the feudal lords to divide their inheritances among their sons so that each would hold a title. Thus, without having to take direct action to demote or disturb any existing titles, the great fiefs broke up off their own accords. Qi was split into seven fiefs, Zhao into six, Liang into five, and Huainan into three."

And, "After Emperor Jing experienced the Rebellion of the Seven Princes, the feudal lords had their powers stripped away; they received only sufficient pensions and supplies to sustain themselves, but no longer had any role in governing their fiefs."

Regarding the tribute of sacrificial wine and gold, the Book of Han states, "The nobles had the duty of presenting gold and wine for use in sacrifices at the clan temple in the capital. A hundred and six of them were charged with having failed to fulfill this duty. According to Han traditions, the sons of Princes who did not inherit their father's title were appointed as Marquises, and they had the duty of presenting annual tributes to the capital of population registers, sacrificial wine, and gold for the ancestral temple which the Emperor would come to receive and to use to assist with the sacrifices. The great sacrifices were called the 'consumption of sacrificial wine', at which the gold was presented. If a noble failed to provide the minimum of at least two catties of gold, they would have their fief reduced if a Prince or their title abolished if a Marquis."

And, "When Prince Ai of Zhao, Liu Fu, died without heirs, his fief was abolished."

Cao Jiong quotes from Liu Xiang's petition as it appears in the Book of Han. The Book of Han states, "After Emperor Cheng rose to the throne, Liu Xiang sent him several petitions speaking of his gains and losses and explaining laws and warnings. He sent dozens of these letters to help Emperor Cheng realize and reflect upon the situation and to help amend his faults. Although Emperor Cheng was unable to follow all of Liu Xiang's advice, he still praised his words and often sighed in admiration of them."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "By the age of Emperors Ai and Ping, Wang Mang knew that everyone both within the court and out in the provinces were too weak and powerless to oppose him, and he had the Empress Dowager's influence to count on. He pretended to be another Yi Yin or Duke of Zhou, all the while plotting for his designs to reach fruition so that he could face south as a sovereign and rule the realm in his own name. Han's princes and nobles all bared their heads and kowtowed to him, presenting him their seals on their knees, and some of them, fearing lest their descendants might even yet be endangered, went so far as to sing Wang Mang's praises in odes in order to curry his favor and flatter him. Was it not pathetic?"

The incident of Tian Chang usurping the state of Qi was already mentioned above.

The Book of Han states, "After Wang Mang stripped the Han princes of their titles, one of them, the Prince of Guangling, Liu Jia, presented reports of favorable omens to Wang Mang, for which he was appointed as the Marquis of Fuce ('Marquis Who Presents The Omens')."

And, "After Wang Mang usurped the throne, the Marquis of Wuxiang, Liu Min, presented him with a letter of supposedly divine approval. He was appointed as a minor marquis.")

賴光武皇帝挺不世之姿，禽王莽於已成，紹漢祀於既絕，斯豈非宗子之力耶？而曾不鑒秦之失策，襲周之舊制，踵亡國之法，而僥倖無疆之期。至於桓靈，奄竪執衡，朝無死難之臣，外無同憂之國，君孤立於上，臣弄權於下，本末不能相御，身手不能相使。由是天下鼎沸，姦凶並爭，宗廟焚為灰燼，宮室變為蓁藪。居九州之地，而身無所安處，悲夫！

It was thanks to Emperor Guangwu's peerless character and abilities that he was able to destroy the dynasty that Wang Mang had already put into place and restore the severed lineage of the Han dynasty. How else to explain this feat except that it was the work of a scion of the royal clan? Yet Emperor Guangwu failed to reflect upon the mistaken policies which had brought about Qin's downfall or to return to the old system as practiced by Zhou. Thus he trod the path of a doomed state, and he was fortunate that there was no trouble during his own reign.

But by the time of Emperors Huan and Ling, eunuchs manipulated the levers of authority. In the court, there were no servants willing to risk death for the sake of the state, and in the provinces, there were no subjects who saw the interests of the royal family as their own. Above, the sovereign stood alone, while below, his ministers grasped for power. The roots and the branches were unable to work in conjunction; the body and the hands could not help one another. Thus the realm descended into chaos like a roiling cauldron, and villains and wastrels sprang up on every side; the ancestral temples of the imperial clan were burned to ashes, and the palaces became overgrown with weeds and grasses. In all the Nine Provinces (the whole realm) there was not a single place of peace or safety. Was it not lamentable?

