ahmedsaylici1

[ahmedsaylici1]

Somali Clan Politics: The Power Play Between Dir (Isaaq & Surre), Biimaal, Daarood, Hawiye, and Rahanweyn

By Ahmed Saylici

Let’s get real for a second—Somalia is one of those places where understanding politics feels like trying to solve a Rubik’s Cube blindfolded. It’s messy, it’s complicated, and honestly? It’s fascinating. At the heart of this political labyrinth lies clan dynamics—a system so deeply embedded in Somali society that it shapes everything from governance to daily life. Today, we’re diving into the power play between some of Somalia’s biggest clans: the Dir (including sub-clans like Isaaq and Surre), Biimaal, Daarood, Hawiye, and Rahanweyn. Grab your coffee because things are about to get interesting.

Clan Politics 101: A Quick Refresher

Before we jump in, let’s break it down. In Somalia, clans aren’t just social groupings; they’re political entities with serious influence. Think of them as unofficial "parties" competing for resources, representation, and respect. The country operates under a clan-based federalism model, which means every major decision—from electing presidents to divvying up parliamentary seats—is influenced by clan alliances. Sounds fair on paper, right? Well, not always. This setup often leads to tension, mistrust, and yes, plenty of drama.

Now, let’s meet our key players:

The Dir Clan Family: Isaaq and Surre

First up, the Dir clan family, specifically two heavyweights within it—the Isaaq and the Surre. If you’ve ever heard of Somaliland, you already know the Isaaq. They dominate the self-declared republic of Somaliland, a region that functions independently despite not being internationally recognized. The Isaaq have managed to build relative stability in their area, thanks to strong clan cohesion and smart leadership. But don’t mistake stability for simplicity—their relationship with other clans, especially southern ones, can be rocky.

Then there’s the Surre, another branch of the Dir who are more prominent in central Somalia. While they might not grab headlines as much as the Isaaq, they’ve been quietly building alliances and asserting themselves politically. Their proximity to Mogadishu gives them an edge when it comes to influencing national decisions.

Biimaal: The Southern Powerhouse

Down south, you’ll find the Biimaal clan, historically known for their warrior spirit and strategic location near key trade routes. Traditionally based around the Juba River region, the Biimaal have had to navigate tricky waters (pun intended) due to competition over fertile land and water resources.

In recent years, the Biimaal have played both sides of the fence—they’ve cooperated with federal authorities while also pushing back against what they see as unfair treatment or marginalization. Their ability to adapt has kept them relevant in Somalia’s ever-shifting political landscape.

Daarood: The Eastern Giants

If there’s one clan that knows how to throw its weight around, it’s the Daarood. With roots stretching across northeastern Somalia, including Puntland and parts of Jubbaland, the Daarood are a force to reckon with. They’ve produced several high-profile leaders, including former presidents, and have consistently pushed for greater autonomy in their regions.

But here’s the thing about the Daarood: they’re not monolithic. Internal divisions among sub-clans sometimes weaken their collective bargaining power. Still, when united, they’re a formidable bloc capable of shaping national policies—or derailing them if they feel sidelined.

Hawiye: Mogadishu’s Gatekeepers

Ah, the Hawiye. Love them or hate them, you can’t talk about Somali politics without mentioning this influential clan. Based primarily in and around Mogadishu, the Hawiye have long been at the center of power struggles. Why? Because whoever controls Mogadishu controls a big chunk of Somalia’s economic and political future.

The Hawiye are known for their entrepreneurial spirit and knack for survival. Over the decades, they’ve faced immense challenges—from civil war to al-Shabaab threats—but they keep bouncing back. However, internal rivalries between sub-clans like the Abgaal, Habar Gidir, and Murosade often complicate matters. Balancing these factions is no small feat, but when done successfully, the Hawiye become kingmakers.

Rahanweyn: The Quiet Contenders

Last but certainly not least, we have the Rahanweyn, often referred to as “the forgotten clan.” Based in southwestern Somalia, particularly in Bay and Bakool regions, the Rahanweyn haven’t always gotten the attention—or credit—they deserve. Historically marginalized, they’ve fought hard to secure their place at the table.

Their moment came with the rise of the Southwest State, giving them a platform to advocate for their interests. While they may not have the same swagger as the Daarood or Hawiye, the Rahanweyn are steadily gaining ground. And trust me, underestimating them would be a mistake.

The Bigger Picture: Unity vs Division

So, what does all this mean for Somalia? On one hand, clan politics provides a framework for inclusion—it ensures that no single group monopolizes power. On the other hand, it perpetuates division, making it difficult to forge a truly unified national identity. Corruption, nepotism, and favoritism thrive in this environment, leaving ordinary citizens frustrated and disillusioned.

