#thyssen-krupp

[channeledhistory]

Annalena Baerbock hat ein neues Lieblingsziel für Fotoshootings auf ihren Reisen in die Asien-Pazifik-Region entdeckt: Kriegsschiffe. Bereits im Juli 2022 hatte sie einen Besuch in Tokio genutzt, um einen Abstecher zur nahe gelegenen Marinebasis Yokosuka zu machen und sich dort auf einer japanischen Korvette ablichten zu lassen. Als sie im Januar 2024 in Manila eintraf, gingen Bilder um die Welt, die sie zeigten, wie sie an Bord eines philippinischen Patrouillenboots eine Drohne zu steuern versuchte. Für den Freitag schließlich hatte die Bundesaußenministerin die Besichtigung eines Patrouillenboots angekündigt, das in einer Werft im südaustralischen Adelaide liegt und dort unter Anleitung des Bremer Schiffbauers Lürssen für Australiens Marine gebaut wird: Nichts geht über eine romantische Kulisse. Mit ihrem Auftritt in Adelaide vertrat Baerbock zum einen die Interessen der deutschen Rüstungsindustrie. Lürssen hat Ende 2017 den Auftrag erhalten, als Generalunternehmer den Bau von zwölf Patrouillenbooten für die australische Marine zu leiten. Gebaut werden sie in Adelaide und im westaustralischen Perth. Im Februar hat Canberra angekündigt, man werde nun doch nur sechs Boote kaufen. Der Grund: Die acht Atom-U-Boote, die Australien im Rahmen des AUKUS-Pakts gemeinsam mit Großbritannien und den USA bauen will, werden – kein Tippfehler – 368 Milliarden australische Dollar kosten. Das sind nach aktuellem Kurs 225 Milliarden Euro. Da muss halt anderswo gekürzt werden. Lürssen ist sauer und hofft, als Ersatz gemeinsam mit Thyssen-Krupp Marine Systems den Auftrag zum Bau der zehn Korvetten zu erhalten, die Canberra trotz allem noch beschaffen will. Dass Baerbock nicht in die Hauptstadt geflogen ist, sondern nach Adelaide, hat seinen Grund. Baerbocks Auftritt in der Kriegsschiffwerft betonte zudem die Bedeutung, die Marinen und auch Küstenwachen zur Zeit für die deutsche Politik in der Asien-Pazifik-Region besitzen – klar: im Machtkampf gegen China. Washington ist dabei, die Seestreitkräfte verbündeter Staaten in der Region mit gemeinsamen Manövern eng zusammenzuschweißen; das gilt vor allem für Japan, die Philippinen und Australien. Die Seestreitkräfte der drei Staaten hielten im April erstmals eine gemeinsame Kriegsübung mit der US-Marine vor den Philippinen ab; im Sommer werden ihre Luftwaffen wohl zu einem gemeinsamen Manöver in Australien zusammentreffen. Teilnehmen wird auch die Bundeswehr. [...]

[mariacallous]

He was among the richest men in the world. He made his first fortune in heavy industry. He made his second as a media mogul. And in January 1933, in exchange for a political favor, Alfred Hugenberg provided the electoral capital that made possible Adolf Hitler’s appointment as chancellor. Before Hugenberg sealed his pact with Hitler, a close associate had warned Hugenberg that this was a deal he would come to regret: “One night you will find yourself running through the ministry gardens in your underwear trying to escape arrest.”

In my recent book, Takeover: Hitler’s Final Rise to Power, I chronicled the fraught relationship between the tyrant and the titan, but my story ended in January 1933, so I did not detail the subsequent impact on Hugenberg’s fortunes, let alone the catastrophic consequences that lay ahead for other corporate leaders, their companies, and their country.

In the ’20s and early ’30s, the Hitler “brand” was anathema to capitalists and corporate elites. His National Socialist German Worker’s Party was belligerently nationalistisch but also unapologetically sozialistisch—a true Arbeiter Partei, or “working man’s party.” Its 25-point political platform explicitly targeted bankers and financiers, calling for “breaking the bondage of interest,” as well as industrialists who profited from wartime production. Profits were to be confiscated by the state without compensation, and corporate executives charged with treason. Platform Point 13 was explicit: “We demand the nationalization of all existing corporate entities.”

Through the 1920s, businessmen preferred to place their political bets with conservative, centrist, business-friendly politicians, such as those in the Center Party or the Bavarian People’s Party or the right-wing but decidedly pro-business German Nationalists. Out of necessity, then, the National Socialists had to derive most of their financing via membership fees, storm troopers standing on street corners begging for contributions, and admission charges to Hitler rallies. Among the exceptions to this were socialites—Viktoria von Dirksen, Helene Bechstein, Elsa Bruckmann—who were smitten with Hitler. But the most significant exception was Fritz Thyssen.