〈杜篤論都賦曰：于時聖帝，兼不世之姿。〉〈范曄後漢書曰：桓帝立，曹騰以定策功，遷大長秋。又曰：靈帝時，大將軍竇武謀誅中官，曹節矯詔誅武等。鄭玄尚書注曰：稱上曰衡。〉〈班固漢書序曰：漢興，懲戒亡秦孤立之敗。〉〈張超牋曰：中外雲擾，萬夫鼎沸。〉〈杜預左氏傳注曰：燼，火餘木也。〉

(Du Du's Rhapsody Discussing The Capital has the verse, "The time was ripe for a sage Emperor, with peerless character and abilities."

Fan Ye's Book of Later Han states, "After Emperor Huan rose to the throne, Cao Teng was chosen as Merit Evaluator, then was transferred to be Superintendent of the Empress' Household."

And, "During the reign of Emperor Ling, the Grand General, Dou Wu, plotted to execute the palace eunuchs. But Cao Jie forged an edict commanding Dou Wu and others to be executed."

Zheng Xuan's Annotations to the Book of Documents states, "The term 衡 means 'to claim superiority'."

Ban Gu's Prelude to the Book of Han states, "During the rise of Han, they sought to take warning from and avoid the mistakes of Qin, whose isolated sovereigns were led to their downfall."

Zhang Chao's letter states, "Those within and those without were trembling with fear; the affairs of the realm were like a roiling cauldron."

Du Yu's Annotations to the Zuo Commentary states, "燼 'Ashes' are the remnants of burnt wood.")

魏太祖武皇帝，躬聖明之資，兼神武之略，恥王綱之廢絕，愍漢室之傾覆，龍飛譙沛，鳳翔兗豫，掃除凶逆，剪滅鯨鯢。迎帝西京，定都潁邑。德動天地，義感人神。漢氏奉天，禪位大魏。大魏之興，于今二十有四年矣。觀五代之存亡，而不用其長策；睹前車之傾覆，而不改其轍跡。子弟王空虛之地，君有不使之民；宗室竄於閭閻，不聞邦國之政。權均匹夫，勢齊凡庶，內無深根不拔之固，外無盤石宗盟之助，非所以安社稷為萬代之業也。且今之州牧、郡守，古之方伯、諸侯，皆跨有千里之土，兼軍武之任，或比國數人，或兄弟並據。而宗室子弟，曾無一人間廁其間，與相維持，非所以強榦弱枝，備萬一之慮也。今之用賢，或超為名都之主，或為偏師之帥。而宗室有文者必限以小縣之宰，有武者必置於百人之上，使夫廉高之士，畢志於衡軛之內，才能之人，恥與非類為伍，非所以勸進賢能，褒異宗族之禮也。

The Grand Progenitor of our Wei dynasty, Emperor Wu (Cao Cao), was a man of wise and sage character and possessed divine martial prowess and cunning. He lamented the fact that the sovereign's laws had sunk to such a pitiful state, and he pitied the dire plight of the Han royal family. Rising like a dragon from Qiao and Pei and soaring like a phoenix from Yanzhou and Yuzhou, he purged and swept away the villains and evildoers of the land, and he cut out and annihilated the behemoths and leviathans of the realm. He welcomed the Emperor's arrival from the western capital (Chang'an) and established a new capital at Yingyi (Xu). His virtue impressed Heaven and Earth, and his righteousness touched the people and the spirits. Thus the Han royal family recognized the will of Heaven and abdicated their position to the Wei dynasty.

It has now been twenty-four years since the founding of Wei. Have we not had ample time to consider the factors which led to the rise and fall of the five dynasties before ours? Yet we do not follow the policies which would ensure our longevity. We have seen the carts in front of ours topple and fall, yet we do nothing to change our course. The younger relatives of the imperial clan hold empty titles and only nominally possess their lands, and in no sense do they preside over their people; the imperial relatives only scurry about the streets and lanes, and they are given no voice in how to govern the state. Their authority is no greater than the commoners, and their influence counts for no more than the average person. Within, the state has no deep roots to fortify it against being pulled up; without, it has no foundation of relatives and friends who could help defend it. This is no policy to preserve the altars of state for ten thousand generations.

