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[fictionadventurer]

Remaining Thoughts About Jane Eyre:

Diana may be the best character. Love Diana. Maybe the best-adjusted person in this story. When she responds to Jane's refusal to marry St. John with, "You're absolutely right, girl." So good. Not used to that level of sanity here.

St. John fascinates me. He's a foil to Rochester and Jane, but also similar to them in ways that he doesn't see. He's all about suppressing personal attachments and emotion, so you'd think he doesn't care about others' opinions, and yet, all his ambition is because he wants to be something the world considers great. He says himself he wanted to be some great statesman or lawyer or whatever--missionary's just the path he chose since he was already a clergyman. The religion is secondary at best--at worst, he values it because it's a means of power over people. His religion is all about duty--it's not a relationship. His inability to relate to people as anything other than a tool for his own glorification extends to his approach to God.

Also, the fact that Jane sees this, yet still insists he's a good man...I'm not onboard. He probably means well, may well be doing his best, but there's an insidious underlayer to everything that undermines it. He's kind of the definition of Eliot's, "This last temptation is the greatest treason/Doing the right thing for the wrong reason."

I'm still sad that he's dying in India, though. He should come back home disabled just like Rochester, and gets to learn some humility by needing help from other people.

Pretty darn convenient that Jane's prayer to know what to do gets answered immediately via miraculous means in the middle of her conversation with St. John. It's a good thing Jane's got God looking out for her, because she wouldn't have done anything in this story without miraculous guidance.

It's such overt author interference--so easy and simple--that it's hard for me to buy into a Providence reading. Wilkie Collins did it better in No Name.

I did love how Providence brought Jane to her family. It should have felt so cheap that she just happened to run into her only remaining cousins, but the fact that running away from the sinful romantic love of Rochester allowed her to know the love of a family--that got to me.

Okay, anyway, back on track.

Jane coming back to Rochester and immediately assuming they're going to get married now feels uncomfortably like, "Oh, good, now that your wife's dead, we can get married now." Like the only issue between them was the existence of his wife and not his incredibly toxic behaviors and history.

Curayl did this much better. Recognized that the convenient death of a spouse makes it awkward to pursue another relationship.

Also, Rochester's character development isn't complete enough. Like, Rochester's humbled, he recognizes that God was punishing him, but I get the vibe that he feels like it was only for the attempted bigamy and not for all the other things he did wrong.

No one calls him out for how horribly he treated Jane. No one calls him out for the mistresses--maybe they did mention it and I'm forgetting. There's a lot of bad stuff they gloss over because they love each other and they're perfect for each other, so of course they should be together.

I do like how Rochester called Jane out for just leaving with no money and letting her know that she could have asked for help.

I like how they handled Rochester's blindness. His eyesight gets better over time, so he's not completely helpless, but it's not like it's a miraculous cure. Nice way to have a happy ending while maintaining some realism.

"A good English education cured Adele's French defects" may be one of the worst lines in the book. I still feel like I'd rather have Adele's story. (You especially have to wonder how she feels about the about-fifteen-ish-years-younger "brother" showing up.)

I really worry about how Jane and Rochester are going to raise children. Their attitude toward Adele doesn't give me much hope that they're going to be affectionate parents.

For all my issues with it, the book did work much better than I expected it to going in. I'm glad I reread.

[sonalirichard]

🌴🦚🐘🌳🎋 🪁 🌊

MUMBAI , INDIA🌹

🌠🌌✨🎆🎇🎑🌉

🌴🐘🦚 Well , I flew to India*

I"m in Mumbai now & I"ve already Fulfilled a few of my Wishes 👌🙏💚

And it"s really Amazing , Grandiose & Enchanting ♥️♥️♥️

✳💥✳ Such a Huge , Vibrant & Interesting Metropolis , where there are so many Beautiful , Fascinating & Attractive Things ...

🌄 Beautiful Cozy Streets , Houses & Buildings , Blue & Warm Ocean , Luxurious Palm Trees , Lots of Flowers & Trees , Evening Lights , Magnificent Sights ~ Ancient & Modern , Beautiful Places , Temples , Museums , Cafes , Restaurants , Theaters , Cinemas , Stadiums , Shopping & Sports Centers , Night Clubs , Beautiful Parks , Alleys , Avenues , Film Studios & Music Companies & much more 🏮🪔 ✅ ...

And of course the Famous Bollywood

🏆👑🏆👑🏆👑🏆

And Indian Cuisine is a Paradise for Gourmets 👌💙🥰

🌟 Mumbai has Changed a lot & has become almost like Any Western Capital 🌈 💒🏩

Cardinal Progress , Development & Improvement in the New Construction of the City over

the years have Transformed Mumbai into a Modern Dream City , while preserving the Indian Flavor , Traditions & Customs of the Great Indian People

💜💜💜 My Friend Suggested that

I take a Walk around the City , and at the same time look at the Sunday Darshan of the Bollywood Mega Star 🅰��🅱️

at his Jalsa House *

It was a Mind~Blowing Sight with loud Screams from the Fans 🔊 & the Main Character 🆎️ of the Event was Very Emotional & Funny

It Reminded me of a Star"s Show , like Michael Jackson ♥️ or Ricky Martin , but only in a Deaf-Mute Version , without Songs & Dances 🎶 from the Star 🔮

The Phenomenon of the Living God & the Legend of the Indian Film Industry has been Stirring up Crowds of Fans every Sunday for many years Steadily , without changes 👏

It is Commendable that the Fame , Respect & Honor of this Actor⚘do not disappear , but only multiply over the years ✅ 💯👌...

💎💎💎 And Nearby , in the same Juhu area , we Saw the Mansions of Shah Rukh Khan , Akshay Kumar , Rekha & other Celebrities ✅👀⚛

It was a wonderful Walk with Entertainment ‼️

I really Liked Mumbai 💜 & its Atmosphere now👌

💝 And Tomorrow we were Invited to a Beautiful Celebration💥🎈🎉

& Cool Party 🎶❣

I think it will be Fun & Exciting 🏆👑 💘

😇 After a Terrible Period in my Life , associated with the Loss of my Home

& Difficult Experiences , Deprivation & Stresses , Pain & Suffering ~ A Trip to Another Country ✈ , New Events , Meetings & Holidays ~ it"s like a Breath of Fresh Air & a New Birth 💯🎶

It is an unbearable Pity 💦 that the last time I was in India , I did not Meet My Best Friend , Bollywood"s SuperStar Mister Shashi Kapoor ♥️...

I am Sure &

I Know that Dearest

Shashi ji❣is My Guardian Angel 😇 , and from Heaven He Always Loves 💝 & Remembers me , Helps , Advises & Protects me from all Enemies , Evil & Misfortunes 🕉 🕉

We are Connected with him by Soul🕊, Divine Energy & Friendship Forever*

Shashi Ji ♥️ is My Closest & Dearest Friend , my Soulmate ,

my Light , Harmony , Joy & Bless🌹

Such Golden & Sincere Men with Kind , Generous & Loving Heart are a Huge Rarity in our Crazy World 🌎 💟

Shashi Ji 🌞 is a unique Diamond 💎 among all other Men , Possessing Wonderful Human Qualities , and it Pains me to Tears 💧 that I will never See or Hear his Voice live again ,

I will not be able to Hug him , and Share something Personal with him ..

This One and Only Person Close to me Remains Alive & Well for me , and his Beautiful Smile 😇💋🍓

& Sparkling Humour Light up My Life even in the most Difficult Times 🕉

♥️ SHASHI JI & ME

HELLO , MY INDIA

I Love You 💋

🕉♥️🕉♥️🕉♥️🕉

MAIN TUMSE BOHUT ZYADA PYAR KARTI HOON

Your Sonali 🐼

[griotsaidwhat]

Landback: Abolishing Ethnonationalism and the Ethnostate

With Particular Regard to the Israel-Palestine Conflict [continued]

Kevin Carson

Part I. Ethnonationalism – Colonial and Postcolonial

Orientalism and Indirect Rule in the Colonial World

European empires, particularly from the mid-19th century on (e.g. Britain’s imperial policy in India after the rebellion of 1857, and in Africa after the defeat of the Mahdiyyah in 1898), had an orientalist tendency to essentialize ethnicity in connection with a given territory: “the idea that a primordial relationship existed between a certain group of people and a designated place.”16

I use the term “orientalist” in Edward Said’s sense. Orientalism, for Said, is a “radical realist” (in the Scholastic sense) approach by European rulers to understanding the peoples and cultures of the colonial world: that is, they “designate, name, point to, fix what he is talking or thinking about with a word or phrase, which then is considered either to have acquired, or more simply to be, reality.”17 Said also uses the term “textualist” to characterize the orientalist approach.

It seems a common human failing to prefer the schematic authority of a text to the disorientations of direct encounters with the human….

…Many travelers find themselves saying of an experience in a new country that it wasn’t what they expected, meaning that it wasn’t what a book said it would be. And of course many writers of travel books or guidebooks compose them in order to say that a country is like this, or better, that it is colorful, expensive, interesting, and so forth. The idea in either case is that people, places, and experiences can always be described by a book, so much so that the book (or text) acquires a greater authority, and use, even than the actuality it describes.18

The actual tribal and ethnic identities, traditional offices like zamindar, etc., which colonial authorities absolutized and fixed in stone, are nowhere near as absolute and distinct in real life, and are indeed expressed much more partially, ambivalently and ad hoc – more messily – in real life than in the essentialized categories of orientalist thought. In the latter, every person, group and institution can be instantly pigeonholed into its proper place in the schema.

