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Comparing and contrasting the response of China and of Japan to Western Intrusion in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

The West has always had an interest in Asia mainly around the rise of empires and the want to take over colonies. Europeans sought to make sense of and impose order through their empires and Asia came under this imposition. There was an importance to access and control land and resources in order to secure imperial power. Many Asian countries were beginning to come under Western intrusion as empires could be built over land rather than sea. The links of trade were also being forged through the Silk Road and increased the use of shipping exotic spices and foodstuffs from other countries such as tea and sugar. This intrusion did increase during and after the sixteenth century especially with the building of the Great Wall in China - the idea was to keep enemies out and the indigenous populous in, this was of great symbolic importance in the relationship between China and the West.

Japan was an isolated group of islands and due to their geography seclusion could be enforced easily. It was first visited by the Portuguese then the Spanish, the Dutch and finally the British. Many Japanese converted to Christianity and several trading arrangements were in place alongside these intrusions. However the Europeans brought rivalry, hatred and as J.E. Thomas states, a “vicious commercial competition” for the Japanese. In comparison China was intruded upon during the Macartney Mission of 1793. The goal was to ease restrictions on trading, with an island set aside for traders and an embassy for Britain. This mission was an important sign of British intentions for Asia. This was a turning point in relations but was ultimately a failure because China chose to not move towards industrialisation.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century Japan was not the focal point for the West and was relatively isolated with only the Dutch trading in Nagasaki. Comparatively China was involved in a trading relationship with the West that it dominated. Britain began to control trade in certain ports but wanted further freedoms within trade. This increase of trading and defiant want to intrude led to tensions and eventually the First Opium War, ending the first years of the relationship between Asia and the West. Emperors were wary of the West and wanted to use Chinese tradition with Western ideas to create a stronger country.

Japan before the nineteenth century chose to isolate themselves from the world as foreign contact was seen “as a threat”. The Act of Seclusion 1636 meant the “only formal Western presence for over 200 years” were the Dutch in Nagasaki. Trade was “regulated, not cut off” in Nagasaki and for those 200 years, Japan had strong internal relations. Books that were brought in by the Dutch were translated and were the basis of knowledge on the West. Comparatively in 1810 China had the upper hand in the Western relationship as Europeans could only trade in certain ports. China sold silk, porcelain and tea, and in return received silver bullion and a small selection of goods. Europeans complained about the conditions, but the Qing Emperors were reluctant to change as Moise wrote they viewed foreigners as “barbarians”, although Moise is heavily critical of this intrusion. By 1813, the East India Trade Company began to lose its commercial monopoly, meaning more opportunities for private trade leading to a “new influx of country traders” within China. The End of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 meant more attempts to intrude China by the West even though they “knew they were not welcome”. Britain was expanding overseas which meant a rush of traders and emigrants wanting to exploit China. During the 1830’s, Canton was the only port allowed to the Western traders but were under severe restrictions. In 1832 “China was still mostly closed” to the world although the “British dominated the European trade at Canton”. As the British dominated trade it clearly showed “Europe’s privileged access” to resources in and around the ever-growing empires. However, Europeans were not equals and “they were not to be treated as such”, often complaining that Canton authorities were “corrupt…and cruel”. Unfortunately Bickers focuses on the negative aspects of trading in China so we do not receive a full picture. British traders began flooding China with opium as it was an increasingly popular drug, so trade was in Britain’s favour. Britain “profited from China’s internal difficulties” and increased opium trading. The government response was to arrest dealers, begin a naval blockade meaning traders illegally imported the drug. As hostilities arose, it escalated into the First Opium War which “alarmed China’s Asian neighbours” and Japan became aware of the negative Western intrusions.

During the middle of the nineteenth century, Japan became a focus of Western intrusion especially with the Americans. Japan began to be put under treaties but, unlike China, imposed restrictions and adapted Western values to fit Japanese life. Knowledge was encouraged of the West unlike China, which chose to try and close borders. China was under heavy intrusion and there was a serious insistence of the Western demands and strong determination to enforce treaties that benefitted Western traders. By the end of the middle years China was involved in a Second Opium War ending in yet another treaty, whereas Japan accepted some Western intrusion.