Furthermore, the Governors of provinces and the Administrators of commandaries in our times have become the modern equivalents of the Border Lords and the feudal nobles of antiquity. They hold sway over territories of a thousand li, and they wield military as well as civil authority. Some of them control regions comparable in size to princely fiefs, and in some instances brothers from the same family all hold such offices simultaneously. At the same time, not a single one of the imperial kinfolk or the younger relatives of the crown hold any position that might check the power of these local leaders or band together to guard against them. This is no way to strengthen the trunk and weaken the branches, or provide against any emergency.

Of the worthy servants of the dynasty from other families, some have reputations so great that they are household names in the capital, and some are commanders of powerful armies. Meanwhile, even those members of the imperial clan who possess civil talents are limited to positions no greater than supervisors of small counties, while even those with martial abilities lead bands of no greater than a hundred soldiers. These are honest and lofty men, and yet their ambitions can rise no higher than to bear a yoke; they are talented and capable fellows, yet they are shamed by being lumped in with those who are not their peers. This is no way to encourage and promote the worthy and able, or praise and distinguish members of the imperial clan with ceremony.

〈晉灼漢書注曰：資，材量也。〉〈魏志曰：太祖武皇帝，沛國譙人，為兗州牧。後太祖遷都於許。許屬豫州。東京賦曰：龍飛白水，鳳翔參墟。〉〈左氏傳曰：楚子曰：古者明王伐不敬，取其鯨鯢而封以為大戮。杜預曰：鯨鯢，大魚。以喻不義之人也。〉〈魏志曰：天子東遷，敗於曹陽，太祖乃遣曹洪將兵，西迎天子還雒。董昭勸太祖都許。漢書，潁川郡有許縣。〉〈晏子曰：諺曰：前車覆，後車戒也。〉〈左氏傳曰：周之宗盟，異姓為後。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：徙吏二千石於諸陵，蓋亦強榦弱枝也。〉〈衡軛，車之衡軛也。言王者之御群臣，猶人之御牛馬，故以衡軛喻焉。畢志其內，未得騁其駿足也。〉

(Jin Zhuo's Annotations to the Book of Han states, "The term 資 means 'talents and potential'."

The Annals of Emperor Wu (Cao Cao) in the Records of the Three Kingdoms states, "Taizu, Emperor Wu, was a native of Qiao county in the Pei princely fief. He served as Governor of Yanzhou. Later, he shifted the capital to Xu, which was part of Yuzhou." The Rhapsody On The Eastern Capital has the verse, "He (Cao Cao) rose like a dragon over the Bai River and soared like a phoenix amidst the ruins."

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "In ancient times, the wise kings campaigned against the disrespectful; they took these 鯨鯢 'leviathans' and buried them as the great punishment." Du Yu's Annotations states, "鯨鯢 'Leviathan' was a great fish. It was an expression meaning an unrighteous person."

The Annals of Emperor Wu states, "The Son of Heaven (Emperor Xian) came east, but was defeated at Caoyang. Cao Cao then sent Cao Hong to lead troops to escort him, and they welcomed the Son of Heaven to the west and brought him back to Luo (Luoyang). Dong Zhao urged Cao Cao to make Xu the capital." According to the Book of Han, there was a Xu county in Yingchuan commandary.

Yanzi states, "The proverb tells us, 'When the front cart topples, let the rear cart take warning.'"

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "The house of Zhou records the names of its own kin first, and those of different surnames come afterwards."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "They shifted the families of the Two Thousand Bushel salary officials to live among the various imperial tombs (in the capital region), in order to strengthen the trunk and weaken the branches."

衡軛 "Yoke" refers to the yoke of a cart. Cao Jiong was saying that princes were pulling the yokes of subjects, like an ox or a horse pulls the yoke for a human; it is an expression. And by "their ambitions can rise no higher" than this, he means they would never be able to roam free like a prized stallion.)