…Orientalism overrode the Orient. As a system of thought about the Orient, it always rose from the specifically human detail to the general transhuman one; an observation about a tenth-century Arab poet multiplied itself into a policy towards (and about) the Oriental mentality in Egypt, Iraq, or Arabia. Similarly a verse from the Koran would be considered the best evidence of an ineradicable Muslim sensuality. Orientalism assumed an unchanging Orient, absolutely different (the reasons change from epoch to epoch) from the West. And Orientalism, in its post-eighteenth-century form, could never revise itself.19

…The Orientalists… saw Islam, for example, as a “cultural synthesis”… that could be studied apart from the economics, sociology, and politics of the Islamic peoples. For Orientalism, Islam had a meaning which, if one were to look for its most succinct formulation, could be found in Renan’s first treatise: in order best to be understood Islam had to be reduced to “tent and tribe.” The impact of colonialism, of worldly circumstances, of historical development: all these were to Orientalists as flies to wanton boys, killed – or disregarded – for their sport, never taken seriously enough to complicate the essential Islam.20

…If Islam is flawed from the start by virtue of its permanent disabilities, the Orientalist will find himself opposing any Islamic attempts to reform Islam, because, according to his views, reform is a betrayal of Islam….21

So for the orientalist, taxonomies become reductive categories that are more real than the individuals comprising them. Tribe, clan, language, and sect are essentialized into eternal categories, and in Western dealings with the Orient no policy is permitted – like acknowledging the fact of people relating to one another and addressing ordinary problems in the same ways as people elsewhere – which might disrupt or blur these categories.

In practice this notion has meant that when Orientals struggle against colonial occupation, you must say… that Orientals have never understood the meaning of self-government the way “we” do. When some Orientals oppose racial discrimination while others practice it, you say “they’re all Orientals at bottom” and class interest, political circumstances, economic factors are totally irrelevant. Or with Bernard Lewis, you say that if Arab Palestinians oppose Israeli settlement and occupation of their lands, then that is merely “the return of Islam,” or, as a renowned contemporary Orientalist defines it, Islamic opposition to non-Islamic peoples, a principle of Islam enshrined in the seventh century. History, politics, and economics do not matter. Islam is Islam, the Orient is the Orient, and please take all your ideas about a left and a right wing, revolutions, and change back to Disneyland.22

Orientalists “conceive of humanity either in large collective terms or in abstract generalities. Orientalists are neither interested in nor capable of discussing individuals; instead artificial entities… predominate.”23 They engage in a “radical typing”:

Orientalists “conceive of humanity either in large collective terms or in abstract generalities. Orientalists are neither interested in nor capable of discussing individuals; instead artificial entities… predominate.”23 They engage in a “radical typing”:

Thus within broad, semi-popular designations such as “Oriental” there were some more scientifically valid distinctions being made; most of these were based principally on language types – e.g., Semitic, Dravidic, Hamitic – but they were quickly able to acquire anthropological, psychological, biological, and cultural evidence in their support. Renan’s “Semitic,” as an instance, was a linguistic generalization which in Renan’s hands could add to itself all sorts of parallel ideas from anatomy, history, anthropology, and even geology. “Semitic” could then be employed not only as a simple description or designation; it could be applied to any complex of historical and political events in order to pare them down to a nucleus both antecedent to and inherent in them. “Semitic,” therefore, was a transtemporal, transindividual category, purporting to predict every discrete act of “Semitic” behavior on the basis of some pre-existing “Semitic” essence, and aiming as well to interpret all aspects of human life and activity in terms of some common “Semitic” element.24

As Anouar Abdel Malek further elaborates, orientalism “consider[s] the Orient and Orientals as an ‘object’ of study, stamped with an otherness – as all that is different… – but as a constitutive otherness, of an essentialist character….” It “adopt[s] an essentialist conception of the countries, nations and peoples of the Orient under study, a conception which expresses itself through a characterized ethnist typology….”25 As an example, Malek cites the Orientalist scholar Louis Massignon, who saw, “at the base of the Arab conflict, this fratricidal hatred between Israel and Ismael.”26

Orientalists study the past entirely in terms of “its cultural aspects – notably the language and religion – detached from social evolution.”27

“Tribes” and “traditional institutions,” as European colonialists understood them, were almost entirely artificial constructs imposed on the ruled populations. Ethnicity, in the actual precolonial lives of the people, was nowhere near the totalizing category into which it was transformed by colonial authorities. “Colonized peoples,” Mamdani observes, “lacked this subjectivity [of defining oneself by membership in the nation] until Europeans foisted it on them.” But it was done to the colonized in much the same way “as this subjectivity was foisted on Europeans themselves, at least in the early days of the nation-state. The Castilians had to impose the nation in order to make it thinkable. Later Europeans, steeped in the idea of the nation, could hardly think of any other.”28

Did tribe exist before colonialism? If we understand by tribe an ethnic group with a common language, it did. But tribe as an administrative entity that distinguishes between natives and non-natives and systematically discriminates in favor of the former and against the latter – defining access to land and participation in local governance and rules for settling disputes according to tribal identity – certainly did not exist before colonialism. One may ask: did race exist before racism? As differences in pigmentation, or in phenotype, it did. But as a fulcrum for group discrimination based on “race” difference, it did not. The consensus among contemporary scholars of race is that while race does not exist, racism – a system of discrimation [sic], legal or social, based on the perception or conviction that race is real – does exist. Like race, tribe became a single, exclusive, and total identity only with colonialism. Above all, tribe was a politically driven, modern – totalizing – identity.29

Before the rise of colonialism in the Global South, as before the rise of nationalism in Europe, the imagined communities in which people mentally placed themselves were constructed around religious identities or dynastic realms.30 Benedict Anderson writes:

Communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined. Javanese villagers have always known that they are connected to people they have never seen, but these ties were once imagined particularistically – as indefinitely stretchable nets of kinship and clientship.31

As already mentioned previously, European empires increasingly shifted from the mid-19th century on toward a policy of indirect rule, based on essentialist and largely constructed ethnic or tribal identities and “customary” native authorities, which the colonial powers imposed on the ruled populations. This policy heavily reflected the orientalist understanding of ethnic identity and customary society described above.

This understanding required the conscious or unconscious repression of any evidence of complexity or cosmopolitanism, or of larger political societies not based on particular tribal identity that were not the product of outside influences. Nineteenth century historians, as Mamdani quotes Nigerian historian Yusuf Bala Usman, operated on the assumption that the “basic units of the society and history are races, nations, and tribes.”32

If it could be shown that people lived in multi-ethnic communities, what would be the reason to hold on to the prejudice that kinship was the only key to understanding their lives – social, political, and cultural?33

If any one figure linked the orientalist approach to history with European policies of indirect colonial rule, it was Henry Sumner Maine. For Maine, the “native” and their “tribal” identities were static, standing outside history.

Maine sought to recognize the historicity and the agency of the colonized as part of an endeavor to rethink and reconstitute the colonial project on a more durable basis. Through a theory of history and a theory of law, he distinguished the West from the non-West and a universal civilization from local custom. In the process, he distinguished the settler from the native, providing elements of a theory of nativism: if the settler was modern, the native was not; if history defined the settler, geography defined the native; if legislation and sanction defined modern political society, habitual observance defined that of the native. If continuous progress was the mark of settler civilization, culture was best thought of as part of nature, fixed and unchanging.34

And by definition, the native in a “primitive society” was incapable of any identity above the tribal level, unless it were imposed from outside:

But when it came to the colonies, Maine insisted on the purity of phenomena; thus his insistence on privileging evidence from the isolated but uncontaminated interior over that from the cosmopolitan and therefore contaminated coast of India…. These intellectuals had constructed a binary between the West and the non-West, one based less on observation than on conception, so much so that the same observations were interpreted in sharply opposite ways: developments ascribed to urbanization, cosmopolitanism, and progress in the West were seen as outcomes of impurity and miscegenation in the non-West.

The existence of multi-ethnic states above the level of clan and tribe, and cosmopolitan cities, was seen as something always imposed on preexisting tribal societies by outside “Hamitic” invaders.35 In reality, of course, it was this essentialized tribal identity that was imposed.

Unlike what is commonly thought, native does not designate a condition that is original and authentic. Rather, as in Maine, the native is the creation of the colonial state: colonized, the native is pinned down, localized, thrown out of civilization as an outcast, confined to custom, and then defined as its product.36

This understanding of “native” identity, upon which Maine was the greatest influence, formed the basis of colonial administration.

From Alfred Lyall in India to Frank Swettenham in Malaya, Theophilus Shepstone in Natal, Lord Cromer in Egypt, Frederick Lugard in Nigeria and Uganda, Harold MacMichael in Sudan, and Donald Cameron in Tanganyika, colonial administrators throughout the empire translated the assumptions around which Maine had marshaled his arguments – particularly in his well-known text, Ancient Law – into policies. The result was a mode of rule undergirded by a set of institutions – a racialized and tribalized historiography, a bifurcation between civil and customary law, and an accompanying census that classified and enumerated the native population into so many “natural” groups.37

The policy of indirect rule through artificially constructed “native authorities” was pioneered in India after the rebellion of 1857.