Thyssen, heir to one of Germany’s leading industrial fortunes, had been an early financier of the Nazi movement. He first met Hitler in the autumn of 1923 after attending a beer-hall rally. “It was then that I realised his oratorical gifts and his ability to lead the masses,” Thyssen recalled in his 1941 memoir, I Paid Hitler. “What impressed me most, however, was the order that reigned in his meetings, the almost military discipline of his followers.” Thyssen provided the party, by his own estimate, approximately 1 million reichsmarks—more than $5 million today—and also helped finance the acquisition and refurbishment of a Munich palace as the Nazi Party headquarters. Most important, Thyssen arranged for Hitler to speak to his fellow industrialists in Düsseldorf on January 27, 1932.

“The speech made a deep impression on the assembled industrialists,” Thyssen said, “and in consequence of this a number of large contributions flowed from the resources of heavy industry into the treasuries of the National Socialist party.” This financing, estimated at a still-cautious 2 million marks annually, was channeled through a trusted intermediary: Alfred Hugenberg.

Hugenberg had served as a director of Krupp A.G., the large steelmaker and arms manufacturer, during the Great War, and had subsequently founded the Telegraph Union, a conglomerate of 1,400 associated newspapers intended to provide a conservative bulwark against the liberal, pro-democracy press. Hugenberg also bought controlling shares in the country’s largest movie studio, enabling him to have film and the press work together to advance his right-wing, antidemocratic agenda. A reporter for Vossische Zeitung, a leading centrist daily newspaper, observed that Hugenberg was “the great disseminator of National Socialist ideas to an entire nation through newspapers, books, magazines and films.”

To this end, Hugenberg practiced what he called Katastrophenpolitk, “the politics of catastrophe,” by which he sought to polarize public opinion and the political parties with incendiary news stories, some of them Fabrikationen—entirely fabricated articles intended to cause confusion and outrage. According to one such story, the government was enslaving German teenagers and selling them to its allies in order to service its war debt. Hugenberg calculated that by hollowing out the political center, political consensus would become impossible and the democratic system would collapse. As a right-wing delegate to the Reichstag, Hugenberg proposed a “freedom law” that called for the liberation of the German people from the shackles of democracy and from the onerous provisions of the Versailles Treaty. The law called for the treaty signatories to be tried and hanged for treason, along with government officials involved with implementing the treaty provisions. The French ambassador in Berlin called Hugenberg “one of the most evil geniuses of Germany.”

Though both Hitler and Hugenberg were fiercely anti-Communist, antidemocratic, anti-immigrant, and anti-Semitic, their attempts at political partnership failed spectacularly and repeatedly. The problem lay not in ideological differences but in the similarity of their temperaments and their competing political aspirations. Like Hitler, Hugenberg was inflexible, stubborn, and self-righteous. When challenged, he doubled down. Hugenberg had spoken of a “third Reich” as early as 1919, well before Hitler was a force on the political scene, and he envisioned himself as the future Reichsverweser, or “regent of the Reich.” His followers greeted him with “Heil Hugenberg!” Joseph Goebbels noted that Hitler invariably emerged from his meetings with Hugenberg red-faced and “mad as shit.”

But by late January 1933, the two men’s fates were inextricably entangled. Hugenberg, who had leveraged his wealth into political power, had become the leader of the German National People’s Party, which had the votes in the Reichstag that Hitler needed to be appointed chancellor. Hitler had the potential to elevate Hugenberg to political power. As one Hitler associate explained the Hitler-Hugenberg dynamic: “Hugenberg had everything but the masses; Hitler had everything but the money.”

After cantankerous negotiation, a deal was reached: Hugenberg would deliver Hitler the chancellorship, in exchange for Hugenberg being given a cabinet post as head of a Superministerium that subsumed the ministries of economics, agriculture, and nutrition. Once in the cabinet, Hugenberg didn’t hesitate to meddle in foreign relations when it suited him. Reinhold Quaatz, a close Hugenberg associate, distilled Hugenberg’s calculus as follows: “Hitler will sit in the saddle but Hugenberg holds the whip.”

The New York Times expressed astonishment that Hugenberg, an “arch-capitalist” who stood “in strongest discord with economic doctrines of the Nazi movement,” was suddenly in charge of the country’s finances. Hitler’s “socialist mask” had fallen, the Communist daily Red Banner proclaimed, arguing that “Hugenberg is in charge, not Hitler!” The weekly journal Die Weltbühne dubbed the new government “Hitler, Hugenberg & Co.”

