dongzhou3kingdoms - Tumblr blog

dongzhou3kingdoms · 2 hours

Text

Further history of Goguryeo (WS100)

[With the parallel account in LS54]

[WS100]

Gong's great grandson Weigong likewise could see from birth. People considered him to resemble his great grandfather Gong, and for that reason named him as Weigong. In Gaogouli they refer to resembling each other as “Wei”. Weigong likewise was brave and strong, and at ease with bow and horse. In the middle of Wei's Zhengshi [240 – 249], he entered to rob Anping in Liaoxi, and was routed by the Inspector of You province, Muqiu Jian.

His great-great-grandson was Yifuli. Li's son was Zhao. In the time of Emperor Lie [329 – 337], he and the Murong clan attacked and struck each other. 4th Year of Jianguo [341 AD], Murong Yuanzhen led the multitudes to invade them. He entered through the southern pass, fought at Mudi and greatly routed Zhao's army. He exploited the victory for a long advance, and thereupon entered Wandu. Zhao fled and ran away on a single horse. Yuanzhen dug up Zhao's father's tomb, and carried off his corpse, he also carried off his mother and wife, precious treasure, men and women, more than 50 000 people. He burnt his palace houses, destroyed Wandu City, and turned back. Afterwards, Zhao dispatched envoys to come to court. They were hindered and cut off by robbers and foes, and were unable to arrive from [him]. Zhao later was killed by Baiji [Baekje].

In the time of Shizu, Zhao's great-grandson Lian first dispatched an envoy to [the General who] Calms the East to offer a petition to tribute the things of the region, and also to request the state's taboo [characters]. Shizu was delighted with their earnest sincerity. He decreed to send down the imperial lineage's external names and taboos to their state. He dispatched the Outer Staff Cavalier Attendant Gentleman Li Ao to designate Lian Chief Controller of the Various Army Affairs of Liaohai, General who Conquers the East, Acting Central Gentleman Commander who Protects the Eastern Barbarians, State-Founding Duke of Liaodong commandery, and King of Gaogouli.

Ao arrived at his residence at Pingrang [i.e. Pyongyang] City, and inquired into their region's affairs. He stated: South-east of the Liao, more than a thousand li, east until Zha City, south until the Lesser Sea, north until old Fuyu. The population and households has tripled since the time of Former Wei. Their land is 2 000 li from east to west, and more than 1 000 li from north to south. The people have all sprung from the land. They go along with the mountains and valleys, and live there. Fore clothes they use cloth, silk and hides. The native farmland is meagre and poor. Their silk-work and farming are insufficient to provide for themselves, and for that reason their people are modest with food and drink. Their customs are joyful [?], they are fond of singing and dancing. At night, men and women crowd together for entertainment without ranking of the noble and the humble. However when cleaning and purifying they enjoy themselves. Their king is fond of arranging palace buildings. His named officials have the titles of Yeshe, Taishe, Great Brother, and Junior Brother. On their heads they wear twisted style, shaped like a conical cap, and on the sides they insert bird feathers, noble and humble each proportionally. If standing up, they turn back with folded hands. When they kneel to do obeisance, they trail one foot. They travel on foot like they are running. They always use the 10th Month to worship Heaven, and within the state there is a great assembly. At their public gatherings, their clothes and dress area always brocaded and embroidered, with gold and silver as decorations. They are fond of squatting and crouching. When eating they use trays and low tables. They produce a three foot [tall] horse, they state it was originally ridden by Zhumeng, and the horse breed as a result has come down [from it?]. After, tribute was sent soon after each other, annually they delivered 200 jin yellow gold and 400 jin white silver.

At the time Feng Wentong [the final ruler of Northern Yan] led the multitudes to run to them [in 436 AD], Shizu dispatched the Cavalier in Regular Attendance Feng Bo with a decree to Lian ordering him to send off Wentong. Lian sent up a letter claiming he undertook to serve the royal reforms together with Wentong, and in the end did not sent him off. Shizu was furious, and wished to go and chastise him. Hte King of Leping, Pi, and others debated waiting and launch it later. Shizu therefore desisted, and Wentong also soon after was killed by Lian.

Later Empress Dowager Wenming, as Xianzu's Six Palces were not yet made ready, counselled Lian to make him recommend his daughter. Lian offered a petition, stating his daughter was already married, and beseech to use his younger brother's daughter in response to the directive. The imperial court allowed it, and therefore dispatched the King of Anle, Zhen, the Master of Writing, Li Fu, and others to reach the border and send off the gifts.