…[T]he reforms of 1862 promulgated multiple personal codes: “one code for each recognized religious group.” Aptly summed up by Scott Alan Kugle, “This sealed the division between Hindu and Muslim, and in addition broke the Muslim community into its constituent ‘sects,’ each with its own code of law.” The period after 1857 marked a sharp break in the legal sphere between the Moghul polity and British rule. When it came to non-Muslim communities, Moghul policy left each community “to administer its own law to its own members through its own specialists as long as the community maintained certain limits on public religious practices and offered up financial compensation in taxes.” The big difference with British rule was that “the Mughal polity never took up as a state project to administer a community’s laws to that community.” Whereas the Moghuls, like the Ottomans, related to communities as historically defined, the British actively defined and shaped community identities.

In the period that followed, the native was classified and reclassified, each time in response to political necessity, but always in the language of cultural difference and cosmopolitan tolerance. Claiming to protect authenticity against the threat of progress, the settler defined and pinned the native.38

From India, it spread to British Africa – especially in the period of rapid colonial expansion following the Berlin Conference.

Under indirect rule, the governance of the native was the prerogative of the native authority. As a form of governance, native administration claimed to be faithful to tradition and custom, which it defined in the singular, more or less unchanged since time immemorial. No matter its local variations, a core set of rules defined the “customary” in indirect rule colonies. They functioned as the gold standard. The rules concerned land and governance. Land in a colony was defined exclusively as a composite of different homelands, each the home of a designated native tribe. Only those officially designated as natives could claim land rights in the tribal homeland. As a result, participation in public affairs was no longer the right of all those who lived on the land; instead, it became the exclusive preserve of natives said to belong to the homeland.39

This involved, in practical terms, an intensive process of enumeration and classification of the Empire’s new subjects.

First, the census divided the population into two kinds of groups; some were tagged as races and others as tribes. When a census-taker entered your name, it was either as member of a race or as member of a tribe. What determined whether you belonged to a race or a tribe? The distinction was not between colonizer and colonized, but between native and nonnative. Non-natives were tagged as races, whereas natives were said to belong to tribes. Races were said to comprise all those officially categorized as not indigenous to Africa, whether they were indisputably foreign (Europeans, Asians) or whether their foreignness was the result of an official designation (Arabs, Colored, Tutsi). Tribes, in contrast, were all those defined as indigenous in origin. Rather than highlight the distinction between colonizers and colonized, the race-tribe distinction cut through the single category – colonized – by politically distinguishing those indigenous from those foreign. When the state officially distinguished nonindigenous races from indigenous tribes, it paid heed to one single characteristic, origin, and totally disregarded all subsequent developments, including, residence. By obscuring an entire history of migrations, the state portrayed the native as the product of geography rather than history.

Second, the race-tribe distinction had a direct legal significance. Whether a person was defined as belonging to a race or a tribe determined the law under which that person would live. All races were governed under a single law: civil law. This, however, was not true of tribes and the law under which they were governed: customary law. There was never a single customary law to govern all tribes as natives, as one racialized group. Each tribe was ruled under a separate set of laws; there were thus as many sets of customary laws as there were said to be tribes….

…Even if their languages were similar and mutually intelligible, tribes were governed under separate laws, called “customary” laws, which were in turn administered by ethnically defined native authorities…. [C]ultural difference was reinforced, exaggerated, and built up into different legal systems, each enforced by a separate administrative and political authority.40

The French policy in Algeria, as Sai Englert describes it, was similar. It was a threefold approach:

control the Indigenous population through geographic containment and separation, emphasise and institutionalise supposedly innate religious and ethnic differences between different Indigenous groups, and create a handpicked ‘Indigenous elite’ to whom the day-to-day running of settler rule could be outsourced – always under the settler state’s tight supervision.41

French administrative policy in its West African colonies relied, more broadly, on the concept of the autochthon.

For the administrator and ethnographer Maurice Delafosse, for instance, later to become a towering figure in organizing French rule in West Africa, autochthony was a kind of first criterion in his seminal three-volume Haut-Sénégal-Niger. He used it as a first step in categorizing the dazzling variety of indigénes: Some indigénes were autochthons, whereas others definitely were not. His emphasis on this distinction was derived from the politique des races, a fixed principle for setting up a colonial administration during the early decades of French rule. Unlike the British with their Indirect Rule, which concentrated on finding “real” chiefs, French policy, at least initially, was to by-pass chiefs (who might prove troublesome) in favor of homogeneous cantons, populated by the same race; hence, ruling immigrant groups had to be distinguished from true autochtones. In practice, however, the French as well soon resorted to involving local chiefs in the administration of the new colonies.42

This required, again, studied ignorance of the actual complexity of African society, and the continent’s history of large-scale, multi-ethnic and cosmopolitan, political units organized along the same dynastic lines as European empires.

Colonial powers were concerned first and foremost with establishing the credentials of their native allies as traditional and authentic. They were preoccupied with defining, locating, and anointing the traditional authority – in the singular. We need to remember that African colonies did not share with early modern Europe the political history of an absolutist state. This means that the rule-making authority was not in the singular but always plural. Instead of a centralized state authority whose writ was law – in all social domains – the practice was for different authorities to define the convention in different domains of social life. Besides chiefs, the definers of tradition could come from women’s groups, age groups, clans, religious groups, and so on.

Once a single authority, called the chief, was exalted as the traditional authority, it was a short step to define tradition, too, as single, noncontradictory, and authoritative. Marked by two characteristics, age and gender, the authority of the chief was inevitably patriarchal. With its “indirect rule” allies ensconced as “customary,” the colonial state became both the custodian and the enforcer of tradition. Enforcing tradition became a way of entrenching colonial power. The fact is that colonial powers were the first political fundamentalists of the modern period. They were the first to advance and put into practice two propositions: one, that every colonized group has an original and pure tradition, whether religious or ethnic; and two, that every colonized group must be made to return to that original condition, and that the return must be enforced by law. Put together, these two propositions constitute the basic platform of every political fundamentalism in the colonial and the postcolonial world.43

This cartoonish pigeonholing of people into ethnic categories, as their primary source of identity and political affiliation, meant stratifying people of multiple ethnicities, who had peacefully coexisted time out of mind in common societies, into artificial categories of rulers and ruled based solely on ethnicity.

Natives were said to be tribal by nature and the practice of governing them was called native administration. At the heart of native administration was an administrative distinction between native and non-native tribes. Non-natives were identified as such no matter how many generations they had lived in the area, for no amount of time could erase the difference in origin. Every colony was divided into so many tribal homelands, each homeland identified with a tribe administratively tagged as native. Immigrants wanting access to land could only do so as “strangers” who had to pay a specified tribute to chiefs in the native authority. Colonial customary law acknowledged only one form of stable land tenure: the customary right of use in the tribal homeland.

The native identity involved three distinct privileges. The first was right of access to land. The second involved right of participation in the administration of the native authority. Chiefs in the native authority could only be appointed from among those identified as natives. It was only at the lowest level of administration – the lowest tier of the native authority – that one could find village headmen from resident non-native tribes in a tribal homeland. The higher the level of native authority, the stricter was the observance of the colonially sanctioned custom that only natives have the right of representation and governance in the homeland. The third privilege was in the area of dispute settlement, for every native authority settled disputes on the basis of customary laws that privileged natives.

The institutionalized regime of inequality between supposedly original residents and subsequent immigrants led to a monoethnic administration ruling over a multiethnic society.44

It’s noteworthy that the customary right of use was collectively vested, not in particular functional units like village communities, but in the ethnic group. So even when a village of “foreign” tribespeople had existed in an area for many generations, the tribal homeland amounted to an absentee landlord.

The British protectorate in Malaya took a similar approach to that employed earlier in India and Africa.

Swettenham put the regime of protection into effect in Malaya. It turned around a definition of two different kinds of natives: aboriginal and civilized. The 1874 Treaty of Pangkor, which marked the beginning of British colonization of the Malay states, officially defined a Malay as “one who habitually speaks Malay, professes the religion of Islam and practices Malay customs.” This definition continues to be enshrined in Article 160 of the Malay Constitution. The official declaration had a double effect. One, it allowed for many immigrant Muslims to be assimilated into the Malay identity. As a result, Muslim migrants from near and far – from the surrounding Dutch East Indies archipelago to the Arab peninsula – were able to masuk Melayu (“become Malay”) through the adoption of the Malay language (bahasa) and custom (adat). Two – and this was its opposite effect – it turned non-Muslims who had hitherto been as Malay as Muslim Malays into the aborigines they are considered to be today….