But here’s the silver lining: Somalis are resilient. Despite the chaos, there’s a growing recognition that clinging to outdated systems won’t solve modern problems. Younger generations, armed with education and technology, are starting to challenge traditional norms. Could this signal a shift toward a more inclusive, merit-based system? Only time will tell.

Final Thoughts

At the end of the day, Somali clan politics is less about who’s winning or losing and more about finding balance. Each clan brings something unique to the table, whether it’s the Isaaq’s stability, the Daarood’s ambition, or the Hawiye’s tenacity. The challenge lies in channeling these strengths toward a common goal: rebuilding a nation torn apart by decades of conflict.

Until then, the power play continues. And hey, if nothing else, it makes for one heck of a story.

What do you think? Is clan politics holding Somalia back, or is it the glue keeping it together? Drop your thoughts in the comments below—we’d love to hear from you!

[ahmedsaylici1]

Rebuilding Somalia: Lessons from Rwanda's Post-Conflict Transformation

In the heart of East Africa, Somalia and Rwanda share a history marked by conflict and resilience. While their paths have diverged significantly over the past few decades, there are valuable lessons that Somalia can draw from Rwanda’s remarkable recovery following its devastating civil war. By examining the principles outlined in The Programme of the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP) and comparing them to Rwanda's post-conflict strategies, we can envision a roadmap for rebuilding the once-strong Somali Republic.

1. Unity Through National Identity

Rwanda’s recovery was deeply rooted in fostering a unified national identity. The government under President Paul Kagame emphasized the idea of “One Rwanda,” transcending ethnic divisions that had fueled the genocide. This approach mirrors the SRSP’s vision of eliminating tribalism, clannism, and regionalism—practices that have historically undermined Somalia’s progress.

What Somalia Can Do:

Promote a shared Somali identity through education, media, and public campaigns.

Strengthen institutions like the People’s Assemblies mentioned in the SRSP programme to ensure inclusive governance at all levels.

Encourage cross-clan cooperation in economic and social projects to build trust and interdependence among communities.

2. Economic Revitalization Through Strategic Planning

Rwanda’s economic resurgence was driven by meticulous planning and investment in key sectors such as agriculture, tourism, and technology. Similarly, the SRSP programme emphasizes the importance of scientific planning and modernization to eliminate economic backwardness in Somalia.

What Somalia Can Do:

Develop comprehensive plans to harness Somalia’s untapped resources, including livestock, fisheries, and mineral wealth.

Invest in infrastructure development, particularly transportation and communication systems, to connect rural areas with urban centers.

Foster private sector growth while ensuring state oversight to prevent exploitation and corruption, aligning with the SRSP’s call for balanced public and private property management.

3. Social Cohesion Through Education and Health

Education and healthcare were central to Rwanda’s rebuilding efforts. By investing heavily in these sectors, Rwanda not only improved living standards but also cultivated a skilled workforce capable of driving future growth. The SRSP similarly underscores the need for compulsory education and universal access to healthcare.

What Somalia Can Do:

Implement nationwide literacy programs and expand access to quality education, especially in rural areas.

Build more health centers and hospitals equipped with modern facilities, focusing on maternal and child health care.

Integrate vocational training into the education system to equip young Somalis with practical skills needed for employment.

4. Justice and Reconciliation

Post-genocide Rwanda prioritized justice and reconciliation through mechanisms like the Gacaca courts, which allowed communities to address grievances locally. For Somalia, where decades of conflict have left deep scars, establishing fair judicial processes is crucial.

What Somalia Can Do:

Establish community-based justice systems inspired by traditional Somali dispute resolution methods, combined with modern legal frameworks.

Ensure transparency and accountability in government operations to restore public trust.

Launch awareness campaigns to combat negative customs like favoritism and tribalism, promoting instead values of equality and patriotism.

5. Security and Stability

Rwanda’s stability today is largely due to its strong security apparatus, which has maintained peace and order since the end of the civil war. The SRSP programme highlights the critical role of defense and security in safeguarding national sovereignty and dignity.

What Somalia Can Do:

Enhance the capabilities of the armed forces and police through rigorous training and technological upgrades.

Engage citizens in national defense initiatives to foster a sense of collective responsibility for security.

Collaborate with international partners to combat terrorism and organized crime, ensuring long-term stability.

6. International Cooperation and Diplomacy

Rwanda has effectively leveraged international partnerships to support its development agenda. The SRSP’s external policy advocates for similar cooperation based on mutual respect and peaceful coexistence.