As self-proclaimed “economic dictator,” Hugenberg kept pace with Hitler in outraging political opponents and much of the public. He purged ministries. He dismantled workers’ rights. He lowered the wages of his own employees by 10 percent. “The real battle against unemployment lies singularly and alone in reestablishing profitability in economic life,” one of Hugenberg’s newspapers editorialized, arguing that the goal of economic policy should be to rescue “the professions, and those most negatively affected: the merchant middle class.” Hugenberg declared a temporary moratorium on foreclosures, canceled debts, and placed tariffs on several widely produced agricultural goods, violating trade agreements and inflating the cost of living. “It just won’t do,” Hitler objected in one cabinet meeting, “that the financial burdens of these rescue measures fall only on the poorest.” Let them suffer awhile, Hugenberg argued. “Then it will be possible to even out the hardships.” The economy fell into chaos. The press dubbed Hugenberg the Konfusionsrat —the “consultant of confusion.”

Hugenberg didn’t care about bad press. He was accustomed to being one of the most unpopular personalities in the country. Vorwärts, the socialist newspaper, depicted him as a puffed-up frog with spectacles. Hitler called him a Wauwau, or “woof woof.” Even his close associates referred to him as “the Hamster.” But Hugenberg lived by the golden rule: He who had the gold ruled. Earlier, when disagreements had arisen over the rightward turn of the German National Party, Hugenberg simply expelled the dissenters and financed the party’s entire budget from his own resources. Hitler could aspire to be dictator of the Third Reich, but Hugenberg was already dictator of the economy.

In late June 1933, while Hitler was trying to assuage international concerns about the long-term intentions of his government, Hugenberg appeared in London at an international conference on economic development. To the surprise of everyone, including the other German-delegation members present, Hugenberg laid out an ambitious plan for economic growth through territorial expansion. “The first step would consist of Germany reclaiming its colonies in Africa,” Hugenberg explained. “The second would be that the ‘people without space’”—Volk ohne Raum—“would open areas in which our productive race would create living space.” The announcement made headlines around the world. “Reich Asks for Return of African Lands at London Parley,” read one New York Times headline. Below that, a subhead continued: “Also seeks other territory, presumably in Europe.”

Konstantin von Neurath, Hitler’s foreign minister, tried to walk back the Hugenberg statement, asserting that Hugenberg had expressed only a personal opinion, not government policy. Hugenberg dug in his heels, retorting that, as economic minister, when he said something, he was speaking for the entire government. Foreign policy was just an extension of economic policy. Confusion and embarrassment followed.

Back in Berlin, Neurath insisted in a cabinet meeting that “a single member cannot simply overlook the objections of the others” and that Hugenberg “either did not understand these objections, which were naturally clothed in polite form, or he did not want to understand them.” Hitler sought to mediate, saying that “what had already happened was no longer of any interest.” But Hugenberg wouldn’t back down: He wanted the issue resolved and on his terms. “It was a matter between Hitler and me as to who was going to seize the initiative,” Hugenberg later admitted. Hitler prevailed. On June 29, 1933, Hugenberg resigned his minister post.

By then Hitler no longer needed either Hugenberg’s corporate contacts or his Reichstag delegates. The bankers and industrialists who had once shunned the crass, divisive, right-wing extremist had gradually come to embrace him as a bulwark against the pro-union Social Democrats and the virulently anti-capitalist Communists. Six months earlier, three weeks before Hitler’s appointment as chancellor, the banker Kurt Baron von Schröder had met with Hitler at Schröder’s villa in a fashionable quarter of Cologne. The arrangements were cloak-and-dagger: Hitler made an unscheduled, early-morning exit from a train in Bonn, entered a hotel, ate a quick breakfast, then departed in a waiting car with curtained rear windows to be driven to the Schröder villa while a decoy vehicle drove in the opposite direction. Hitler walked out of the meeting with a 30 million reichsmark credit line that saved his political movement from bankruptcy.

Once Hitler was in power, there was no longer need for secrecy or subterfuge. On Monday, February 20, 1933, Hermann Göring, one of two Nazis ministers in the Hitler cabinet and the president of the Reichstag, hosted a fundraiser at his official residence for the Nazi Party in advance of upcoming elections. The event was presided over by Hjalmar Schacht, a respected banker and co-founder of a centrist political party who saw Hitler as the best bet against left-wing political forces and had lobbied President Paul von Hindenburg to appoint Hitler chancellor.

Among the two dozen industrialists, bankers, and businessmen in attendance, the most prominent was Gustav Krupp von Bohlen, known as “the cannon king” for his armament production. “I was astonished,” Schacht recalled, “because I knew that this same Krupp von Bohlen had refused an invitation from Fritz Thyssen to attend an event with the Rhine-Westfalen industrialists four weeks earlier.”