The political order established at independence in 1957 distinguished between two groups of Malay: the Muslim (“Malay”) and the non-Muslim (“Orang Asli”). The two categories were identified with different rungs of the racial ladder: whereas Muslim Malay were officially acknowledged as civilized, civilized by religion; the Orang Asli, the aboriginal native, was consigned to the lowest rung of the civilizational ladder.45

But as Benedict Anderson points out, it’s “extremely unlikely” that at the time of the Federated Malay States Census of 1911, which categorized the population by ethnic group,

more than a tiny fraction of those categorized and subcategorized would have recognized themselves under such labels. These ‘identities,’ imagined by the (confusedly) classifying mind of the colonial state, still awaited a reification which imperial administrative penetration would soon make possible. One notices, in addition, the census-makers’ passion for completeness and unambiguity. Hence their intolerance of multiple, politically ‘transvestite,’ blurred, or changing identifications. Hence the weird subcategory, under each racial group, of ‘Others’ – who, nonetheless, are absolutely not to be confused with other ‘Others.’ The fiction of the census is that everyone is in it, and that everyone has one – and only one – extremely clear place. No fractions.46

…At the same time, there were frequent endeavours to force a better alignment of census with religious communities by – so far as was possible – politically and juridically ethnicizing the latter. In the Federated States of colonial Malaya, this task was relatively easy. Those whom the regime regarded as being in the series ‘Malay’ were hustled off to the courts of ‘their’ castrated Sultans, which were in substantial part administered according to Islamic law. ‘Islamic’ was thus treated as really just another name for ‘Malay.’47

The Dutch authorities in the East Indies, similarly, “allocated proselytizing zones to different missionary groups according to its own census-topography.” The result was “the growth of ‘ethnic’ Christianities (the Batak Church, the Karo Church, later the Dayak Church, and so on).”48

The peoples living under these artificially constructed sectarian or ethnic identities were subjected to the rule of “traditional” native officials, whose authority was absolutized and freed from previous customary controls, in much the same way as the zamindars in Bengal under Warren Hastings.

The native agents administering customary law [in Natal] would be called chiefs. Their powers were formalized through statutes of 1849, 1878, and 1891. 3 These were draconian laws by any standard. The tribal chief was a local despot who could requisition tribesmen for any number of purposes, including “defense, or to suppress disorder or rebellion, or as laborers for public works, or for the general needs of the colony.”…

The regime of absolute control reorganized relations within Zulu society, establishing a rigid patriarchy in which the native head man of each kraal, or village, exercised total authority over minors and women within his domain. By law he was the “absolute owner of all property belonging to his kraal,” and it was his duty to “settle all disputes” within. All residents of a kraal were “minors in law,” except for married men, widowers, and adult men “not related to the kraal head.” Unless exempted by civil legal authorities, women were “always considered minors and without independent power.” They could “neither inherit nor bequeath.” All income was controlled by the head of the kraal, who was given powers to disinherit any minor who may disobey him. Kraal heads also had police powers, ranking as “constables within the precincts of their own kraals and… authorized to arrest summarily any person therein.” Kraal heads were also given powers to “inflict corporal punishment upon inmates of their kraals” for “any just cause.” The code went on to specify the type of salute natives must give and the manner in which they must hail each category of official, from the white supreme chief to the native headman.49

Along with artificially constructed “tribal” identities and corresponding “native” governing authorities, came the imposition of a “customary” law which was similarly artificial.

Those categorized as Indigenous-Natives were subject to a new imperial regime of “protection,” one that worked to enclose them within “custom.” Colonialism was now portrayed as necessary, not to change Indigenous-Natives (e.g., to “civilize” them), but to preserve their (often invented) traditions and customs as they encountered the “modern” world…. The governance of Indigenous-Natives through appointed “Native authorities” became the new governmentality of imperial states.50

Within the borders of [of colonies and settler states] were and remain inhabitants subject to another kind of law: customary law. The people governed by it are members of native tribes, so called because the civil law groups them that way. If this sounds circular, it is: natives are not natives because of anything essential to them but because they were created as natives in law by settlers. Like civil law, customary law is unequal. It can offer its native enforcers capricious and tyrannical authority over other natives.

But customary law… is in no sense traditional. It is not a practice predating colonization. Customary law, like civil law, is created by settlers. The particular practices and norms associated with customary law are sometimes inspired by those of an era preceding colonialism, but customary law’s authority over natives, and the authority of natives to wield it, derives from statutes of the civil law. Those who write the civil law ultimately determine what the customary law is, while the natives themselves serve as customary law’s custodians, implementing it within the tribal territory. Together, the authors and enforcers of law determine, say, who gets to be a tribal member, which land the member may own or use, what religion the member may practice, how the member is to dress and groom himself, or whether the member is at liberty or detained.51

As Terence Ranger put it, “British administrators set about inventing African traditions for Africans…. They set about to codify and promulgate these traditions, thereby transforming flexible custom into hard prescription.”52

A profound misunderstanding was at work here. In comparing European neo-traditions with the customary in Africa the whites were certainly comparing unlike with unlike. European invented traditions were marked by their inflexibility. They involved sets of recorded rules and procedures – like the modern coronation rites. They gave reassurance because they represented what was unchanging in a period of flux. Now, when Europeans thought of the customary in Africa, they naturally ascribed to it these same characteristics. The assertion by whites that African society was profoundly conservative – living within age-old rules which did not change; living within an ideology based on the absence of change; living within a framework of clearly defined hierarchical status – was by no means always intended as an indictment of African backwardness or reluctance to modernize. Often it was intended as a compliment to the admirable qualities of tradition, even though it was a quite misconceived compliment. This attitude towards ‘traditional’ Africa became more marked as whites came to realize in the 1920s and 1930s that rapid economic transformation was just not going to take place in Africa and that most Africans had to remain members of rural communities, or as some whites came to dislike the consequences of the changes which had taken place. The African collaborators… then came to seem less admirable than ‘real’ Africans, still presumed to be inhabiting their own, appropriate universe of tradition.

The trouble with this approach was that it totally misunderstood the realities of pre-colonial Africa. These societies had certainly valued custom and continuity but custom was loosely defined and infinitely flexible. Custom helped to maintain a sense of identity but it also allowed for an adaptation so spontaneous and natural that it was often unperceived. Moreover, there rarely existed in fact the closed corporate consensual system which came to be accepted as characteristic of ‘traditional’ Africa. Almost all recent studies of nineteenth-century pre-colonial Africa have emphasized that far from there being a single ‘tribal’ identity, most Africans moved in and out of multiple identities, defining themselves at one moment as subject to this chief, at another moment as a member of that cult, at another moment as part of this clan, and at yet another moment as an initiate in that professional guild. These overlapping networks of association and exchange extended over wide areas. Thus the boundaries of the ‘tribal’ polity and the hierarchies of authority within them did not define conceptual horizons of Africans….

Similarly, nineteenth-century Africa was not characterized by lack of internal social and economic competition, by the unchallenged authority of the elders, by an acceptance of custom which gave every person – young and old, male and female – a place in society which was defined and protected.53

…The most far-reaching inventions of tradition in colonial Africa took place when the Europeans believed themselves to be respecting age-old African custom. What were called customary law, customary land-rights, customary political structure and so on, were in fact all invented by colonial codification.54

Ranger quotes the Dutch social scientist Wim van Binsbergen: “Modern Central Africa tribes are not so much survivals from a pre-colonial past but rather largely colonial creations by colonial officers and African intellectuals….”55

He also quotes the historian John Iliffe on the nearly whole-cloth invention of “tribes” in Tanganyika by colonial authorities:

The notion of the tribe lay at the heart of indirect rule in Tanganyika. Refining the racial thinking common in German times, administrators believed that every African belonged to a tribe, just as every European belonged to a nation. The idea doubtless owed much to the Old Testament, to Tacitus and Caesar, to academic distinctions between tribal societies based on status and modern societies based on contract, and to the post-war anthropologists who preferred ‘tribal ’ to the more pejorative word ‘savage’. Tribes were seen as cultural units ‘possessing a common language, a single social system, and an established common law’. Their political and social systems rested on kinship. Tribal membership was hereditary. Different tribes were related genealogically…. As unusually well-informed officials knew, this stereotype bore little relation to Tanganyika’s kaleidoscopic history, but it was the shifting sand on which Cameron and his disciples erected indirect rule by ‘taking the tribal unit’.56

As Mamdani observes, the intended effect of all these policies was to divide and weaken the ruled populations, and deputize natives in enforcing colonial rule on their own people.

…[T]he new colonial method [of indirect rule] involved drafting native allies and claiming to protect their ways of life. In the colonies, there would be no native majority built to resemble the colonizer; instead there would be assorted minorities, each preserved under the leadership of a native elite. The native elite’s power was said to derive from custom, but it was the backing of the colonizer that was their true source of authority. Separated into so many distinct races and tribes, the natives would look to their “own” rather than to each other in a solidarity that could challenge the colonizer.57

…Rather than build the national permanent majority, there would be a proliferation of permanent minorities, each kept down through indirect management by so-called natives deputized by the colonizer.58

This approach to colonial governance, based on assigning ruled populations to constructed absolutist ethnic or religious categories, intensified existing antagonisms, or created them where they had not existed. For example, a considerable amount of the religious antagonism that led to the partition of India after 1848 can probably be attributed directly to British policy.