Lian was tricked by the advise of his left and right, stating that the imperial court formerly had intermarried with the Feng clan, but then not much later wiped out their state. The lessons of Yin were not remote, they ought to just then conveniently decline it. Lian thereupon sent up a letter falsely claiming the girl had died. The imperial court suspected him of concealing trickery, and again dispatched the Provisional Cavalier in Regular Attendance Cheng Jun to sternly call him to account, and if the girl really was dead, attend to select in replacement [someone] gentle of his lineage. Lian stated that if the Son of Heaven forgave his previous errors, he would respectfully undertake to serve the decree. It happened that Xianzu collapsed, and he therefore desisted.

[LS54]

Yiyimo died, his son Weigong was installed. Weigong was brave and strong, at ease with saddles and horses, and good at shooting and hunting. Wei's 2nd Year of Jingchu [238 AD], they dispatched the Grand Tutor, Sima King Xuan [i.e. Sima Yi], to lead the multitudes and chastise Gongsun Yuan. Weigong dispatched the Master of Account and Great Assigner in command of a thousand troops to help the army. 3rd Year of Zhengshi [242 AD], Weigong robbed Xi'an and Jiaping. 5th Year [244 AD], the Insepctor of You province, Muqiu Jian, in command of ten thousand people, set out from Xuantu to chastise Weigong. Weigong in command of 20 000 foot and horse confronted the army, and there was a great battle at Feiliu. Weigong fled in defeat. Jian's army pursued until Xian. They hung up their chariots, bound their horses, and climbed Wandu Mountain. They slaughtered those that were in the capital, the cut off heads and captives numbered more than ten thousand. Weigong only brought along his wife and children to run far away. 6th Year [245 AD], Jian again chastised him. Weigong lightly brought along the various Assigners to run to Woju. Jian sent General Wang Qi to pursue him. He cut across Woju for more than a thousand li, arrived in the southern regions of Sushen, and carved a rock to record his merits. He again reached Wandu Mountain, inscribed the walls of Bunai, and then turned back. After that, they again communicated with the Central Xia.

In the chaos of Jin's Yongjia era [307 – 313], the Xianbei Murong Hui occupied Daji City in Changli, Emperor Yuan conferred on him Inspector of Ping province. The King of Gouli, Yifuli, frequently robbed Liaodong, and Hui was not able to put it in order.

Fuli died, his son Liu was installed in replacement. Emperor Kang's 1st Year of Jianyuan [343 AD], Murong Hui's son Huang led troops to invade him. Liu fought with him, was greatly defeated, and ran and fled on a single horse. Huang exploited the victory to pursue until Wandu, burnt his palace houses, and seized more than 50 000 boys to return home.

Xiaowu's 10th Year of Taiyuan [385 AD], Gouli attacked Liaodong and Xuantu commanderies. Murong Chui of Later Yan dispatched his younger brother Nong to invade Gouli, he restored the two commanderies. Chui died, his son Bao was installed. He used the King of Gouli, An, as Shepherd of Ping province, and ennobled him King of the two states of Liaodong and Daifang. An started to set up the offices of Senior Clerk, Marshal, and Army Advisor, and afterwards roughly had Liaodong commandery.

Arriving at his grandson, Gaolian, he in the middle of Emperor An of Jin's Yixi era [405 – 418], first offered a petition to exchange tribute and duties.

[SuiS081]

Gaoli's ancestor sprung from Fuyu. The King of Fuyu once obtained the daughter of Hebo, and following that had her shut up inside a room. She was followed by the sun's light, which shone on her. She felt it and consequently became pregnant. She gave birth to a large, and there was a boy who broke the shell and came out. His name was Zhumeng. Fuyu's ministers, since Zhumeng had not been born by a person, all requested to kill him. The king did not heed them. Growing up, because he accompanied on hunts, he caught normally a large amount, and they again requested to kill him. His mother reported it to Zhumeng, and Zhumeng abandoned Fuyu and fled south-east. He came to one great river, deep and impossible to cross. Zhumong said:

I am truly the maternal grandson of Hebo, and the son of the son. Now there are difficulties, and pursuing troops are about to catch up. How about getting to cross?

And so fish and turtles piled up and completed a bridge, and Zhumong thereupon crossed. The pursuing riders did not mange to ferry over, and turned back.

Zhumeng established a state which he himself titled Gaogouli, and he used Gao as his clan name. When Zhumeng died, his son Luda inherited. Arriving at his grandson Molai, he raised troops and thereupon annexed Fuyu. Arriving at his descendant Weigong, in the middle of Wei's Zhengshi era [240 – 249], he entered to rob Xi'anping, Guanqiu Jian resisted and routed him. Weigong's great-great-grandson's son was called Emperor Zhaolie. He was routed by the Murong clan, who consequently entered Wandu and burnt his palace houses, took a great amount of plunder, and turned back. Emperor Zhaolie was later killed by Baiji. His great-grandson Lian dispatched envoys to Later Wei.

3 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 2 days

Note

Pang Tong gave Liu Bei 3 plans to choose from when conquering Yi Province, and we all know Liu chose the 2nd one which succeeded. What do you speculate could have happened had Liu chosen the 1st or 3rd plans instead?