Perhaps equally surprising was the presence at this fundraiser of four directors from the board of the giant chemical and pharmaceutical conglomerate I.G. Farben, which had to that point been staunchly pro-democracy, pro–Weimar Republic, and anti–National Socialist. (The Nazis derided the company, which employed many Jewish scientists, as “an international capitalist Jewish company.”)

Hitler himself stunned party attendees by showing up as the unannounced guest of honor. Clad in a suit and tie rather than a brown storm trooper’s uniform, Hitler addressed the assembled corporate elite, warning of the dangers of communism and trumpeting his appointment as chancellor as a “great victory” that he saw as a mandate for radical change. He outlined his plans to restore the power of the military, assert totalitarian control over the country, destroy the parliamentary system, and crush all political opponents by force. “Private enterprise cannot be maintained in the age of democracy,” Hitler told them.

After Hitler departed, Schacht spoke of the need for additional campaign financing in advance of the upcoming elections. Hermann Göring added that the election, scheduled for March 5, “will surely be the last one for the next 10 years, probably even for the next 100 years.” By day’s end, the fundraiser had generated 3 million reichsmarks, the equivalent of $15 million today.

The following three weeks delivered a series of blows to the Weimar Republic that resulted in its demise: the arson attack on the Reichstag on February 27, which saw the very symbol of parliamentarian democracy consumed in flame; the March 5 elections from which the Nazis emerged with a mandate for Hitler’s reforms; and the passing of an “enabling law,” on March 23, that established Hitler as unchallenged dictator. In a letter to Hitler, Gustav Krupp wrote, “The turn of political events is in line with the wishes which I myself and the board of directors have cherished for a long time.”

German corporations, large and small, helped retool the Weimar Republic as the Third Reich. Ferdinand Porsche designed the Volkswagen, a “car for the people.” Mercedes-Benz provided Hitler and his chief lieutenants with bulletproof sedans. Hugo Boss designed the black uniforms for the SS. Krupp supplied armaments. Miele produced munitions. Allianz provided insurance for concentration camps. J.A. Topf & Sons manufactured crematoria ovens. A dismayed executive at Deutsche Bank, which was involved in the expropriation of Jewish businesses, sent a letter to the chairman of his supervisory board: “I fear we are embarking on an explicit, well- planned path toward the annihilation of all Jews in Germany.”

For the industrialists who helped finance and supply the Hitler government, an unexpected return on their investment was slave labor. By the early 1940s, the electronics giant Siemens AG was employing more than 80,000 slave laborers. (An official Siemens history explains that although the head of the firm, Carl Friedrich von Siemens, was “a staunch advocate of democracy” who “detested the Nazi dictatorship,” he was also “responsible for ensuring the company’s well-being and continued existence.”)

By October 1942, I.G. Farben and its subsidiaries were using slave laborers in 23 locations. The life expectancy of inmates at an I.G. Farben facility at Auschwitz was less than four months; more than 25,000 people lost their lives on the construction site alone. As corporate practices adapted to evolving political realities, the company aligned its wide technological and human resources with government priorities. Jews were purged from the corporate ranks. The I.G. Farben pharmaceutical division, Bayer, supported Nazi medical experiments. A postwar affidavit alleges that Bayer paid 170 reichsmarks for 150 female Auschwitz prisoners. “The transport of 150 women arrived in good condition,” the affidavit reads. “However, we were unable to obtain conclusive results because they died during the experiments,” and “we would kindly request that you send us another group of women to the same number and at the same price.” Although recent investigations have questioned the veracity of this particular affidavit, Bayer’s involvement in medical experimentation on Auschwitz inmates is undisputed.

The I.G. Farben company Degussa owned a chemical subsidiary that produced a cyanide-based pesticide known as Zyklon B, used primarily for fumigating ships, warehouses, and trains—and, after 1942, as a homicidal agent at Nazi extermination facilities. Company logs confirm the delivery of an estimated 56 tons of Zyklon B from 1942 to 1944; more than 23.8 tons were sent to Auschwitz, where it served as the primary instrument of death for the more than 1 million Jewish people murdered there.