In 1862, the idea that Hindus and Muslims were wholly different types of people was shored up by identifying each as having discrete customs, culture, history, and traditions. The British Raj institutionalized such ideas by empowering the supposed guardians of tradition – princes, priests, and landholders – and by consolidating authoritarian British rule. The passing of separate “personal codes” or “personal laws” was part of this. The “civil” (or “personal”) matters of Hindus and Muslims would be dealt with by separate Native authorities established by the British but portrayed as emanating from the “traditions” of the named group. In the subsequent decade (1862 – 1872), further legal and administrative reforms were enacted to “preserve” and “protect” these now-differentiated groups of Natives. The British thus actively constructed new identities – communal and individual – by institutionalizing the significance of religion in social and political life in unprecedented ways.

The construction of separate legal systems and political constituencies that produced differences between the colonized Natives also fueled antagonism between them. This was not beside the point.59

Colonized populations, for whom ethnicity and religious sect had previously not been essentialized bases for identification, gradually adopted such identities under colonial tutelage.

Historical writing, census-taking, and lawmaking fostered new subjectivities by creating for the colonized a new past, altering their status in the present, and anticipating for them futures that otherwise would never have come to pass. Colonizers wrote European race theories and perverted variations on local history into the histories of colonized peoples, making European categories of race and tribe appear local and natural. Thus did colonized peoples learn that they had always been rivals. Colonizers then mapped the colonized using census categories organized according to these histories, reinforcing racial and tribal identifications. Finally, by predicating laws and their application on identification with racial and tribal distinctions, colonizers ensured that future political, economic, and social realities would reflect these distinctions.60

Nandita sharma describes the process in almost identical terms. Indirect rule colonialism

changed how people in state-spaces came to know and relate to one another through racialized temporalities and geographies of stasis and mobility. Regimes of land tenure, political rights, and the minutia of daily life in the colonies were drastically changed, as were ideas of history, belonging, subjectivities, and the imagined space of “society” itself. The governmentality of protection, with its preservation of the “traditions” of emplaced Indigenous-Natives – and the displaced Migrant-Natives – produced a racialized territorialization of politics.61

(Consider, by way of comparison, the recent example of the Coalition regime in Iraq after the 2003 invasion, which set up a new constitution based on sectarian identities and thereby arguably pushed a secular society into sectarian civil war.)

The practice of colonial empires, by artificially distinguishing between the one ethnic group “Native” to a given territory and all other as “Migrant” outsiders, is also the source of genocides like those of the Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar and the Tutsis in Rwanda.62 In the latter country, the “Hutu/Tutsi divide”

is one particularly stark – and genocidal – example of how National-Native time has reified the process by which imperial states separate Indigenous-Natives and Migrant-Natives. Indeed, the 1994 Rwandan genocide is perhaps the most analyzed example of the politics of autochthony in the African context. Carried out by Hutus in the name of their autochthonous rights in Rwanda, Tutsis – defined as colonizing Migrants – were attacked and killed in the hundreds of thousands. “Traitorous” Hutus who refused to participate in this genocide were also targeted.63

When the Belgian colonists conducted censuses, they wanted to identify the people throughout Rwanda-Burundi according to a simple classification scheme. They defined “Tutsi” as anyone owning more than ten cows (a sign of wealth) or with the physical features of a longer thin nose, high cheekbones, and being over six feet tall, all of which are common descriptions associated with the Tutsi.64

…In Rwanda, Belgian colonizers had classified the population into two opposed groups, Tutsi and Hutu (with a third residual group, the Twa), even though the majority of the population was “mixed.”… [T]he colonial power set up the minority Tutsi as managers of a state that contained a Hutu majority…. The 1959 revolution in Rwanda, with tacit support from the departing colonial power, declared itself a “Hutu Revolution”. … The 1994 “liberation” of Rwanda, with active participation from the Ugandan Army and tacit support from the United States, turned the tables, placing the Tutsi-dominated Rwanda Patriotic Army in charge.65

In Burma, likewise, the British – in keeping with “the logic of ‘indirect rule’ colonialism” – “placed people they defined as different from one another in various biopolitical groups.”

Throughout Burma, the British placed people they defined as different from one another in various biopolitical groups. As elsewhere, the British favored certain groups over others. In areas the British classified as Frontier (later Scheduled) Areas – where the majority of “national ethnic minorities” in Myanmar live today, including Chin, Shan, Kachin, and Karenni people – “traditional rulers” were selected to nominally rule over the colonized Natives. On the other hand, in areas classified as “Ministerial Burma,” a form of parliamentary home rule (controlled by the British India Office in Calcutta) was established. This is where the majority of people constituted as Bamar (or Burman: speakers of Burmese) lived. The British disadvantaged Bamar people – who now dominate the nation-state of Myanmar – in relation to those groups who today are constituted as either national ethnic minorities or, like the Rohingya, as Migrants.66

Sudan followed the same pattern, “in which the racial and tribal structures imposed by the British became the basis for explosive civil wars following independence.”67

If we do not know enough of the history of Sudan, this will sound like a familiar story of ancient hatreds exploding in violent Africa. But what happened in South Sudan only looked like that. In fact, the Dinka and Nuer were not fighting some endless feud; they had not been at each other’s throats before the introduction of the colonial order. Rather, they were fighting over control of the brand-new state. They sought the spoils of rule, which they understood to be the province of ethnicity. Whoever rules – which means whoever has enough guns and money to maintain a loyal fighting force – can funnel cash, real estate, jobs, business opportunities, contracts, and protection to his own ethnic group. That is how things work in South Sudan, thanks to colonial modernity. After the British took over in the early twentieth century, they politicized ethnic boundaries, reconstituting cultural difference as tribal difference. The inheritors of this colonial mentality govern as the British did, not as their ancestors did.

The territory of what is now Sudan and South Sudan has been home to impressive human diversity for at least half a millennium, but only for the past hundred years or so has this diversity been a source of conflict. That is due to the logic of indirect colonial rule. Beginning just after the turn of the twentieth century, and with increased urgency and concentration in the 1920s, British colonial authorities tribalized Sudan, erecting legal and physical barriers between groups that previously intermingled in spite of their cultural differences. The British hemmed groups into borders that had not formerly existed and installed over them a system of chiefly rule invented by colonial administrators. All this was done in order to prevent the colonized from developing solidarities beyond the tribal.68

In instituting “native authority” in Sudan, the British followed the same pattern as in other colonies.

First, using the census, the colonizer identified each ethnic group with its particular territory, which was deemed an exclusive homeland of that ethnic group. Second, each homeland was placed under the administration of a colonially appointed or approved tribal authority. Third, that authority was given the right to administer land allotments exclusively to those identified as indigenous to the homeland and to adjudicate internal conflicts. The law of the homeland was thereby rendered customary because administered by tribal members. The same measures made indigenous-only land-use rights customary, too, which gave locals a stake in the native identities that had been created for them. Finally, the power of the native authority was unhinged from accountability to the community, which was also said to be a matter of custom: according to the colonizer, chiefly authority was by nature absolute, for natives did not know or understand things like democracy or the rule of law, only timeless custom and the rule of dictators claiming to enforce it.69

And the imposition of artificial “customary” identities on the South Sudanese involved systematic de-Arabization.

The South, then, was run by native authorities subject to the oversight of British administrators. This despotism was augmented by missionary societies, each assigned its own religious fiefdom. These authorities together undertook a policy of ethnic cleansing, to ensure minimum Arab influence. As Christian missionaries were given exclusive charge of educational and social policy, English replaced Arabic as the official language. The practice of Arabic culture was discouraged, as residents were induced to use names deemed appropriate for their own ethnic group and to don clothing clearly not Arab or Islamic. Sunday replaced Friday as the official day of rest; Islamic proselytization was banned and Christian proselytization facilitated. Northern traders were weeded out of the South, and Greek and Syrian Christian traders were brought in to replace them. Ethnic cleansing was further enabled by Closed Districts and Passport and Permits Ordinances of 1922, which criminalized movement between the South and the North. All emigration from the South to the North was declared illegal, with transgressors subject to jail or a fine, and people were required to obtain passes in order to move into and out of the South.70

The protectorate of Dar Fur was established after the defeat of the Mahdiyyah, extending the same logic of rule to British Africa – in the form of tribalization – that the Empire had adopted in India after 1857.

Key to native administration was an administrative distinction between “natives” and “strangers.” Natives were said to be original to the area, and non-natives were identified as such no matter how many generations they had lived in the area. Darfur, the province, was parceled into a series of homelands, dars, each identified with a tribe administratively tagged as native. The dar was considered the homeland of its native tribe. Immigrants wanting access to land could only do so as “strangers” who had to pay a specified tribute to the native authority. With all African land tenure identified as tribal, all other forms of tenure, including the individual land holding introduced during the sultanate – the hakura of privilege – was rendered obsolete.71

Just the fact that it defined a person’s access to land, to participation in governance, including preference in the very process of dispute settlement, turned the membership of the administratively defined dar into a truly meaningful identity. Though imposed from above, through colonial law and associated administrative measures, tribal identity became the basis of voluntary organization over time. Enforced from above, native identity begot a native agency.72

[hannahlikeso741]

What perfumes do the HL boys wear, by a complete perfume lover who is not an expert.

Hello there. I have been inactive for too long. Ever since my label as a scent witch by @pandanscafanfiction and being bullied by @tennoujinerin to post this, here it is. What perfumes I think the HL boys would wear:

I know I have done this before but after some revision and seeing how each character has been developed, lo and behold my new choices.