夫泉竭則流涸，根朽則葉枯。枝繁者蔭根，條落者本孤。故語曰：「百足之蟲。至死不僵，扶之者衆也。」此言雖小，可以譬大。且墉基不可倉卒而成，威名不可一朝而立。皆為之有漸，建之有素。譬之種樹，久則深固其根本，茂盛其枝葉。若造次徙於山林之中，植於宮闕之下，雖壅之以黑墳，暖之以春日，猶不救於枯槁，何暇繁育哉？夫樹猶親戚，土猶士民，建置不久，則輕下慢上，平居猶懼其離叛，危急將如之何？是聖王安而不逸，以慮危也；存而設備，以懼亡也。故疾風卒至，而無摧拔之憂；天下有變，而無傾危之患矣。

When the spring runs dry, it is because the groundwater has stopped flowing; when the trunk is rotten, it is because the leaves have withered. When the branches are abundant, they shelter the stem; when the twigs fall away, the trunk is left exposed. Thus it is said, "The centipede has its hundred feet; even in death, it does not collapse, for its numerous legs still keep it up." It is a little saying, but it illustrates a great principle.

Furthermore, the foundation of a stout wall cannot be laid all at once, nor can power and legitimacy be established in a single morning. In both cases, these things can be achieved only gradually and secured only over time. It is like a plant or a tree, which requires a great deal of time to grow before the roots extend deep and the trunk becomes strong, and greater still for its branches and leaves to multiply and flourish. Can someone who casts a seed among stones and thickets or beneath the palace gates expect the plant to grow fruitful and tall? Even if they surround it with blackish and rich soil and warm it by the springtime sun, they will not even be able to save it from withering. And what are the imperial relatives but trees sown by the sovereign, and what are the people but the soil which receives them? Unless the relatives be planted among them for a long time, then there will be obstinate below and disdain above. Even in peaceful times, there would still be the prospect of alienation or rebellion; how much moreso when some emergency arises?

The sage ruler does not relax during times of peace, but is always thinking of future dangers. Though their dynasty seems secure, still they make preparations to guard against threats to its destruction. Only then may they have no fear of being uprooted, though the storms and gales may blow; only then may they be assured the state will not collapse, though the realm be full of turmoil.

〈魯連子曰：百足之蟲，至斷不蹶者，持之者衆也。〉〈司馬相如諫獵書曰：此言雖小，可以喻大。〉〈文子曰：人主之有人，猶城之有基，木之有根，根深即本固，基厚即上安也。〉〈尚書曰：厥土惟黑墳。孔安國曰：色黑而墳起也。〉

(Lu Lianzi states, "The centipede has its hundred feet; even when it is severed, it does not fall down, for its numerous legs still keep it up."

Sima Xiangru likewise uses the phrase "It is a little saying, but it illustrates a great principle" in his letter to Emperor Wu of Han remonstrating against his hunting practices.

The Wenzi states, "The ruler of the people has their supporters, just as a wall has its foundation or a tree has its roots. When the roots are deep, then the trunk is sturdy; when the foundation is broad, then the wall is secure."

Cao Jiong describes the soil as 黑墳 "blackish and rich". The Book of Documents states, "The soil of this province was 黑墳." Kong Yingda's Annotations to the text states, "This meant the soil was black in color and fertile to produce growth.")

[calleryphoto]

🪨 影石幾好玩 但唔應該用無反玩 太容易有熱噪點

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📸 @CalleryPhoto

📍 Sam Ka Tsuen, Hong Kong

🗓 2023. 12. 25

💻 Lightroom

🎞 Single Frame

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Social:

IG. FB. Threads. Twitter. LINE. VERO. Flickr. Tumblr. Pinterest: CalleryPhoto

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• Panasonic LUMIX S1 @lumix

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• Sigma Mount Converter MC-21 ( EF - L )

• KASE Wolverine Armour 100mm System

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[diarytheroomoffuji]

Tripod

誰から頂いたのかも覚えていない三脚

そんな失礼なオヤジですが、それほど写真に関しても適当であります。（苦笑）

動画を撮ろうと思い始めたら、「あ、三脚も必要だよね・・」となり、ストレージの片隅にあった三脚を掘り出す。

大した三脚でないから（頂き物にそんなこと言えません）ビシッとした安定感には欠けますが、使いだしたらこれがまた大活躍。クイックリリースも付いてるし便利便利。（笑）

チルト式液晶もそうだけど、使わなきゃ無用の長物なんですよねぇ。いえ、それは、私が悪いのです・・・

[thesnapshotcafe]