What Somalia Can Do:

Strengthen diplomatic ties with neighboring countries and global organizations to secure aid and investment.

Actively participate in regional bodies like the African Union and the United Nations to advocate for Somali interests.

Support pan-African solidarity and collaborate with other nations facing similar challenges to share best practices and resources.

Conclusion

Rebuilding Somalia requires a multifaceted approach that addresses historical grievances, fosters unity, and lays the groundwork for sustainable development. By learning from Rwanda’s experience, Somalia can transform its current challenges into opportunities for renewal. The principles laid out in the SRSP programme provide a solid foundation upon which to build this new Somalia—a nation characterized by equality, justice, and prosperity. With determination, strategic planning, and the active participation of its people, Somalia can rise again as a beacon of hope and resilience in Africa.

[ahmedsaylici1]

The Unsung Heroes: Somali Republic Military Officers in the 1977 Ogaden War

In the annals of military history, few conflicts have captured the imagination and admiration of strategists as much as the 1977 Ogaden War between Somalia and Ethiopia. This conflict was not just a territorial dispute but a testament to the courage, strategic brilliance, and unwavering dedication of the Somali National Army (SNA) officers who fought for their people's cause. In this blog, we delve into the lives and achievements of these remarkable officers, whose stories deserve to be told.

A Nation United by Language, Divided by Maps

The quote by Salman Rushdie—"To be Somali is to be a people united by one language and divided by maps"—resonates deeply with the context of the Ogaden War. For the Somali people, the war was more than a political endeavor; it was a just cause aimed at uniting ethnic Somalis under one banner. However, the international community viewed it through the lens of irredentism, complicating Somalia’s diplomatic and military efforts.

Despite these challenges, the Somali military leadership demonstrated exceptional skill and resilience. The war effort was spearheaded by General Mohamed Ali Samatar, ably supported by Chief of National Army Staff General Abdullahi Fadil, Deputy Chief Colonel Ahmed Hassan Muse, and other distinguished officers. Their collective expertise and commitment were instrumental in executing one of the most sophisticated military campaigns on the African continent.

Command Structure and Key Figures

The Somali National Army was organized into two main command centers: the North Command based in Hargeisa and the Southern Command based in Baidoa/Mogadishu. Each command center oversaw various divisions and directorates crucial to the war effort.

North Command : Led by notable figures such as Colonel Yussuf Salhan, who commanded the Jigjiga Center, and Colonel Farah Handulle, who successfully captured Wardheer. These leaders, along with their deputies, orchestrated complex operations that resulted in significant victories.

Southern Command : Included prominent leaders like Colonel Abdullahi Yussuf, who led the Negheille Center, and Colonel Abdullahi Irro, responsible for the Godey Center. Their strategic acumen and leadership ensured the success of multiple fronts.

Notable Battles and Heroes

Several battles stand out in the narrative of the Ogaden War, each marked by the valor and tactical prowess of Somali officers.

Godey Campaign : Launched on July 13, this surprise attack set the stage for subsequent victories. Under the leadership of Colonel Abdullahi Irro and his deputy Major Abdulkadir Kosar, the Somali forces swiftly secured Godey, paving the way for further advances.

Qabri-Dahare Front : Commanded by Colonel Ali Hussein and his deputy Major Abdulaziz Bowbowleh, both graduates of the prestigious Frunze Military Academy. Their meticulous planning and execution led to the liberation of Qabri-Dahare within two days. Major Yassin Hurfe, another standout officer, played a pivotal role in the tank battalion support, ultimately sacrificing his life in the final hours of the battle.

Wardheer Victory : Colonel Farah Handulle and his deputy Major Mohamed Mahmood Sheikh achieved a remarkable feat by capturing Wardheer, where a large number of Ethiopian prisoners of war were taken. This victory underscored the effectiveness of the Somali national strategy.

Legacy and Aftermath

The legacy of these officers extends beyond the battlefield. Many continued to serve their nation in various capacities long after the war. For instance:

Colonel Ali Hussein became a revered figure in the Somali National Movement (SNM), contributing significantly to its reorganization in the late 1980s.

Major Abdulaziz Bowbowleh and Major Dahir Indha-Qarsho remained influential in northern fronts.

Colonel Farah Handulle , despite being tragically killed in 1987, left an indelible mark as a governor of several regions.

Several officers, including Generals Begedi, Aftooje, Aare, and Ali Ismail, served as military attachés in key countries, enhancing Somalia’s diplomatic relations.