Sebastian Sallow:

Ah, the one who stole our hearts at first when we played the game. I chose Cedarwood as his main scent note for it's association with healing and death. Sebastian is an all rounder, not the type to have multiple bottles, one scent will do the job. Burberry's Hero, YSL's La Nuit De La Homme and Margiela Replica's Whispers in the Library (I chose this on purpose) have Cedarwood as it's note

Ominis Gaunt:

Ominis is upper class but it doesn't strike me as someone who wants to shout his status. It is a kind of scent that is subtle but you know it comes from the upper class. For that I chose Leather fragrances as it usually wears slowly on the skin, but on the right person it comes across as a quiet strong person. Gucci's Guilty Absolute, Dior's Fahrenheit and Margiela Replica's Jazz club are a great reflection of this.

Garreth Weasley:

As a potioneer who relies on his nose a lot, Garreth wouldn't see the point of wearing perfume. At best he would just need something that smells clean and fresh, but I added some citrusy notes for his fun loving nature. For that Chanel's Allure Homme Sport and Dior Homme Cologne would do the trick. To get is attention, choose a scent that sits close to the skin in an almost intimate level that would turn his head, such as Margiela Replica's Lazy Sunday Morning.

Leander Prewett:

For Leander I actually went for "Annoying" fragrances at first but seeing how he has been developed into the fandom, I rearranged for scents that are fresh with a twist. I wanted something that comes across as a people pleaser but there is the note that you can't put your nose to it (It's Rosemary) that makes you take a second sniff. For that, Armani's Aqua Di Gio Porfumo, Bvlgari's Aqva pour Homme and Issey Miyake's Fusion d'Issey are my picks.

Amit Thakkar:

I really wanted to pay homage to India for Amit, as India is the land where scents are used quite frequently in daily life. I chose a sandalwood perfume (Diptyque's Tam Dao) for it's usage in the worship of the Hindu Gods and Goddess, Cardamom (D&G The One) for it's usage in food and Saffron ( Penhaligon's Babylon) for the colour worn by Hindu Priests ( it symbolic of Sunsets/Sunrise and healing, apparently).

Andrew Larson:

I am amazed at the headcanons for Andrew but I digress he doesn't smell like herbs. Instead I chose Juniper Berries! Is this an odd choice? Of course, but considering it's freshness yet spicy notes with medicinal properties (not to mention it being found in most parts of the globe) it is a timeless scent. I tried my best to find scents that are light, something not too strong as it will need to sit close to the skin. Take a peek with Blvgari's Glacial Essence, Gucci's Guilty Cologne Pour Homme and Penhaligon's Juniper Sling.

[briticanenglish]

Speak Confidently with the Best English Speaking Course in Noida – Join Britican English School Today

Introduction Looking to speak fluent English and boost your confidence? Whether you’re a student, professional, homemaker, or parent, the journey to fluency starts here. Britican English School offers a comprehensive English speaking course in Noida designed to meet every learner’s need. With expert trainers, flexible classes, and personalized learning, we help you speak English effortlessly and confidently.

Why Choose an English Speaking Course in Noida? Noida is rapidly becoming a hub of education and professional growth. Mastering English can give you a serious advantage in your career and personal life. If you’re searching for English speaking classes near me, Britican English School offers the perfect mix of expert teaching, interactive sessions, and practical communication skills.

What Makes Britican English School Stand Out?

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Our spoken English courses are ideal for all levels. Improve grammar, pronunciation, vocabulary, and day-to-day conversation skills in a fun, engaging classroom.

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Our public speaking for students in India and personality development sessions help you shine in school, college, and job interviews with confidence, body language mastery, and clear speech.

3. Interview Preparation Classes

Get job-ready with our expert-led interview preparation classes in Noida. Learn resume writing, confidence-building, and real interview simulations.

4. English for Kids

Parents trust Britican for the best English coaching for kids. We combine games, stories, and communication activities to make learning effective and fun.

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Struggling with grammar? Join our English grammar improvement course and master tenses, sentence formation, and more in a simplified way.

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At our top-rated soft skills training institute in Noida, improve your leadership, teamwork, and workplace communication. Essential for students and professionals alike.

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Prefer learning from home? Try our popular spoken English classes online – ideal for working professionals and those with tight schedules.

How to Speak English Fluently – The Britican Method Fluency is built through consistent practice and guided support. Here's how we help you:

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Conclusion : At Britican English School, we believe in real results. From spoken English classes online to public speaking for students in India, we cover everything. Looking for the best English coaching for kids, soft skills training institute in Noida, or interview preparation classes in Noida? We’ve got you covered.

Don't wait. Discover your voice and let the world hear it — only at Britican English School.

[bestmanagementcollegesinrohini]

Top B.Com (H) Colleges in Delhi NCR for Future Leaders

In today’s fast-paced and competitive business world, success starts with the right education. For aspiring entrepreneurs, financial analysts, and business professionals, choosing the best B.Com (H) college in Delhi NCR is the first step towards a rewarding career. Known for its academic excellence and industry integration, Delhi NCR is home to some of the top B.Com colleges in Delhi, making it a dream destination for commerce students across India.

Why Delhi NCR is a Paradise for Commerce Students

Delhi NCR is not just the political capital – it is also a major business and educational hub. From multinationals to budding startups, the region offers exposure to a diverse business ecosystem. Studying in commerce colleges in Delhi gives students the advantage of being close to India’s biggest corporate houses, offering internships, projects, and mentorship opportunities.

The region also has cultural diversity, vibrant student life, and world-class infrastructure – perfect for a balanced academic and personal experience.

What makes a B.Com (H) degree special?

The Bachelor of Commerce (Hons), or B.Com (H), is not just about understanding numbers – it is a comprehensive program that hones students’ skills in the following areas:

Accounting and Taxation

Financial Management

Business Law and Economics

Entrepreneurship and E-Commerce

What sets the best B.Com (H) college in Delhi NCR apart is its emphasis on practical learning. From case studies and simulations to internships with top firms, students get practical experience that enhances their job readiness.

How to Choose the Best B.Com (H) Colleges in Delhi NCR

Here are some key factors to consider while shortlisting top B.Com colleges in Delhi:

Accreditation and reputation: Choose colleges that are NAAC accredited and highly ranked by educational bodies.

Updated curriculum: Make sure the curriculum includes modern commerce tools like data analytics, digital marketing and sustainable finance.

Experienced faculty: Learning from industry experts and academic leaders can make a huge difference.

Placement assistance: The best colleges maintain strong placement records, landing jobs in firms like Deloitte, KPMG, EY and HDFC.

Facilities and campus life: Choose a campus with advanced infrastructure, libraries and student clubs for holistic development.

Placement and Career Prospects

One of the major reasons students pursue B.Com Hons in Delhi is better career assistance. Colleges offer training programmes, workshops and career counselling to prepare students for the job market. Due to their location, B.Com colleges in Delhi often host special recruitment drives by major corporations.

Many graduates go on to pursue MBA, Chartered Accountancy (CA), or Company Secretaryship (CS) courses, while others take up roles in auditing, banking, taxation, or digital finance.

Launchpad for Future Business Leaders

Enrolling in a top B.Com (H) college in Delhi NCR is more than just an academic decision – it’s an investment in your future. The right college can mold you into a confident, business-savvy professional ready to tackle global challenges.

From networking opportunities and top-tier faculty to a dynamic academic environment, Delhi NCR offers everything you need to build a thriving career in commerce. So take the first step – choose wisely, study smarter, and lead boldly.

[mindpoweruniversity111]

Best MBA college in Uttarakhand

At the center of Uttarakhand, where the quiet educational excellence of nature, an institution stands to redefine vocational education - Power University. Known for innovation, overall development and state -of -the -art teaching methods, Mind Power University has emerged as a prominent name in rapid management education. But what is the best MBA program in Uttarakhand?

1. A Future-Ready Curriculum Blending Business and Mind Sciences

Unlike traditional MBA programs that focus solely on management theories and business practices, Mind Power University’s curriculum integrates psychology, neuroscience, and emotional intelligence into core business education. This unique approach equips students not only with strategic thinking but also with the mental resilience and clarity needed to lead in a fast-paced, high-stress global economy.

Courses include:

Strategic Leadership & Innovation

Neuro-Marketing and Consumer Behavior

Emotional Intelligence in Management

Financial Intelligence and Wealth Psychology

Start-Up Incubation & Entrepreneurial Mindset

2. Industry-Centric Learning and Global Exposure

Mind Power University offers a strong industry interface with:

Live projects with global firms

Regular workshops with CXOs, entrepreneurs, and thought leaders

International exchange programs and virtual internships

Case studies from Harvard, IIMs, and real-time market scenarios

This ensures students graduate not just with degrees, but with practical business acumen.

3. World-Class Faculty and Mentorship

The university is home to experienced professors, IIM/Ivy League alumni, business strategists, and leadership coaches. These mentors provide students with academic knowledge as well as guidance on career strategy, personal branding, and decision-making under pressure.

4. An Environment That Enhances Focus and Creativity

Set in the peaceful and scenic surroundings of Uttarakhand, Mind Power University offers more than academics. It provides a space for students to reconnect with their purpose, enhance mental clarity, and develop leadership presence. With regular sessions in mindfulness, meditation, and mental conditioning, students emerge not just as managers—but as leaders of transformation.