In August 1947, 24 senior I.G. Farben managers were placed on trial for their role in Nazi aggression and atrocity. In his opening statement before the court, the prosecutor Telford Taylor said of these executives, “They were the magicians who made the fantasies of Mein Kampf come true. They were the guardians of the military and state secrets.” The 15,638 pages of courtroom testimony, along with the 6,384 documents submitted as evidence—purchase orders, internal memos, board minutes—indicated that these Farben executives knew the exact number of airplane and truck tires, the running feet of tank tread, the amount of explosives, as well as the precise number of canisters of Zyklon B gas delivered to Auschwitz. The defense attorney for the chairman of I.G. Farben’s supervisory board argued that his client was “no robber, no plunderer, no slave dealer,” but rather just a 60-year-old senior executive doing what senior executives were paid to do—run the company with an eye to the bottom line. If he collaborated with the government, it was out of “a feeling of personal responsibility to the company.” Twenty-three I.G. Farben directors were eventually charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity; 13 of them were convicted and sentenced to prison.

At the International War Crimes Tribunal in Nuremberg in 1945, Gustav Krupp was indicted as a major war criminal alongside the likes of Göring and Hans Frank, but he was too ill to stand trial. Instead, his son was tried in 1947, in The United States of America v. Alfried Krupp, et al. The indictment charged the younger Krupp, alongside 11 Krupp corporate directors, with crimes against humanity and war crimes, for participating in “the murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, imprisonment, torture, and use for slave labor of civilians.” Alfried Krupp reportedly never expressed remorse, at one point telling a war-crimes trial observer, “We Krupps never cared much about political ideas. We only wanted a system that worked well and allowed us to work unhindered. Politics is not our business.”

As for Alfred Hugenberg? Unlike other early private-sector Hitler enablers such as Fritz Thyssen and Hjalmar Schacht—both of whom ended up in concentration camps after crossing Hitler—Hugenberg got off lightly. Hugenberg withdrew to his sprawling estate, Rohbraken, in the former feudal province of Lippe, where he lived as the local regent while his business empire was gradually whittled away.

The German Nationalist Party was disbanded as soon as Hugenberg stepped down from his cabinet post in June 1933. In December of that year, the Telegraph Union was taken over by the ministry of propaganda and absorbed into a newly created entity, the German News Office. In 1943, Hugenberg’s publishing house, Scherl Verlag, was acquired by the Nazi publisher, Eher Verlag. By war’s end, the defrocked cabinet minister and disenfranchised media mogul was diminished and dissipated but still defiant.

On September 28, 1946, Hugenberg was arrested by the British military police. He was detained for five months, and his assets were frozen. After a formal hearing, Hugenberg was deemed to be a “lesser evildoer”—officially, a “Mitläufer,” the lowest order of complicity in the Nazi regime—on the grounds that he had left his cabinet post in the first months of the Hitler regime and had never been a member of the Nazi Party. With undiminished temerity, Hugenberg balked at even that lesser charge. Having been stripped of most of his business empire, Hugenberg saw himself as a victim of, not a participant in, the Nazi regime. He appealed the hearing’s determination and won. He was declared “untainted,” which allowed him to lay claim to his frozen assets. Unrepentant to his dying day, Hugenberg refused to publicly countenance any suggestion of guilt or responsibility for Hitler’s excesses.

On the morning of Tuesday, January 31, 1933, less than 24 hours after enabling Hitler’s appointment as chancellor, Hugenberg reportedly spoke with Carl Friedrich Goerdeler, a fellow conservative and the mayor of Leipzig. “I’ve just committed the greatest stupidity of my life,” Hugenberg allegedly told Goerdeler. “I have allied myself with the greatest demagogue in the history of the world.”

[reddest-flower]

The fascist party was one of the first to be financed by the largest industrialist in Germany, Hugo Stinnes. In the period from 1924 to 1927, the Hitlerite party was already supported by a number of major concerns and banks. At that time, the party was financed by the metal industrialist Ernst Borsig, the manufacturer Edwin Bechstein and the head of the Deutsche Bank Emil Kirdorf and others. Starting from 1928, the aces of heavy industry, the Gelsenkirchen concern, the capital magnates Fritz Thyssen, Albert Vögler, the Krupps (Gustav and Alfred Krupp) and others, have been especially strenuously supplying the fascist party with money. Thus, the fascist German party, as they say, was nurtured from birth, nourished and raised by the German secret police and the German imperialists. This party was bought in the bud by the German imperialist bourgeoisie. The whole gang, all these “Führers” and Führerlings, starting with Hitler himself, are people who sold themselves entirely to the imperialists, their faithful dogs and obedient servants unquestioningly fulfilling the will of their masters – the largest bankers, industrialists and landowners of Germany. These “masters” dreamed of military revenge, dreamed of the seizure and plunder of all countries.