Conclusion

The Somali Republic military officers of the 1977 Ogaden War exemplified the spirit of unity, bravery, and professionalism. Their contributions not only shaped the course of the conflict but also left a lasting impact on Somalia’s military and political landscape. As we reflect on their achievements, let us remember and honor these unsung heroes whose dedication and sacrifice continue to inspire generations.

[ahmedsaylici1]

Leadership Then and Now: A Comparative Analysis of Somalia’s Past and Present Governments

Introduction

Somalia has undergone significant political changes, shifting from the military rule of Siad Barre (1969–1991) to the civilian-led federal system of today. While Barre’s government was marked by strong central authority, national development, and military discipline, it also became known for authoritarianism and human rights abuses. The current federal government, on the other hand, operates under a decentralised system, aiming for democracy and stability but struggling with security challenges, corruption, and weak governance.

This analysis compares key figures from Barre’s era with current leaders, highlighting differences in governance styles, policies, and national impact.

Key Figures from the Siad Barre Regime

1. Mohamed Siad Barre

Position: President of Somalia (1969–1991)

Background: A military officer who rose to power in a coup, Barre ruled for over two decades with a focus on socialism, national unity, and military expansion. His government initially prioritised economic development and education but later became increasingly repressive and corrupt, leading to civil war.

2. Mohamed Ali Samatar

Position: Vice President, Prime Minister, and Minister of Defense

Background: A high-ranking military officer, Samatar was a key architect of Somalia’s military strength during the 1970s. He played a major role in the Ogaden War (1977–1978) and managed state security until the regime's collapse.

3. Ahmed Suleiman Abdille

Position: Minister of Interior

Background: Responsible for internal security and administrative affairs, Abdille was one of Barre’s most trusted officials, managing state institutions and enforcing policies, including controversial crackdowns on opposition groups.

Key Figures in the Current Federal Government

1. Hassan Sheikh Mohamud

Position: President of Somalia (since May 15, 2022)

Background: Unlike Barre, Mohamud comes from an academic and civic activism background. He has focused on rebuilding federal institutions, reconciliation, and international diplomacy, though security issues and corruption remain major obstacles under his leadership.

2. Hamza Abdi Barre

Position: Prime Minister (since June 14, 2022)

Background: Barre was elected as an MP in 2021 and has held administrative roles in Jubbaland and national institutions. His government has emphasised economic recovery and security reforms, but internal power struggles have limited progress.

3. Abshir Omar Huruse

Position: Minister of Foreign Affairs

Background: A career diplomat, Huruse has focused on international partnerships, foreign investment, and Somalia’s global reputation. His role is critical in securing foreign aid and trade agreements, though Somalia’s sovereignty concerns and reliance on external funding remain debated issues.

Comparative Analysis: Siad Barre’s Regime vs. The Current Federal Government

Lessons from the Past and the Road Ahead

What the Current Government Can Learn from Siad Barre’s Era

✔ National unity must be prioritised—tribal politics weakens the state. ✔ State investment in infrastructure, education, and military self-sufficiency is critical. ✔ A strong security apparatus is needed—but it must respect human rights.

What the Current Government Must Avoid from Siad Barre’s Mistakes

❌ Authoritarianism and suppression of opposition lead to long-term instability. ❌ Corruption and mismanagement of state resources weaken the government. ❌ Using the military for political control instead of national security undermines stability.

Conclusion

Somalia’s leadership has shifted from military dictatorship to civilian governance, but the country still faces challenges of security, corruption, and economic recovery. While the Siad Barre regime demonstrated the power of a strong central state, its dictatorial rule led to civil war and state collapse. Today’s federal government aims for democracy and decentralisation, yet struggles with governance and stability.

For Somalia to move forward, its leaders must embrace state-building while rejecting authoritarianism, ensuring a government that serves the people rather than ruling over them.

[ahmedsaylici1]

Somalia: Learning from the Siad Barre Era Without Repeating Its Mistakes

Introduction

Somalia’s political history has been marked by dramatic transformations, from colonial rule to independence, from democracy to military dictatorship, and from state collapse to a fragile federal system. Today’s government faces enormous challenges: insecurity, corruption, economic instability, and political fragmentation. While the military regime of Siad Barre (1969–1991) had its successes in governance and national development, it ultimately collapsed due to authoritarianism, economic mismanagement, and human rights abuses.

To build a stronger Somalia, the current generation must learn from the positive aspects of the Siad Barre era—such as strong state institutions, national unity, and economic development—while avoiding its mistakes, particularly dictatorship, corruption, and clan-based repression.