The Americas were beginning to branch out and didn’t want to intrude on Europe so travelled towards Asia meeting Japan first. Whaling was also a huge trade due to the demand for whale oil, as the Americans used this trade to their advantage; Japan became a possible place for re-stocking. American traders wanted to copy the Dutch in Nagasaki however by the mid-nineteenth century they had gotten nowhere. In 1853 Commodore Matthew Perry “refused to make his approaches at Nagasaki” and arrived in Japan requesting more open trade systems. Japan agreed to provide for ships, look after sailors, open up Hakodate and Shimoda as points of refuge as well as developing relations with the West. There were several treaties concluded in 1858 collectively known as the “Ansei Treaties” or the “‘unequal’ treaties”. These benefitted the West and Japan couldn’t re-negotiate. Traders were allowed into Japan but under restrictions similar to those in Canton. Japan was “determined to achieve equal status with…Great Powers”, by reducing the European power it gave Japan the upper hand. Japan did not want to “suffer the fate of China” and so tried to remain strong even under these ‘unequal’ treaties. Due to this a cultural divide there was also a “growing power struggle” between the West and Japan. As Japan took on more Western establishments and values, knowledge was encouraged but it was always adapted to Japanese life - as Janet Hunter wrote: “‘Western technology, Japanese values’”. Hunter focuses on the developing power struggle between the two powers often from the view of the Americans.

In the same years China was facing heavy Western intrusion through the ending of the Opium war and Treaty of Nanjing, which continued opium trading, increased British power and opened 5 ports for trade. China tried to “negotiate with the Western nations” as well as “facilitate the penetration” of Europeans but growing tensions stopped this from happening. The increased intrusion led to a hostile unrest and in 1850 the Taiping Rebellion began but swiftly ended. Just as peace was beginning to be bought back the Second Opium War began in 1856. The British were assisted by the French after wanting to extend trading rights while Chinese authorities arrested British crew members. Trading ceased as the war ensued and the Chinese burnt factories to stop British supplies as tensions escalated. This war ended in the Treaty of Tianjin where foreign residences were allowed, ports were re-opened, travel was authorised and freedoms were granted for missionaries. Although China was under much western intrusion it still was recognised as a strong world power.

In the latter part of the nineteenth century Japan underwent a restoration starting their ‘modern age’. The country was adopting Western values and treaties were benefitting Japan rather than the West, yet there were still tensions. As Japan became stronger, tensions arose between Asian powers, leading to an invasion by Japan and resulting in the Sino-Japanese War. Contrarily, China was opened more through the want to spread religion. However the threat of external powers, including Japan, was strong and the Western intrusion was fierce concluding in the Chinese Boxer movement.

Japan went under the Meiji restoration, and to some, this meant the beginning of Japan’s modern age in 1868. Members of the new government realised they could not avoid the West for much longer and so adopted learning styles, economic plans and military standards. This adaptation of has been described by Sydney Giffard as “Japanese Spirit to Western Knowledge’”, it also made Japan’s response different to China’s as they “assumed a place as a Power”in the world. The Emperor had previously said that “foreigners should be expelled” and this amounted in several murders of foreigners causing anger and fear however there was “little organised response” of violence. The new government did also implement a “limited programme of industrialisation” but took on establishments from the West to bring the country up to the standards imposed. This adoption also led to re-negotiations of the ‘unequal treaties’ as these were “vigorously opposed”. Japan used its power to invade Taiwan in order to seek compensation for a shipwreck, and only when China reluctantly paid did Japan withdraw. It took advantage of China, which at the time was under severe Western intrusion that was opening up the country against its wishes. This overpowering of China peaked during the Sino-Japanese War in 1894 and this “gained Japan respect as a power in Asia” after defeating China.