To refresh everyone, SGZ 37.1 contains the story.

When [Liú] Zhāng returned to Chéngdū, Xiānzhǔ was about to for [Liú] Zhāng campaign north into Hànzhōng. Tǒng again advised: “Secretly select elite troops, travel day and night, and directly attack Chéngdū. [Liú] Zhāng is both unskilled in military affairs, and also never prepared. When the main army arrives, with one move things will be settled. This is the best plan. “Yáng Huái and Gāo Pèi are [Liú] Zhāng’s famous Generals, each lead strong troops, defending and occupying Guāntóu, and one hears that they have several times sent letters remonstrating [Liú] Zhāng, urging him to send you General back to Jīngzhōu. Now General before you arrive, send someone to them to report, saying Jīngzhōu has an emergency, and that you wish to rescue it, while simultaneously preparing attire to outwardly look like you will return. These two both respect your great reputation General, and also will be happy that you will leave, and certainly plan to ride with light cavalry to come meet. You General can then seize them, advance and take over their troops, and then head toward Chéngdū. This is the middle plan. “Retreating back to Báidì, joining up with Jīngzhōu, and slowly return to make plans. This is the worst plan. “If you delay and do not go, then you will be in great trouble, and cannot last.” Xiānzhǔ therefore followed the middle plan, beheaded [Yáng] Huái and [Gāo] Pèi, returned to head toward Chéngdū, and all that he passed he conquered.

The first plan is an extremely risky gamble. While it offered a chance for a quick and decisive victory (avoiding the years long war Liu Bei ended up fighting) it could have easily failed. On the other hand, even if it did fail it was a small force and the army would survive its loss.

The second plan is a very pragmatic one, and it ended up working out.

The third plan would essentially mean sacrificing Liu Bei's position in Hanzhong (and within Yi itself) and simply invading from the direction of Jing. It was plausible, and very traditional, but it would render the entire trip to Hanzhong a waste of time and Liu Bei would be operating with no particular advantage. Zhang Fei was able to successfully march from this direction, but the conditions would have been very different if both sides concentrated their full attention in the same place.

6 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 2 days

Text

Indeed. Failure to win means Cao's didn't have control of the narrative of the era, Jin needed to distance themselves a bit to justify their betrayal and people asked why, despite their undoubted and advantages, they didn't win. I think sometimes in the west, we end up having to remind people Cao Cao isn't always quite as brilliant or successful as they think.

This is just a rambling but I was reading the current reddit discussion on Cao Cao. I know most of my three kingdoms expert mutuals on reddit probably seen the comment regarding that Cao Cao is considered a positive example on a westerner's perspective compared to an Confucian perspective.

To be clear, I don't think the comment is entirely accurate. I think Cao Cao is considered a positive example to perhaps a subset of Western perspective and I have seen western people disagree with that comment regarding how all westerner might see Cao Cao especially when perhaps not everyone knows the full picture.

My theory for why someone might say that people of the west see Cao Cao as a positive example is perhaps because of the West's veneration of Julius Caesar. How people's admiration of the great men theory might leads people to view Cao Cao in a more positive example.

Because I think that is what that subset sees in Cao Cao. A man of many talents, mostly a strategic genius able to overcome multiple odds against them. Sure, they had some setbacks against some opponents but they still managed to overcome them or at least maintain a strong position throughout. They had to kill a bunch of people who resist them but that is how the world operates. It was either us or them. Hell, they even showed personal honor or clemency to people who don't really deserve it anyway (at least in their eyes).

And sure to be clear, I am not denying that Cao Cao or Julius Caesar are none of these. They are complicated humans with a complicated legacy with a wide-spectrum of many people who admire them for their success and some people who dislike them for their misdeeds regardless of their success.

It's the image of the great man who doesn't care about what others think, who wins against everyone, and dominates throughout. Never mind that I believe both Cao Cao and Julius Caesar cared deeply about their public image (Caesar being more successful while Cao Cao....uh is complicated) and sometimes won things by pure luck.

Of course, I also think time and perspective played a part in people's changing perspection. Novel backlash is most prominent for Cao Cao, and the values preached in the 14th-century are obviously going to look ridiculous to someone in the 21st who don't understand the many different messages and strange values at the time.

EDIT: Actually there is something that I just remember but it's worth noting that aside from Romance of the Three Kingdom novel being comprised of a bunch of pinghua stories about said figures collected throughout many long years. We are also talking about a 14th century novel likely also maybe trying to capture 220 AD with their own views. I don't know, like I feel like I have yet to see what Chinese people might say about the often mocked wife-cannibalism and Liu Bei throwing Liu Shan. Like to be clear, I think most people do get the Confucian value they profress, and that is what they will likely say about it but I feel like not everyone would view those scenes the same way.