3 Preparations for Weddings Held Right After Lockdown | 3個停止社區隔離後馬上舉行婚禮的準備

We are not sure today when the vaccine is coming out for us, but it seems there will be relaxation for the lockdown. For some reasons, couples may choose to get married right after the lockdown. Maybe it is because baby is on the way, there is no other date the whole family can gather together or simply do not want to wait any longer because life is unpredictable. There are 3 things we would advise our couples to consider: 我們今天不確定何時為我們有疫苗，但是社區隔離似乎會有所放鬆。由於某些原因，定了婚的情侶可能選擇在停止社區隔離後立即結婚。也許是因為嬰兒即將來臨，整個家庭都沒有其他約會的機會，或者因為生活變幻莫測，不想再等了。我們建議情侶們考慮三點：

https://www.facebook.com/LondonUKEuropeEngagementWedding/

https://www.foreverlovejourney.com/

“Facial” Accessories “面部防護”配件 We have seen a lot of decorated face masks for grooms and brides. We do not know how you feel about it, as a lot of them are just decorative. Will you wear a face mask on your wedding day? If you are getting married in countries required you to wear face masks in public area, like Germany and Czech Republic, you probably cannot avoid wearing one (or a few) on the day.  我們已經看到很多為新郎和新娘裝飾的口罩。 我們不知道您對此有何看法，因為其中許多只是裝飾性的。 婚禮當天您會戴口罩嗎？ 如果要在要求您在公共場所佩戴口罩的國家（例如德國和捷克共和國）結婚，您可能無法避免要佩戴一個（或幾個）。

You may decide not to wear face masks for different reasons, but want some sort of protection? A visor may be helpful. We can imagine this could be used during drinking reception when you mingle with friends and family members and also the people who serve the food and drinks. 您可能出於不同原因決定不戴口罩，但想要某種保護？ 面罩可能會有所幫助。 我們可以想像您可以在酒會期間使用它，特別是當您與朋友和家人以及為食物和服務員一起時。

Visor underneath veil and hair piece 面紗和頭飾下面的面罩 At the same time, you may have to expect vendors wearing face masks, since they may have concern not knowing if any guests and other vendors have the virus which are infectious. For us, just in case, we prepare the face masks which we can wear for long time in order to avoid the need of changing face masks. (And it seems more environmental friendly) 同時，您可能預料供應商戴上口罩，因為他們可能會擔心不知道任何來賓和其他供應商是否感染了這種病毒。 對於我們來說，以防萬一，我們準備了可以長時間佩戴的口罩，以避免需要在服務期間更換。 （而且似乎比較環保）

Risk Assessments 風險評估 Download the App and suggest the guests to do the same (which the local governments recommended the citizens to download). It would help everyone to identify whether it is safe to attend the event or better self-isolate. 下載該應用程序，並建議賓客做同樣的事情（地方政府建議市民下載的應用程序）。 這將有助於每個人決定參加活動還是最好自我隔離。

Live Broadcast 現場直播 Keep an eye on governments’ announcements regarding the number of people for social gathering. Advice the guests cannot come to watch live broadcast instead. Below are the 3 methods we recommend. You can do this yourself, but we are happy to help and handle these for you as well. To make these works, you will need to be sure there is strong signal for wifi at the location(s). 請留意政府有關社交聚會人數上限的公告。 建議不能來觀的賓客看直播。 以下是我們推薦的3種直播方法。 您可以自己執行，但是我們很高興為您提供直播服務。 為了使這些工作正常，您需要確保該舉行婚禮的地點有強的wifi信號。

Simple 360 VR Broadcast 簡單的360 VR直播

Pros 優點 Don’t need a few professionals, your photographer/ videographer would be able to handle it, just give them extra 15mins to set it up, but very easy, just need to pop it onto a tripod and set up the app. 不需要幾個專業人士，您的攝影師/攝錄師就可以設置它，只需給他們額外的15分鐘來進行設置，是非常簡單，只需將其放在三腳架上並設置應用程式即可。

Cons 缺點 See Guests’ Comments on Facebook/ Youtube, can’t see their faces 在Facebook / Youtube上查看賓客的評論，看不到他們的臉 Run out of battery may cause the broadcast stop (still good for ceremony last for an hour) 電池電量用盡可能會導致廣播停止（仍然可以持續一個小時的播放）

Zoom Pros 優點 See Guests’ face to face and able to hear them 面對面看到賓客並能聽到他們的聲音 Easy to use and set up 易於設置和使用