Lessons from the Siad Barre Era

1. National Unity Over Clan Politics

When the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) took power in 1969, Somalia was struggling with political corruption, clan rivalries, and weak governance. The SRC prioritised national unity, banning clan-based politics and promoting Somali nationalism. While their methods were at times extreme, their early policies fostered a strong national identity.

What today’s leaders can learn:

National interest should come before clan loyalties.

Political appointments must be based on merit, not clan affiliation.

A national identity movement, through education and civic engagement, can help rebuild unity.

However, the Barre government also manipulated clan politics when it suited them, favouring certain groups while oppressing others. This sowed the seeds of civil war. Today’s leaders must learn that true national unity cannot be achieved through force or deception, but through fairness and inclusivity.

2. State-Led Development and Economic Growth

Under Barre, Somalia made major strides in education, infrastructure, and social development. The government introduced universal literacy campaigns, a Somali language script, and state-run industries.

What today’s leaders can learn:

Invest in public services such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure.

The government must play a role in key economic sectors, ensuring development benefits all citizens, not just elites.

Avoid over-reliance on foreign aid—Somalia needs self-sufficiency through agriculture, fishing, and industrial development.

However, by the 1980s, Barre’s regime had become financially corrupt, mismanaging state resources and accumulating crippling debt. The collapse of the Somali economy contributed to the government’s downfall. Today’s leadership must ensure financial transparency and avoid state corruption.

3. Building a Strong and Accountable Security Force

Siad Barre modernised the Somali military, making it one of Africa’s most powerful armies. It ensured stability and territorial defence.

What today’s leaders can learn:

A strong, national military is essential for defending the country and stabilising Somalia.

The military must remain neutral in politics to prevent dictatorship.

Security forces should be loyal to the nation, not individual leaders or clans.

However, Barre’s security forces turned into tools of oppression, engaging in extrajudicial killings, mass arrests, and repression of dissent. The Somali military and intelligence agencies today must be accountable to civilian leadership and respect human rights.

Avoiding the Mistakes of the Past

1. Rejecting Dictatorship and Protecting Democracy

Siad Barre began as a reformer but turned into a dictator, banning political opposition, shutting down free media, and eliminating critics. His authoritarian rule led to a lack of political freedom and ultimately, massive resistance that contributed to state collapse.

What today’s leaders must do differently:

Encourage political competition and free speech—silencing critics leads to instability.

Respect constitutional limits on power to prevent a return to authoritarianism.

Allow a peaceful transfer of power through elections, not through force.

2. Ending Corruption and Nepotism

By the late 1980s, Barre’s government had degenerated into a corrupt network of elites, enriching themselves while ordinary Somalis suffered. Foreign aid meant for development was stolen, and political loyalty was rewarded over competence.

What today’s leaders must do differently:

Establish independent anti-corruption bodies to investigate government officials.

Ensure public resources are distributed fairly, rather than benefiting only a small elite.

Promote government transparency through audits, media freedom, and public accountability.

3. Protecting Human Rights and Avoiding Political Violence

One of the darkest legacies of Siad Barre was the brutal repression of political opponents and entire communities. The 1988 bombing of Hargeisa, which targeted civilians, remains one of the worst atrocities in Somali history.

What today’s leaders must do differently:

Ensure that law enforcement and military operations respect human rights.

Allow political dissent—governments that listen to their people are stronger.

Avoid collective punishment—targeting entire clans or regions leads to long-term instability.

4. Learning from Economic Collapse

Somalia’s economy collapsed due to mismanagement, corruption, and over-reliance on foreign aid. The failure to diversify the economy and the dependence on a single leader’s vision were major weaknesses.

What today’s leaders must do differently:

Encourage private sector growth while maintaining state investment in key areas.

Avoid over-dependence on foreign aid by building a self-reliant economy.

Implement long-term economic policies, rather than short-term fixes for political gain.

Conclusion: A New Path for Somalia

Siad Barre’s regime offers both inspiration and warnings. His government united Somalia, strengthened its military, and invested in national development. But his dictatorship, corruption, and political repression led to Somalia’s collapse.

For today’s generation, the challenge is to build a strong and stable Somalia without repeating the mistakes of the past. This means: ✅ Fostering national unity without suppressing diversity. ✅ Investing in economic growth without corruption. ✅ Strengthening security without oppression. ✅ Encouraging political participation without dictatorship. ✅ Learning from history to avoid collapse.

Somalia stands at a crossroads. It can rise again as a strong, self-sufficient nation—but only if today’s leaders and citizens choose progress over division, democracy over dictatorship, and accountability over corruption.