I also should probably mention this earlier but this subset is definitely not exclusive to the west. I would say that most countries have a fascination and admiration with great men and like to compare them with each other. East Asia is no exception especially with recent media being far more likely to portray a positive Cao Cao depiction especially with Koei (Japan) comparing him like their own Oda Nobunaga as the great reformer (also because that is where the market and money is in their home country).

It's also why I think there should be a way to read Eiji Yoshikawa's version of Romance of the Three Kingdoms. It's well noted for it's human portrayal of Cao Cao but it's possible that the takeaway there might end up presenting Cao Cao as more clean than the original ROTK or how he actually is in history as well especially with how Koei draws from them.

It's still a huge debate and many conversations to be had over there. Hell, the most comprehensive Japanese wiki for ROTK14 (the game)) had to ban and wipe out a bunch of arguments (only regulating them to a single page) regarding the historical records because people still fight it out perhaps in a similar way as how people over on the DW/Three Kingdoms subreddit or even the older Scholars of Shen Zhou.

It's also worth noting that despite DW completely white-washing Cao Cao, the ROTK games are a bit more hesistant, and still portray Liu Bei and the sworn brothers as their main protagonists accurate to the novel but the white-washing is definitely still there to some extent. It's possible that this is the result of marketing. DW is fine for mostly a Japanese audience with a niche subset of Chinese, Taiwanese, and Western fans while ROTK has to present to a more mainland Chinese audience alongside Japan. It's also possible that fans of ROTK have different views on Liu Bei and Cao Cao compared to Dynasty Warriors but that is mostly speculation.

Anyway, my train of thought stops here..I was going to write a proper conclusion that history is always a struggle of views. Who is to say if the admiration of Cao Cao and the degradation of Liu Bei will continue, or if the struggle between perspective will likely continue forever as the world changes between values and views.

8 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 3 days

Text

Very thoughtful post While there are a lot of reasons people like Cao Cao, there is certainly a set of Cao Cao backers that are due to him being seen as a success. Sometimes it can be innocent "nobody that bad could be that successful" (look how loyal people were, looking how well he treated so and so) but there are also those who take it into disturbing ways. That he was traditionally seen as a villain plays into it as he becomes "ahead of his time” Some also abuse the idea of the past is different to then justify whatever they like.

8 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 3 days

Text

"Since Jin crossed the Yangtze River, they could not contend for power, and the non-Han peoples wantonly rushed about as tigers devouring the Central Plains. Liu Yu started to use the prince's multitudes to annihilate and pacify Eastern China, yet when he arrived he did not then express his respect to the virtuous and talented, comfort and console the weary people, propagate a happy and easygoing spirit, and cleanse brutality and filth in the government, which would make the crowd of people favour the disturbance and leave many on tiptoes. Yet he preferred to indulge himself in slaughter so as to satisfy the grudge in his heart. Imitating his establishment, previously the Fu and Yao clans were not like this, it is appropriate that he could not assail the Four Seas and satisfy his grand pursuit. Although he had wisdom and bravery, he had no benevolence and righteousness, how could it be anything else that caused it to be as such!"

臣光曰：晉自濟江以來，威靈不競，戎狄橫騖，虎噬中原。劉裕始以王師翦平東夏，不於此際旌禮賢俊，慰撫疲民，宣愷悌之風，滌殘穢之政，使羣士嚮風，遺黎企踵，而更恣行屠戮以快忿心；迹其��設，曾苻、姚之不如，宜其不能蕩壹四海，成美大之業，豈非雖有智勇而無仁義使之然哉！

Zizhi Tongjian, vol. 115

4 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 3 days

Text

WS29.2.1, Biography of Shusun Jun

(His clan name was actually Yizhan. The Yizhan clan changed their clan name to Shusun during the Sinicisation reforms of Emperor Xiaowen. Also, providing some context and explanation for the Northern Wei practice of encouraging the suicides of officials' widows which started with him)

Biography

[Yizhan Jian]'s eldest son was Jun, courtesy name Chougui, [he was] intelligent at a young age. At the age of fifteen, attended the imperial palace as a retainer. Had a cautious and calm character, and did not exceed his capabilities. In order to be a horse mount archer, was transferred as a hunting official [1].

長子俊，字醜歸，少聰敏。年十五，內侍左右。性謹密，初無過行。以便弓馬，轉為獵郎.

Emperor Taizu [posthumous name Emperor Daowu, personal name Tuoba Gui], the Prince of Qinghe, Shao, shut the palace gates [2], and Taizong [posthumous name Emperor Mingyuan, personal name Tuoba Si] was outside [3]. Shao forced Jun to act to assist him. Although Jun on the outside submitted to Shao, on the inside he had true loyalty, therefore with Yuan [4] Mohan and others criticised Shao, pledging allegiance to Taizong. This affair is in the biography of Mohan.