5. Excellent Placement Record

Mind Power University’s MBA program has consistently delivered strong placement outcomes. Students receive offers from top recruiters in:

Consulting

Finance and Banking

FMCG

Technology

E-commerce

Start-ups and family businesses

The university’s career readiness programs, interview coaching, and corporate partnerships ensure that graduates are job-ready from day one.

6. Cheap excellence with high ROI Compared to other top B-schools in India, MBA Program at Mind Power University offers extraordinary values. With low tuition fees, scholarships and strong placement support, students enjoy high returns on investment - both financial terms and individual development.

Conclusion

In today’s ever-changing world, a traditional MBA is no longer enough. The most successful professionals are those who combine business acumen with mental agility, emotional intelligence, and visionary leadership. Mind Power University’s MBA program stands at this intersection—offering an education that is not only smart but also deeply empowering.

For aspiring managers, entrepreneurs, and change-makers, Mind Power University is the best MBA destination in Uttarakhand—and perhaps the country.

[muktimanch]

Understanding the Fees for Acting Classes in Mumbai and Choosing the Right Acting Studio

Mumbai, the nucleus of the entertainment industry in India, is truly the ultimate dream destination for aspiring actors. Loads of training options are available, but one major issue for many is understanding the acting class fees in Mumbai and picking out the available best acting studio in Mumbai that is right for them in terms of budget and requirements.

Factors Determining Acting Class Fees in Mumbai

Acting classes are set in different price ranges per the following considerations. Here are the key determinants:

The reputation of the Academy—Celeb Studios maintains its fees to ensure its credibility and successful alumni network.

Course Duration—Workshops are always cheaper than a full series of diploma classes.

Trainer Experience—Workshops by industry professionals or veteran actors will go for a higher fee.

Facilities Provided—A good-quality studio with the latest technical equipment, casting training, and facilities will increase the fee.

Batch Size��Smaller batch sizes warrant a higher fee since they amount to personalized coaching.

Acting class fees in Mumbai range from about INR 10,000 for any short-term workshops to some INR 200,000 for full-fledged programs. Prospective students must decide according to their budgets weighed against career goals.

What You Must Expect from the Acting Studio in Mumbai

Choosing the right Indian studio in Mumbai becomes extremely significant if you wish to receive adequate training and exposure to the industry.

Comprehensive Training Modules: Modules cover method acting, improvisation, voice modulation, and on-camera techniques.

Experienced Faculty: Get trained by actors, directors, and theatre veterans.

Hands-on Experience: Applied training by way of short films, theatre plays, and mock auditions.

Networking Opportunities: They should provide access to professionals from the industry, including casting directors and production houses.

Flexible Learning Options: Weekend or part-time batches should be available for working professionals.

How to Choose the Right Acting Studio for Your Price Point

With all these options available, it can be difficult to shortlist one acting studio in Mumbai. Meanwhile, the following tips ensure you navigate the process smoothly:

Research and Compare—Find the student reviews of past students, the success stories of students, and the course curriculum before you finalise the institute.

Visit the Studio—Inspect the infrastructure, training atmosphere, and expertise of the trainer.

Enquire About Payment Plans—Some academies will offer EMI plans or scholarships to deserving students.

Trial Classes—Attending demo lessons can help you get a feel for training quality before signing on.

Industry Tie-ups—Impart colleges that maintain healthy connections with the industry will have better placement.

Conclusion

Mumbai is a place that brings good fortune to actors by providing a huge platform for learning. However, selecting the right studio and understanding the acting classes fees in Mumbai are very important for finding a successful career. A big investment is the training you receive, through which you can enter into this huge door of the entertainment industry, improve your skills, and develop the trust you need to shine on screen.

Make sure it is the acting studio you've been looking for—the one that'll give you value for money while providing an environment conducive to realising your aspirations for quality education. The right training is the foundation for the path to stardom; pick one wisely!

[mihai-florescu]

Ive been on this account for 10 years and i wanted to remember the times i've met with people tumblr has brought into my life since my early teen years. I may not talk to some anymore (not for any particular reason, we just grew apart) but i still treasure our memories and wish them the best!

-Alex, whom i met through our shared love of musicals when she was still in middle school. We're from the same city and met to go to the theatre, and she has been my irl ever since to the point i forget this is how we met actually. As time went on we did develop a bunch of irl school and extracurricular acquaintances, i dont think any of them know how we actually met lol. Actually maybe one person, whom i also met through tumblr but she went to my high school so im not sure if it counts... if it does add her to the list too. She gave me her copy of radio silence in the early days of the pandemic and i shared loveless with her (i didnt really like the latter:/)

-India, my first internet friend. We had been friends for years and at 16 i flew with my mom to ireland for a few days to see wicked together. See how it all goes back to musicals for me... she now works in theatre and im so happy seeing the occasional instagram story, even if we eventually grew apart. I think about you a lot

-Maura, whom I started talking to while living in the US, and asked if she'd like to drive from west virginia to dc while i was on a trip. Her mom was outside in the car iirc, i infiltrated her into my hotel room, and we just chatted for a bit until the chaperones came to check and lock us in... i hid her in the bathroom, and then snuck her out with a hood on while the chaperones were talking to the room next to ours right before sticking those papers into the door that would tell them in the morning if anyone opened it overnight. The random girls i was paired to share a room with thought it was creepy im bringing a stranger to the room but like... tsk, you just dont get it. She's not a stranger, she's a mutual. Go back to breaking up with your american boyfriend over the phone.

-Anna, who saw I was depressed on main 2 years ago and said she'll come to my city to buy me bubble tea. And then we walked around and had ramen too and i learned she was skipping school to be here. A lovely day in an otherwise shitty semester.

-Moth, probably the only person you'd know if you follow me for enstars since, well, they're the himeruP mutual ever. Fun geography fact, belgium isnt a real country, it's just a backdrop for us to hang out. They build it up and tear it down just for us every time. They have such a nice handmade crazyb jacket and the enstars bible book is still my most treasured possession.

I think that is it? If i missed anyone i'm very sorry... here's to 10 years more? Maybe i should keep this for my exact blog anniversary in september... maybe i'll get to add to it by then?

EDIT I FORGOT SCHOOL ANON. Anon who goes to my uni and then we happened to share a course a few months later and finally met and we're irls now:)

[herbariuminstitute-hiihs]

HIIHS Courses -The Future of Professionals in the Hospitality Industry

To work in a busy hospitality industry nowadays, you have to be educated properly and possess practical skills that would help to make your career successful. Hotel and Hospitality Institute of Hotel Studies (HIIHS) is one of the leading institutes of hospitality education in Delhi that offers career-oriented studies with 100 percent placement bracket. Be it professional diploma courses to practical training in the industry, HIIHS leaves no stone unturned in training the students to fulfill the global standards of hospitality industry.

Learn various HIIHS courses

The lot of programs provided by HIIHS is very broad and aimed at the needs and challenges of future generations of hospitality workers. These HIIHS courses comprise diplomas specializing in hotel management, food production, the front office operations, housekeeping, etc. You have an interest in being a chef, in operating luxury hotels, in planning events or all three? With over one hundred courses, HIIHS has got a course to fit every dream.

The courses are created by professionals who thoroughly understand hotel business. The curriculum equally concentrates on both theory and the practice towards ensuring that the student is ready to field challenges, on the first day.

Hotel Management Diploma – Your Gateway to a Global Career

Hotels are a distinct and separate business that consists of various classes, types and forms of estates and hotels. Hotel Management Diploma is one of the brightest courses offered at HIIHS. It is one of the most extensive programs that suit students willing to develop a solid base of hotel operation, guest services, food and beverage management, and housekeeping.

The course is not limited to developing technical skills, on the contrary, it also emphasizes personality, communication, as well as soft skills, all of them really important to the hospitality sector. The students get to learn in the real work environment through state of art labs, fully equipped training kitchen, mock rooms, and front office arrangements.

The Hotel Management Diploma also provides internship at recognized hotel chains like Taj, Radisson, Marriott, and Oberoi, meaning that these students will gain exposure in the industry as they undergo the course.

Beyond the Classroom Hospitality Education

Hospitality education includes more than textbooks and lectures at HIIHS. It is based on actual activities, market knowledge and practical education. The institute constantly organizes workshops, culinary competitions, industrial visits and such guest lectures by industry persons of the hospitality world.

Faculty mentors offer students decades of hotel and international hospitality brand experience. They are because of their mentorship which gives practical tips, career advice, and the real world of knowledge that cannot be found in books.

Why HIIHS is The Right Choice?

Industry-Ready courses Seasoned Faculty who are well exposed globally Free Placement Assistance Good Industry Tie-Ups Give emphasis to Total Growth

HIIHS also boasts of an impressive placement bottle neck. The placement cell is committed to the task of grooming the students with regard to job interviews, grooming through the year, and career counseling. Students are attached to the best hotels, resorts, and even the cruise lines either in India or overseas.

Final Thaughts

Obtaining a career that is satisfying and in hospitality industry is something that you may have dreamt about and HIIHS is your stepping-stone. HIIHS is an educational institution providing students with a professional training courses, helping them to acquire the necessary skills with aspects of practical learning, as well as full professional--placement packages. Discover our HIIHS courses and enter the sphere of the global hospitality with self-confidence.