Cons 缺點 May need a dedicated person for holding the phone/ laptop if changing angles is needed 如果需要改變角度，可能需要專人改動手機/筆記本電腦 Not free after 40 mins for group meeting more than 3 people 40分鐘後，超過3人的小組會議需付費 Max 100 devices join in the same chat room. If you have a large party, you may need a few accounts and a few devices for the live broadcast. 最多100人加入同一聊天室。 如果您要舉行大型聚會，則可能需要多些帳戶和多些手機/筆記本電腦進行直播。

Ecamm Live Pros 優點 Instant sharing different graphics, stream videos and links with live picture-in-picture 即時共享不同的圖象，視頻和即時畫中畫鏈接 Support multi-cams 支持多部相機 Able to feed in Zoom 支持Zoom Live on Youtube and Facebook platforms at the same time 可同時在YouTube和Facebook平台上直播 Canon camera user friendly 佳能相機用戶較易使用

Cons 缺點 Not free after 14 days trial 試用14天後需付費 Only for Mac user 僅適用於Mac用戶

Hope the above helps. We will keep an eye on the news and announcement and give you the latest suggestion and tips for your wedding preparation. Watch this space and contact us anytime you need advice. 希望以上內容對您有所幫助。 我們將密切關注新聞和公告，並為您提供最新建議來準備婚禮。 留意這裡，隨時與我們聯繫。

#婚禮 #大日子 #婚禮攝影 #婚禮攝錄 #冬季婚禮 #英國婚禮 #酒店 #英國婚宴 #拉克內爾 #伯克郡 #londonchineseweddings #chineseinlondon #britishchinese #2021bridetobe #2021brides #isaidyes #isaidyestothedress #2021bride #engagementring #weddingring #bridetobe2021 #shesaidyestothedress #shesaidyes #couplekissing #chinesebride #chinesebridehairmakeup #doorgames #teaceremony #chinesedoorgames #hongkongcouples #londonchineseweddings

[eyokwunsim]

聖誕節亂騎腳車在台南趴趴走的一天。 . . . . #丟回 #台南 #藍曬圖 #藍曬圖文創園區 #bcp #taiwan #tainan #iseetaiwan #igers #igtaiwan #igtw #tw #art #throwback #lines #一個人的旅行 #自拍最高境界 #用tripod (at 藍晒圖文創園區)

[kirokurecord]

2019年クラファンで買ったもの

今年からクラファン産バッグ＆楽器漁りが本格化してきましいた。ゆえに年内はまだ平穏。 すでに来年のうちにバックパック1つ、スリングバッグ2つ、楽器1つが届くのが確定してるからね。背中は1つしかない、いいね？ Peak DesignのTravel Tripodは年内に届かなかったか…。

■Cube Packs

ストラップないと思ってた（確認不足）。

便利ポーチ感覚で買ってしまったので持て余してる。ストラップも非常にちゃちくて、うーんうーん。 軽いしコンプレッション効くしフタはマグネットだし、使い勝手は良いはず。ボディバッグとして使えないものかしら。

■Smallest bag

展開するとA4、B5サイズになるコンパクトバッグ。約2,000円と安かった。 活躍した場面は2回くらいしかないけど、入れっぱなしにできるので仕事にもアウトドアにも持ち歩いてる。荷物は増えないにこしたことはない。

■Decode

今年一番のあたりバッグ。安定のNIID産で、マグネットのバックルやらジッパーやらの質は良いけど縫製がちと雑い。 K-1 MarkIIとMacBook Pro 13インチを携行するにはジャストなサイズ感で、スターナムストラップのおかげでズレることもなし。が、いかんせんカメラバッグに特化してるがゆえに普段使い性はそれほど。 自由間仕切りがあるもののジッパーがフルオープンだから小物を取るには神経を使う。間仕切り全部とってポーチと併用するのが良さげ。 右肩に重心がかかりすぎるのも気になるけど、何かとオンリーワンなサイズ感で気に入ってます。

■Peanut Ukulele for traveling

間違ってアンプ無い版買った（確認不足）（辞めたらこの仕事？）

逆に考えるんだ。おもちゃみたいだし、雑に扱っちゃっても良いやって考えるんだ。 手慰み楽器としてそこいら振り回せるウクレレと思えば、まぁ、うん。できるならこの真っ赤なボディをリペイントしたい。 音は深夜にジャンジャカしても問題なさそうなボリュームで、コンサートサイズのわりに高音が出る。箱鳴りする感はないけど、まぁもう1本あるしこれはこれで。 リペイントしたい人、していいよ。してください。