長子俊，字醜歸，少聰敏。年十五，內侍左右。性謹密，初無過行。以便弓馬，轉為獵郎。太祖崩，清河王紹閉宮門，太宗在外。紹逼俊以為己援。俊外雖從紹，內實忠款，仍與元磨渾等說紹，得歸太宗。事在磨渾傳。

At this time of Taizong's retainers, only Che [5] Lutou, Wang Luo'er and others, were able to reach Jun and others' [assistance], [Taizong] was very pleased [with him], [Jun] acted as an attendant.

是時太宗左右，唯車路頭、王洛兒等，及得俊等，大悅，以為爪牙。

When Taizong succeeded to the throne, ordered that Jun, Mohan and others correct the errors of the retainers. Was transferred as a guard general and bestowed as Duke of Ancheng.

太宗即位，命俊與磨渾等拾遺左右。遷衞將軍，賜爵安城公。

The Prince of Zhuti, Yue, carried a knife in his bosom and entered within the imperial residence, to goad a major rebellion. Jun realised Yue's actions were unusual, and easily held his hand and pulled it back, thus within Yue's bosom there were two daggers, [Yue] was thereupon executed.

太宗即位，命俊與磨渾等拾遺左右。遷衞將軍，賜爵安城公。朱提王悅懷刃入禁中，將為大逆。俊覺悅舉動有異，便引手掣之，乃於悅懷中得兩刃匕首，遂殺之。

Taizong grasped Jun's significant merits from beginning to end, the policies of military affairs and civil administration were all according to his appointment, many officials starting their posts were earlier by Jun selected and inspected, and after that were presented and confirmed.

太宗以俊前後功重，軍國大計一以委之，群官上事，先由俊銓校，然後奏聞。

[Jun] had a just, fair and gentle character, and his form was not likely to be easily angered. [He was] loyal, devoted and genuine, and did not flatter his superiors or repress his subordinates. Every time he received an imperial edict and announced it to the outside, he would certainly announce [it] politely, the receivers would all be fulfilled and retreat, and those with confidential matters would turn away and arrive at the torch [6] again. Therefore his superiors and subordinates admired and praised him.

性平正柔和，未嘗有喜怒之色。忠篤愛厚，不諂上抑下。每奉詔宣外，必告示殷勤，受事者皆飽之而退，事密者倍至蒸仍。是以上下嘉歎。

Died in the first year of Taichang [416 CE], was twenty-eight [7] at the time, Taizong was excessively anguished and mournful, went in person and was deeply aggrieved. In all levels of society, there was no lacking in their pursuit of pity. Bestowed as Palace Attendant, Minister of Land and Water and Prince of Ancheng [8], with the posthumous name of Filial and Fundamental [xiaoyuan].

性平正柔和，未嘗有喜怒之色。忠篤愛厚，不諂上抑下。每奉詔宣外，必告示殷勤，受事者皆飽之而退，事密者倍至蒸仍。是以上下嘉歎。泰常元年卒，時年二十八，太宗甚痛悼之，親臨哀慟。朝野無不追惜。贈侍中、司空、安城王，諡孝元。

Was bestowed warm and bright rare utensils, carried using a sleeping carriage, guarded by soldiers leading their followers, and was buried [with other important people, including the imperial family] in the Jin Mausoleum. His son Pu inherited his rank. After [this], when esteemed ministers with great merit and special favour died, the rites with which they were paid their last respects were all according to the tradition of Jun's [9], but did not surpass that.

子蒲，襲爵。後有大功及寵幸貴臣薨，賻送終禮，皆依俊故事，無得踰之者.

[As a part of this], when Jun died, Taizong advised his wife Lady Huan [10] and said:

"When people in life share glory, in death it is appropriate to share a tomb. The capacity for [you] to be buried with the dead may be an undertaking of [your] desire." [11]

Lady Huan thus hanged herself and died, and was thereupon jointly interred there.

初，俊既卒，太宗命其妻桓氏曰：「夫生既共榮，沒宜同穴，能殉葬者可任意。」桓氏乃縊而死，遂合葬焉。

Northern Wei emperors and princes would often go on hunts with their attendants. I presume that Yizhan Jun would attend the emperor or a prince's hunting trip.

2. Tuoba Shao had assassinated Tuoba Gui.

3. Tuoba Si had earlier fled the capital of Pingcheng to avoid his father's wrath.

4. Should be Tuoba Mohan, as the imperial clan name of Tuoba was changed to Yuan by Emperor Xiaowen.

5. Should be Chekun Lutou, as the Chekun clan shortened their clan name under the reforms of Emperor Xiaowen.

6. I presume that 蒸 refers to a type of torch in this context. Torches would be lit as a signal during this time.

7. By East Asian age reckoning, in which a person is considered 1 year old at birth and becomes a year older at New Year, regardless of individual birthday. By Western age reckoning, he would be 26 or 27 years old.