Get Your Career Guidance Now

[rabbitcruiser]

National Iced Tea Day 

When the weather gets too warm for hot tea, just ice it! Mint tea, fruity teas, even the Southern classic sweet tea will all refresh you on a warm and sunny day.

Drinks are such a key part of modern culture that they are so much than just a necessity for the body. We drink water to survive, we drink coffee to stay alert, we sip cocktails to feel refreshed and get in the mood, and we drink soda to relax and unwind. Different drinks feed into different moods and give us new and unique experiences that play a big role in our lives, both socially and at home. So, it is important to make sure you sample as many different beverages as you can.

When it comes to quenching thirst and being refreshed on a hot summer’s day, there are a lot of things you can choose from. Many will crack open a beer or a bottle of wine, but how about sampling some gorgeous iced tea. There are a lot of things you need to keep in mind when it comes to trying this delicious beverage. In fact, there is even an National Iced Tea Day, solely dedicated to the discovery and enjoyment of all things iced tea related; try to ensure you make the most of this as much as you can right now.

On a hot summer day, there’s nothing that quenches the thirst and fosters relaxation quite as much as a frosty cold glass of iced tea. While hot tea is delicious and certainly an excellent beverage for most situations, it’s purely inappropriate for picnics, and it only stays hot so long. Instead, it is necessary to branch out to the more versatile and refreshing alternatives. Sweet tea is one of the most popular beverages in the deep South, but it’s just one example of the variety that can be iced tea.

History of National Iced Tea Day

While recipes for Iced Tea go back as far as the 1870’s, it wasn’t until 1904 that it exploded in popularity. This was due in no small part to the World’s Fair and the heat of the summer that was baking it. Iced Tea was being served, and the fair goers were drinking it en masse, and in almost no time at all, it was being served in tall glasses so well known for this purpose that they were called iced-tea glasses. You know a drink has truly come into its own when special utensils are made for its preparation, and it wasn’t just the glasses, iced-tea spoons and lemon forks were developed to make its consumption both easier and more satisfying.

Iced Tea is typically made from the tea plant, but just like with hot teas, it can be made with just about anything, and herbal teas are often a popular choice for the cool drink. Imagine the parade of flavors available to you, a cool mint tea stirred with a bit of lime, or if you’re in India you may as well do as the locals do and enjoy your tea with a bit of ginger. Our personal favorite? Peach Iced Tea, it’s delightful.

National Iced Tea Day exists to pay homage to the popular and delicious beverage, and it’s something more of us should get involved with. This is a drink that is growing in popularity, and there is a growing consumer base for it, both in the United States and abroad. This is why manufacturers continue to come up with different and interesting flavors of iced tea that you can choose from moving forward.

How to celebrate National Iced Tea Day

Making the most of National Iced Tea Day by way of celebration is a great way of being able to sample some of the tasty and unique types of iced tea that are on offer. This is something you need to make sure you think about when you are looking to make the most of this. Now, there are plenty of things you can do if you are serious about celebrating this day properly.

See if you can get a coupon for free iced tea

Get creative and come up with your own recipe

Enjoy the different iced tea flavors that restaurants and bars are offering

Iced tea popsicles is a great addition to the day

Hosting an iced tea party would be the absolute best approach to take to celebrate this day

Add some booze into the mix to make adult iced teas

Of course, there are so many different flavors you can enjoy with iced tea, and this is the beauty of it. Make sure you take the time to enjoy and experiment with all the different flavors that you can use, and try to come up with some combinations of your own. This is something that can really go a long way toward enhancing and improving your enjoyment of National Iced Tea Day, and you can make a thing of it each year.

The best way to celebrate National Iced Tea Day is with a frosty glass of iced tea! But given that you’ll be enjoying it on a special occasion, why only work with one? Instead, you can prepare a positive banquet of delicious iced teas. Peach Iced Tea, Mango Iced Tea, Ginger Lemon, or just an old fashioned sweet tea like they can only make in the south, there’s simply nothing like it. Why not try to come up with your own combination?

Source

[buryherwithemeralds]

To start building knowledge, look into:

Skincare and Facials - Of course Korea, but actually China. Things happen in China first and then its made palatable for mass market in Korea. Japan likes to perfect technique, Korea like innovation.

Surgery: Korea, Thailand, India, Turkey, Lebannon, Iraq, Brazil, Poland and Mexico. Even if you are not interested in plastic surgery, I still find it good to know what is being used out there.

Body: Rich white woman in English speaking countries. See what is in trend with them, they are the pioneers of coming up with new it thing.

But the key is looking through what the best spas in your country offer. Look through their services and see what keeps coming up. This is how I keep up to date with what is trending and what people are getting. One thing you will notice over time is that there are base line consistencies with what the new facials and all that can do for a person. It just all new ways of achieving the same old thing. See what kind of exercise classes the most expensive gyms offer. What are people getting into and why ? The why is crucial for understanding what new insecurities people are mass developing. Because at some point it wil trickle to the working class and everyone will have a new insecurity to work on.

Like i said this is for understanding what people are doing and why. I think it is good to have a general knowledge on what people are investing into. Most if not all the time, most people pay to have the same 5-6 things change. But also, its just fun to know.

[studypalace-hub]

How to Prepare for the FMGE/NExT Exam After Studying MBBS Abroad

The choice to study MBBS abroad, especially in countries like Russia, is unique and enriching. However, after completing medical education, the FMGE or NExT has to be cleared to practice in India, which forms a big challenge for MBBS students from all abroad. The journey through FMGE or NExT becomes quite intimidating and complicated for MBBS graduates from any foreign university. Prepare to take the FMGE/NExT Exam after MBBS abroad study as follows.

Understanding the FMGE/NExT Exam

The FMGE is the examination conducted by foreign medical graduates for practicing in India. It is conducted by the National Board of Examinations (NBE). Basically, this exam tests the knowledge and clinical skills of candidates who have completed their MBBS degree from outside India.

The NExT exam, on the other hand, is going to replace the FMGE and will be the gateway for MBBS students across India, including those who graduate from foreign medical schools. The NExT exam will be a two-part examination system: one for theoretical knowledge (NExT-1) and one for practical and clinical skills (NExT-2).

MBBS students who have completed their education abroad require passing the FMGE/NExT to get a medical license in India.

Step 1: Understand the Syllabus and Exam Pattern

The first step in your preparation is to understand the syllabus and exam pattern. The FMGE syllabus covers subjects from all the major medical disciplines, including:

Anatomy

Physiology

Biochemistry

Pathology

Microbiology

Pharmacology

Forensic Medicine

Medicine, Surgery, Pediatrics, Obstetrics and Gynecology, and more.

The NExT exam would have a comparable syllabus, but it will be more elaborative and practical. It's essential to thoroughly study each topic because these tests not only focus on theoretical concepts but also put your ability into practice in practical medical scenarios.

Step 2: Plan your study schedule Structure your study time into manageable slots. Focus on subjects like Medicine, Surgery, and Pediatrics, as these areas carry higher weight. Use multiple resources such as textbooks, online lectures, question banks, and mock tests to reinforce your knowledge.

Step 3: Use Question Banks and Practice Papers

Continuous practice is one of the best ways to prepare for any medical exam. Make use of FMGE question banks and previous years' papers to understand the kind of questions that are asked. These papers not only help you get familiar with the exam format but also give you an idea of frequently asked topics.

The relevant focus for NExT would be on clinical questions and case scenarios, which are going to comprise a significant portion of the practical assessment. Preparing clinical vignettes, MCQs, and problem solving is key to doing well in the NExT exam.

Step 4: Strengthen Clinical Skills

Since FMGE and NExT are basically very clinical courses, one would require sharpening their practical knowledge. Clinical rotation or observing hospitals can be conducted. Discussing clinical cases among friends or consulting senior doctors shall enhance the skill of clinical reasoning and confidence level.

Step 5: Take Online Courses or Coaching

For students who have studied MBBS abroad, online coaching for FMGE/NExT is a very good way of keeping track with your preparation. Many coaching centers provide specialized FMGE crash courses to help the foreign medical graduate pass the exam easily.

Moreover, coaching will offer mock exams, personalized guidance, and can keep you motivated during your preparation.

Step 6: Staying Updated on Medical Knowledge

The medical field is always developing, and you must ensure your knowledge is updated. Stay current with recent advances in medical science, new diagnostic tools, and treatment methods by reading medical journals, attending webinars, and participating in conferences. This will not only make you better prepared but will benefit you in the long run too in your medical career.

Step 7: Manage Stress and Time

It is very stressful to prepare for FMGE/NExT, so it is necessary to keep one's mental and physical well-being intact. Include regular exercise, adequate sleep, and breaks to keep your mind fresh.

Final Thoughts

Passing the FMGE or NExT exam is one of the final steps after MBBS abroad, especially MBBS in Russia. With proper knowledge of the syllabus, following a proper study plan, practicing clinical skills, and updating oneself with the latest medical knowledge, one can be adequately prepared for these exams.

Be dedicated, plan your time, and take the exam with confidence. Consistent preparation will get you well set for a medical career in India.

Good luck!