The fact that the Hitlerite party is the party of the largest imperialist predators and the worst enemies of socialism is quite eloquently told by the capitalists themselves. The well-known tycoon of German predatory capital, the owner of the largest metallurgical concern in the Ruhr, Thyssen, says in his letter published in America to the New York Times on June 9, 1940, “For several years, during which I had the opportunity to observe the Hitler regime as a state adviser and industrial leader, I realized with increasing clarity what a grave mistake I made in the summer of 1932 when, together with Krupp, Kirdorf, Schroeder and others who subsidized the National Socialist Party, I took upon myself, so to speak, the guaranteed responsibility for Hitler’s good behavior towards Germany and the whole world and helped him to come to power.” The “socialist” Hitler, along with his entire party, were bought by Thyssen, Krupp, Kirdorf, Schroeder and others. And Thyssen speaks about this with all frankness in the above letter.

In 1932, Hitler spoke at the Industrialists’ Club in Düsseldorf in front of the Ruhr capitalists’ meeting. Before his masters, Hitler spoke frankly, without the usual hysteria of antics and playing at socialism. This is what he told them then: “You, gentlemen, stand on the point of view that the German national economy can be restored exclusively on the basis of private property. But you can only keep the idea of private property if it is logically justified. This idea must be morally grounded. It is necessary to prove to the masses that private property is inherent in the very nature of things. It would be wrong to conclude that we National Socialists are against capitalism. On the contrary, if we were not there, there would be no bourgeoisie in Germany.” Needless to say, Hitler was frank with his masters. And here he is, indeed, right. The Nazis are not against capitalism. They are the real servants of the imperialists. But why do they still call themselves socialists? Hitler gave an answer to this question to his imperialist masters as well. They are called socialists in order to be able to deceive the people. “Do not deprive people of hope,” Hitler said at the same meeting, “for a better future. On the contrary, inflate it. After all, the garrison of the besieged fortress fights only as long as he hopes that he will receive help from somewhere.”

Who are the National Socialists? Pavel Yudin, 1942

[jartita-me-teneis]

@EmilioDelgadoOr

Al igual que a Hitler lo aúpan los grandes armadores alemanes, los Krupp, los Thyssen, etc… al fascismo actual lo aúpan Musk, Bezos o Zuckerberg. Da risa oírles presentarse como “anti élites”.

[viratsteelspecial-blog]

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[nyeznajka]

Tegnap frankó idő volt, olyan 20-25 fok között, el is mentem motorozni. Mentem vagy 600 kilométert, mindezt vagy 10 óra alatt, pár kisebb, és egy nagyobbacska megállással. Olyan durván elfáradtam, hogy nem volt erőm este erről posztolni sem, kicsit korábban lefeküdtem, alig bírtam felkelni, és egész délelőtt enyhe izomláz volt az egész felsőtestemben.

Kemény volt, na.

De a nagyobbacska megállás az Rottweilban volt, kutyát ugyan nem láttam, de egy nagy tornyot igen.

Ez a Thyssen-Krupp felvonó (magyarul lift) és egyéb hasonló szerkezeteket gyártó cég teszttornya, itt tesztelnek lifteket. De ha már ilyen szép nagyra megcsinálták, akkor már látogatni is lehet. Itt néhány kép, meg egy kis videót is csináltam, ahogy lefelé jövünk a 232 méterről olyan fél perc alatt, de ez elsőre nem töltődik fel, majd még megpróbálom később is.

[resonsibleeconomiceducation]

The Capitalist Roots of Modern Antisemitism

Throughout history, anti-Semitism has flourished most intensely in societies dominated by capitalism and free-market ideology. The very nature of capitalism—its cycles of boom and bust, its concentration of wealth, and its reliance on financial speculation—has repeatedly made Jewish communities scapegoats in times of crisis. From medieval moneylenders to modern financial elites, capitalism has consistently created resentment toward Jewish economic activity, fueling discrimination and violence.

By contrast, socialist movements—despite some early prejudices—have historically been the most consistent force in defending Jewish communities and fighting against anti-Semitism. Socialism, by its very nature, opposes class-based oppression and seeks to unite people across ethnic and religious lines. Far from being a breeding ground for intolerance, socialist movements have been at the forefront of Jewish liberation.

The Capitalist Roots of Anti-Semitism

Anti-Semitism has long been intertwined with the rise of capitalism. In feudal societies, Jews were often restricted to financial professions because they were barred from land ownership. Christian doctrine, which condemned usury, further isolated Jews by forcing them into money-lending roles. The result was a vicious cycle: Jews became disproportionately involved in finance, and when economic crises struck, they were blamed for the hardships of the masses.

The capitalist economies of Renaissance Italy and early modern England—praised by defenders of the free market—saw some of the worst anti-Jewish pogroms. Jewish financiers were accused of manipulating the economy, and restrictions on Jewish participation in commerce were widespread. Even in the 19th and 20th centuries, the most virulent forms of anti-Semitism often emerged in capitalist societies experiencing economic distress.