8. He received the title of Duke of Ancheng in his lifetime; he was posthumously promoted to the rank of prince.

9. This likely refers to the death of the wives of these officials, which is outlined in the section below this statement.

10. Should be Lady Wuwan, as the Wuwan clan changed their clan name to Huan under the reforms of Emperor Xiaowen.

11. The Zizhi Tongjian phrases this differently, stating: "In life you shared honour with him [Yizhan Jun], will you share his sadness in death?" The History of the Northern Dynasties records an identical phrase to the Book of Wei, so Sima Guang likely paraphrased the earlier phrase in his record. The outcome was the same.

The Northern Wei practice

The death of Yizhan Jun started a practice in which the wives of powerful and favoured officials would be encouraged into committing suicide upon the official's death. This was first hinted using the euphemism "buried according to the rites of Shusun Jun".

(Technically, Tuoba Si had earlier poisoned Wang Luo'er's wife, but this was an irregular case. All other women to die to this practice were encouraged to commit suicide, yet she was poisoned, and the Weishu dates this practice to Shusun Jun, not Wang Luo'er. Wang Luo'er's wife may have been poisoned for a different reason)

This practice started with Tuoba Si and Yizhan Jun, but it continued into his son Tuoba Tao's reign. Tuoba Tao later buried his official Lu (Tufulu) Luyuan with the rites of Yizhan Jun, indicating this practice. Tufulu Luyuan's rites were even greater, so from then on, this practice was euphemised as "buried according to the rites of Lu Luyuan", which should indicate this practice, as Lu Luyuan was buried with this practice.

I think that although Tuoba Si claimed burial etiquette as his reasoning, the actual reasoning was probably to prevent other powerful tribes from coming to power the same way the Tuobas themselves did - using their maternal connections.

Tuoba Gui used his connections to the Helan and Murong tribes to claim power for himself. Later, Tuoba Shao's attempted seizure of power likely relied on his maternal tribe, the Helan tribe, making two incidents where this method of gaining power was attempted. Tuoba Gui created 子贵母死, and Tuoba Si this policy, to prevent others from using this method of gaining power.

Though the Tuoba clan did not restrict the greater freedom of common women, they restricted the women in elite classes, who they saw as being a threat to their power. Due to their knowledge that they only came to power with the help of maternal connections, they became fearful of these connections being exploited.

It is for this reason that the practice continued after the death of Tuoba Si, and continued to as far as Empress Dowager Feng's regency over Emperor Xiaowen. The practice was likely abolished during the sinicisation reforms of Emperor Xiaowen.

7 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 17 days

Text

It was not illegal to be an asshole before and for the last week it has still not been illegal to be an asshole. That doesn’t mean that you should be. There are plenty of things that it’s not illegal to do, but that in a decent society we don’t generally encourage people to do. We should all be trying to be as pleasant and decent to each other as possible, whether the law allow for it or not.

Scottish Green MSP (member of parliament) Ross Greer

5 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 2 months

Text

Liu Bei and the Jade Man story from the Shiyi ji

The Shiyi Ji is a collection of supernatural stories and anecdotes compiled during the Six Dynasties period attributed to Wang Jia.

Liu Bei’s Empress Gan was from Pei. She was born into humble circumstances. A physiognomist in the village said, ‘This girl will later have high rank. Her rank will exceed that of a Gongyi concubine.’ When she grew up, her appearance was especially beautiful. When she reached eighteen, she had jade-like skin and tender flesh. Her attitude was bewitching and her countenance seductive. Liu Bei ordered her to go behind a gauze curtain. Those who gazed at her from outside the door thought she resembled gathered snow’ in the moonlight.

The region south of the Yellow River presented a jade man three feet tall. Liu Bei took the jade man and put him beside the queen. During the day he discussed military plans and at night then he embraced the queen and amused himself with the jade man. She always proclaimed that what is the honored virtue in jade is that its virtues are like that of a gentleman, so since it is in the shape of a man, how could it be played with.

The empress and the jade man were pure white and equally smooth of skin, so that those who looked at them were almost confused. The empress was not only jealous of the favorites, but was also envious of the jade man. The empress always wanted to destroy it and admonished Liu Bei saying, “In the past Zihan did not consider jade to be precious and the Spring and Autumn Annals admired him for it. Wu and Wei are not destroyed, how can you put seductive pleasures in your heart? Any kind of infatuation will raise doubts. Do not enter into this again. ” Liu Bei then cast aside the statue of the jade man, and the favorites all retired. At this time, the gentlemen presented a memorial in which they referred to Empress Gan as a Matron of Spiritual Wisdom.

Translation by Larry C. Foster, ‘The Shih-i chi and Its Relationship to the Genre Known as Chih-kuai hsiao-shuo’.

18 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 2 months

Text

A frozen fortress in one night?

Recently, there has been a huge amount of discussion about a particular frozen wall during the Battle of Tong Pass (Tongguan) on the Chinese internet, mainly due to the reconstruction attempt in this video (in Chinese). The video attracted a lot of attention as it was made by a game company to promote their 3k theme game, and because they chose to focus on such seemingly unimportant and negligible detail.

The explicit mention of a 'frozen wall' can be found in Chapter 59 of the Romance, but unlike many other wild ideas, this detail was in an annotation to the Records of the Three Kingdoms as well.

曹瞞傳曰：時公軍每渡渭，輒為超騎所衝突，營不得立，地又多沙，不可築壘。婁子伯說公曰：「今天寒，可起沙為城，以水灌之，可一夜而成。」公從之……比明，城立，由是公軍盡得渡渭。

The Caomanzhuan states: when Duke Cao's army crossed the Wei River, they were always struck by Ma Chao's cavalry and unable to land safely for camp establishment, and because the ground was sandy, no fortifications could be built. Lou Zibo [Lou Gui] suggested to the Duke, "Today the weather is cold, we can build walls with sand and fill them with water, and they will be built overnight [due to freezing]." Cao Cao accepted his suggestion.....by dawn, the walls were erected, and the Duke's army successfully crossed the Wei River.

This detail was of course not without controversy. Pei Songzhi in his annotations noted that some questioned the feasibility of water freezing when it was only the 9th month at that point. Indeed, when checking Tongguan County and Xi'an City climate data records today, their mean daily temperatures in October/November (roughly corresponding to the 9th month) sit well above the freezing point at about 6-15 degrees. Additionally, the Caomanzhuan is known for incorporating exaggerated tales and the ice wall's absence in Chen Shou's main text seems to imply that Chen Shou didn't deem this detail worthy or credible.

Some think otherwise. Pei Songzhi himself commented that at that point the temperatures may be cold enough for freezing, against the backdrop of a mini-cooling period during Chinese history. Caomanzhuan is also known as a piece that frequently paints Cao Cao in a bad light, so such a positive spin on Cao Cao and his advances seemed unlikely to be made up.

Regardless of what one thinks of the validity of this tiny detail, the video creators, with their interpretation of events, attempted and successfully recreated a frozen wall. Undeniably, this is at least partly a marketing gimmick, and a successful one given the responses. But it certainly is still very interesting to see an effort to explore the true history behind famous tales and legends, especially as a mere game studio.

7 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 2 months

Text

XUANWU GATE INCIDENT PART 1 IS OUT ON MY WORDPRESS!

6 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 2 months

Text

Not gonna add glaze or a watermark. The AI data scrapers can have this one. on the house :)

No writing version under the cut:

256 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 2 months

Note

I feel like most who wanted would have jumped ship when Lu Bu was winning in the early stages at Yan I'm wondering if anon meant figures like Chen Gong

Who was everyone that nominally supported Lu Bu in his war against Cao Cao, and what were their supposed motives?

Zhang Yang supported Lu Bu's first campaign (194-195) in Yan. They were old friends and it would obviously have been to Zhang Yang's advantage to have a friend installed in Yan rather than Cao Cao. He also supported Lu Bu in 198 but was killed in a mutiny before he could take any action.

In 198, Lu Bu's only ally was Yuan Shu. Cao Cao was their mutual enemy, and Yuan Shu's decision to take the imperial title had isolated him from all others.

It wasn't complicated.

3 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 2 months

Note

Did Dong Zhuo do anything at all right after seizing power? Did the junta do anything at all right? Or were their regimes just the sheer idiotic sadism and chaos that they're often depicted as?

I recommend listening to @discourseofthethreekingdoms because we spend probably too much time talking about Dong Zhuo over there. He made some good moves but the bad far outweighed them.

Li Jue and the rest didn't take the titles of the Excellencies like Dong Zhuo did. Their positions were all military and they dictated all important affairs of state, but they kept the traditional hierarchy intact. Theoretically the government was back to the way it was supposed to be, if everyone ignored all the soldiers. They were also able to make a convincing argument in favor of killing Wang Yun, and they somewhat distanced themselves from Dong Zhuo. All of this made them somewhat more palatable to the various warlords.

The Li junta was completely unable to expand its direct sphere of influence but it had some success in other areas. Most of the major warlords sent tribute to the capital, tacitly accepting the junta's regime. In return, the traditional court authorized the titles they were already claiming for themselves, giving some degree of imperial legitimacy to their territorial claims. In other places they were able to use that authority to raise up rivals to their enemies (most successfully with Liu Yao in Yang) or pit factions against each other (as with Gongsun Zan and Liu Yu). They didn't have much leverage, but what they did have they utilized fairly effectively.