The Dreyfus Affair in France, which falsely accused a Jewish officer of treason, occurred in the heart of a capitalist empire. The rise of Henry Ford’s anti-Semitic propaganda in the United States, one of capitalism’s strongest strongholds, illustrates how free-market ideology did nothing to prevent powerful businessmen from promoting hatred. Ford, a staunch capitalist, published The International Jew, a series of anti-Semitic tracts blaming Jews for global financial manipulation.

Even in Nazi Germany, it was the capitalist class—not the socialists—who empowered Hitler. German industrialists, including the Krupp and Thyssen families, financed the Nazi Party to protect their economic interests from socialist and communist movements. Far from being a product of socialism, Nazism was deeply rooted in capitalist fears of worker uprisings.

Jewish Success Under Socialism

Contrary to capitalist mythology, Jewish communities have often thrived under socialist and leftist movements. The first major Jewish emancipation occurred during the French Revolution—a fundamentally anti-capitalist movement that sought to end aristocratic privilege and financial exploitation. French revolutionaries saw Jews not as financial manipulators but as fellow citizens deserving of equal rights.

Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, socialist and communist movements became safe havens for Jewish intellectuals and activists. From Karl Marx and Rosa Luxemburg to Leon Trotsky, Jews played central roles in shaping socialist theory. Far from being anti-Semitic, socialist movements provided many Jewish people with political power and protection against right-wing persecution.

The Soviet Union, despite later Stalinist excesses, was initially one of the most welcoming states for Jews. The early Bolsheviks abolished anti-Semitic laws, promoted Jewish culture, and even established the Jewish Autonomous Region as a national homeland. The Communist Party actively fought against pogroms in Russia, dismantling the anti-Semitic structures of the Tsarist regime.

Socialist labor movements in the United States and Europe were also instrumental in protecting Jewish workers from exploitation. Jewish immigrants in New York found support in socialist unions like the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, which helped lift them out of poverty and into the middle class. The American Socialist Party, led by figures like Eugene V. Debs, opposed anti-Semitism and promoted Jewish participation in political life.

The Role of Capitalism in Modern Anti-Semitism

Even in the 21st century, capitalism continues to foster conditions that lead to anti-Semitism. Economic crises—caused by unregulated financial speculation—routinely provoke conspiracy theories blaming Jewish bankers and financiers. The 2008 financial collapse, a product of unchecked capitalist greed, led to renewed discussions of "Jewish control" over Wall Street, just as previous depressions had led to accusations against Jewish financiers like the Rothschilds.

Far-right, capitalist-backed politicians, from Viktor Orbán in Hungary to Donald Trump in the United States, have revived anti-Semitic tropes, associating Jewish philanthropists like George Soros with sinister economic manipulation. These figures exploit populist anger—anger created by capitalism’s failures—to direct blame toward Jewish individuals rather than the economic system itself.

Socialism as a Force for Tolerance

Despite capitalist attempts to rewrite history, it is clear that socialism, not capitalism, has been the most consistent ally of Jewish people. Socialist movements have fought for equal rights, economic justice, and the eradication of ethnic discrimination. When capitalism fuels resentment and division, socialism offers solidarity and collective prosperity.

Today, the countries with the strongest socialist policies—such as Scandinavia—are among the most tolerant and accepting of Jewish communities. Meanwhile, free-market economies continue to experience periodic waves of anti-Semitic conspiracy theories tied to financial crises. The lesson is clear: capitalism thrives on division and scapegoating, while socialism fosters unity and equality.

If Jewish history teaches us anything, it is that economic justice is the best defense against persecution. That justice has never come from capitalism. It has come from socialism.

original article

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Einen Tag nach dem Bruch der Koalition am 6. November hat der Haushaltsausschuss des Bundestages zwei Rüstungsvorhaben in Höhe von rund 1,5 Milliarden Euro gebilligt. In der kommenden Sitzungswoche sollen fünf weitere verabschiedet werden – und das ist nur der Anfang, wie aus einem Bericht des Handelsblatts vom Freitag hervorgeht. Das »Vorlagenstakkato« sei nötig, so die Wirtschaftszeitung, »weil der Haushalt für 2025 nicht steht, der Wahlausgang ungewiss ist und damit auch der Zeitpunkt für den Start einer neuen Regierung«. Also wird bei den Rüstungsausgaben geklotzt. Übersteigt ein Auftrag den Wert von 25 Millionen Euro, muss das Finanzministerium eine Vorlage erstellen und vom Haushaltsausschuss genehmigen lassen. Laut Verteidigungsminister Boris Pistorius (SPD) liegen 25 solcher Vorlagen bei Finanzminister Jörg Kukies (SPD), 15 weitere sollen noch in diesem Jahr folgen. Eine übergroße Koalition von SPD, Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, CDU/CSU und FDP arbeitet offenbar beim Durchwinken im Haushaltsausschuss geräuschlos zusammen. Jedenfalls zitierte das Handelsblatt Äußerungen von Pistorius aus der vergangenen Woche, wonach er »den demokratischen Fraktionen« sehr dankbar für »die großartige Kooperationsbereitschaft« sei, denn jetzt sei nicht Zeit für »taktische Spielchen«. Pistorius und Wirtschaftsminister Robert Habeck (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen) wollen demnach auch die schon lange erwartete Sicherheits- und Verteidigungsindustriestrategie (SVI) noch in diesem Jahr vorlegen. Die Rüstungsindustrie soll dadurch mehr Planungssicherheit erhalten. Nach Informationen aus der Rüstungsindustrie gehen dem Düsseldorfer Blatt zufolge zahlreiche Aufträge an die Unternehmen Diehl (IRIS-T-Raketen), Hensoldt (u. a. digitale Periskope für U-Boote), Thyssen-Krupp Marine Systems (U-Boote), Rheinmetall (digitales Richtfunksystem) und KNDS (Radhaubitzen RCH 155). Der Schwerpunkt liege auf dem Kampfjet »Eurofighter«, auf Flugabwehrsystemen und Munition für die Marine, es gehe aber auch um U-Boote und Fregatten. Der Radarspezialist Hensoldt habe für einige Abteilungen eine Urlaubssperre zwischen Weihnachten und Neujahr verhängt, »um die Masse an neuen Aufträgen noch in das aktuelle Geschäftsjahr aufnehmen zu können«.

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Die Subventionspolitik der Ampel

Ist das Steuerverschwendung oder gut angelegtes Geld, für die Deutsche Zukunft? TSMC ist ein Chip Hersteller, bekommt 10 Mrd. Euro für die Errichtung einer Fabrik in Deutschland Intel, auch ein Chip Hersteller, bekommt 10 Mrd. Euro für die Errichtung einer Fabrik in Deutschland Northvolt ein Batterie Hersteller, bekommt 700 Mio Euro für die Errichtung einer Fabrik in Deutschland Thyssen Krupp…

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https://pazaryerigundem.com/haber/180339/prysmian-turkiyede-ust-duzey-atama/

Prysmian Türkiye’de üst düzey atama

Enerji ve telekomünikasyon kabloları sektörünün dünya çapında lideri Prysmian’ın Türkiye operasyonunda üst düzey bir atama gerçekleşti. Prysmian Güney Avrupa Bölge CFO’su Daniele Mazzarella, Türkiye CEO’su olarak atandı. 24 yıldır Prysmian bünyesinde çalışmalarını sürdüren Daniele Mazzarella, Eylül ayı itibarıyla Prysmian Türkiye’nin yönetimini üstlenecek.

İSTANBUL (İGFA) – 30.000’in üzerinde çalışanıyla 50’den fazla ülkede faaliyet gösteren Prysmian, Türkiye CEO pozisyonu için Daniele Mazzarella’yı atadı. Kapsayıcılık ilkesi ile farklı ekiplerle çalışmaktan keyif alan deneyimli isim, Prysmian’ın globaldeki güçlü pozisyonunu, Türkiye pazarında da güçlendirmeye devam etmek için çalışmalarını sürdürecek.

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1996 yılında İtalya Bocconi Üniversitesi’nden mezun olan Daniele Mazzarella, 1997’de iş hayatına ilk adımını attı. 1997’de Thyssen Krupp Group’ta Kontrolör olarak görev alan başarılı isim, 1999’da Yönetim Raporlaması Kontrolörü olarak atandı. 2000 yılında Pirelli Kabel şirketinde Kıdemli Kontrolör olarak çalışan Mazzarella, 2005 yılında Prysmian SpA’de Lojistik Kontrolörü olarak göreve başladı. 2007 yılında Prysmian Finlandiya CFO’su, 2011 yılı sonrasında ise Prysmian Kuzey Amerika ve ardından 2018’de Prysmian Güney Avrupa Bölge CFO’su olarak çalışmalarını sürdürdü. Prysmian çatısı altında geçirdiği 24 yıllık deneyiminde farklı görevlerde yer alan ve 2018’den beri Prysmian’ın Güney Avrupa Bölge CFO’luğunu üstlenen Daniele Mazzarella, Eylül ayı itibarıyla Prysmian Türkiye CEO’su olarak başarılı çalışmalarını sürdürecek.  

BU Haber İGF HABER AJANSI tarafından servis edilmiştir.