It's impossible to say how much of that is due to Jia Xu specifically, but SGZ indicates that he was the guiding hand behind much of their success while avoiding high titles and attention.

3 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 2 months

Note

Would you refer to Cao Cao, Cao Pi, and Cao Rui, Cao Shuang as progressive or conservative(within the context of the time) figures? I ask because I've seen plenty of cases being made for both based on both their policy and behavior and I'm curious regarding your thoughts on the subject.

I think instead of progressive vs conservative (which bumps up too much against modern definitions and expectations) it's better to think of groups in the Wei court as reformist (wanting to make major changes to government or society) and traditionalist (wanting to restore or maintain the old Han order).

Longer explanation below but short: Cao Cao & Cao Pi are pretty balanced, Cao Rui skewed traditionalist.

In Wei things generally break upon pretty clear lines. The old guard, the families who were prosperous and powerful under Han, tended to be very traditionalist. It worked for them, after all. The reformists tended to come from the new gentry, those who were raised up by the Cao for their exploits and come from outside of the old system. Obviously the new way was benefiting them.

I think Cao Cao and Cao Pi both did a good job of balancing between these two groups, to the point where there isn't really a clear factional split during their regimes. This, too, is to be expected. The Cao were themselves part of the old guard but it was only new circumstances that elevated them to ultimate power and they had a literal army of personal supporters to thank for it.

It would be impossible to call Cao Cao and Cao Pi traditionalists. After all they completely overturned the old order. Cao Cao fundamentally reorganized the Han government and Cao Pi eliminated it entirely. That's about as reformist as you can get. At the same time, both carefully left key pieces of the old order in place and preserved the majority of Han's customs and traditions, not reorganizing their society as radically as, say, Sima Zhao and Sima Yan (who restored ancient titles of nobility, enthroned the princes, etc.).

On the whole, I believe Cao Rui leaned more towards the traditionalists. Most of the leading figures in his regime can be classified as such. Those who had been Cao Cao's personal supporters were much fewer in number and the connections between the new emperor and the family's retainers were much more distant than they had been for Cao Pi. This is most clearly illustrated in his dismissing of many reformist scholars (later associated with Cao Shuang).

The split becomes most visible under Cao Fang, of course, but he was a young child when he came to the throne and cannot be held responsible. During his time these two factions coalesced around Sima Yi and Cao Shuang. To some degree that conflict was inevitable, as soon as there was no longer a strong emperor able to balance between the factions (or tip the scales).

15 notes · View notes

dongzhou3kingdoms · 2 months

Note

I'm rather surprised there is actually some historical truth to Jiangdong in 190 being mostly free of warlords. Though it does still feel a bit weird you can just walk in there no problem. I guess this is more of a video game mechanics question than a historical one, but what would be a good way to handle places that were effectively "Uncontrolled"?

This is one of those things where video games do a bad job of capturing the reality.

When Dong Zhuo took control of the government, the Inspector of Yang province was an official named Chen Wen. However, he never acted as a warlord. He provided material support for Cao Cao's early campaigns and was theoretically affiliated with Yuan Shao, but he did not raise armies of his own or participate in any battles. Yuan Shu attacked him at Shouchun and killed him in 193. Theoretically, then, you could put Jiangdong and the rest of Yang province under Chen Wen's control. The reality was a lot more complicated.

Most of Jiangdong was effectively outside of the Han empire. The Han population lived in towns, cities, and villages along the rivers and lakes. These regions were very distant from the Han center of power. As a result, local magnates gained a great deal of power and often became the effective governors of their territories, with the Han-appointed bureaucrats merely authorizing their activities.

So in the settled lands, you had top bureaucrats appointed by the Han central court. Their authority was often contingent upon the cooperation of the leading local clans. Once the Han government was effectively defunct, these centrally-appointed bureaucrats didn't have much of a foundation to stand on and avoided rocking the boat (to mix some metaphors).

Most of the region consists of rugged hills and small mountains where the Han lifestyle did not naturally thrive. These regions were left in the hands of autonomous Yue people (the "hill Yue" or Shanyue). At most, Han insisted that the most powerful local leaders make shows of submission and send tribute, but they were largely left to their own devices. Most of Sun Quan's military expansion was southwards, establishing actual control over a great deal of physical territory that Han had always claimed but never inhabited.

On top of all this, Han administrative quirks further isolated Jiangdong. It was part of Yang province, but the province was governed from the north of the river, where we find cities like Huan and Shouchun. Warlords were happy to establish themselves on that side of the river but cared little for what happened south of it.

Tao Qian attempted to establish authority among these groups of people but had to break off his advances when Yuan Shu arrived in Shouchun. His nascent network was quickly co-opted by Liu Yao, Wu was able to provide effective resistance to Yuan Shu until Sun Ce's arrival.

4 notes · View notes