During the same period China was opened up more and more, and to China, the West was wanting to “manipulate and exploit” the country. An inland mission was established by J. Hudson Taylor introducing Christianity to China led by 16 missionaries showing a clear want for Western penetration. External influence peaked in 1874 with Japan invading Taiwan which it could not defend and so reluctantly agreed to pay compensation. Here Western intrusion and the new intrusions by Japan lead to a “growing hostility” to world powers. Further tensions arose between Britain and China over the murder of British official Augustus Margary, who was sent to explore trade routes across China. China could see that the West not only wanted commercial posts in but also “control of the local trade”. Following some China’s territories being taken and further controls being reduced for foreign traders the Boxer Movement became a reaction to this intrusion in 1897. Although it was limited to the Northern area of China, ‘Boxers’ began “attacking missionaries and foreigners in general”. This reaction to intrusions was extreme although insubstantial and was easily put down through the “joint force of the major western powers plus Japan”. The weaknesses of China are clear and the influence that the West have over China is incredibly deep-rooted yet China still held some recognised power.

Over the nineteenth and twentieth century Japan and China received the West in very different ways. Japan ended up taking on the values and establishments of the West which benefitted Japan as the country was seen as a new rising power that came seemingly from nowhere. Japan used the power to its advantage and did not want to fall as China had done so, they learnt from China’s mistakes. Whereas, China began strong as a great power but through Western intrusion it gradually became weaker over the years and was left with a smaller power than before. Trade was dominated by the West and the threat of external powers led to fears internally and a hostile environment towards outsiders. These two countries had similar relations with the West but took on the influences differently, one which benefitted a country and one that reduced the power of the country. By the twentieth century China needed alliances to feel safe against external powers and Japan held alliances with large world powers as well as a place in world trading still.

Bibliography:

Bickers, Robert, The Scramble for China Foreign Devils in the Qing Empire, 1832-1914 (London, Penguin Books Ltd., 2012)

Gernet, Jacques, A History of Chinese Civilisation (Cambridge, University of Cambridge Press, 1996)

Giffard, Sydney, Japan Among the Powers 1890-1990 (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1994)

Hillemann, Ulrike, Asian Empire and British Knowledge, China and the Networks of British Imperial Expansion (Basingstoke, Palsgrave Macmillan, 2009)

Hunter, Janet, The emergence of Modern Japan, an introductory history since 1853 (New York, Longman Inc., 1989)

Jansen, Marius B., The Making of Modern Japan (Harvard University Press, Cambridge Massachusetts, 2002)

Moise, Edwin E., The Present and the Past, Modern China A History Second Edition (New York, Longman Publishing, 1994)

Pomeranz, Kenneth, The Great Divergence (Oxfordshire, Princeton University Press, 2000)

Tanaka, Stefan, Japan’s Orient Rendering Pasts into History (California, University of California Press, 1993)

Thomas, J.E., Modern Japan A Social History since 1868 (New York, Addison Wesley Longman, 1996)

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interested-in-history · 5 years ago

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How and why attempts to regulate prostitution changed over time and how successful they actually were.

Prostitution has been a continuing problem and so over the years there have been several attempts to regulate women ‘working on the streets’. Since the sixteenth-century prostitution has been the steadily focused on as an issue within society specifically with the introduction of Syphilis from Italy spreading across Europe. Within the Georgian era much of the legal changes and precedents were beginning to be introduced, moreover within this period punishment and reform were both being used as ways to regulate prostitution. Nearing the 20th Century, prostitution is being bought under more reform and moves the focus away from venereal diseases after World Wars and towards a more generalised legislation over prostitution. The law isn't the most successful in regulating prostitution over these periods as it is heavily vague and subjective especially with the enforcers of law - the police and magistrates.

In the sixteenth and seventeenth century the impact of the Reformation meant that Protestants and Catholics condemned prostitution. Protestants condemned brothels and prostitution as they were seen as a threat to young men corrupting lives and drawing them away from important virtues of religion. In this post-reformation England “prostitution had no official sanction” and there was a belief that only “physical extermination” would fully regulate and expel prostitution although this never came into practice. These efforts were partially successful and the trade was seen to be “‘enhancing the good’” and preventing “worse evil”. There were also repressive measures undertaken such as the introduction of the Vagrancy Act of 1609 whereby Justices of the Peace could issue “privy search warrants” to “disturbers of the peace”. Under this act any prisoners, including prostitutes would have to earn their keep in Houses of Correction. This act also put forward that former acts had been ineffective and so justices and constables were threatened with fines if they did not set up houses of correction or apprehend disturbers of the peace. There were also attempts to suppress bawdy houses in 1690 as it was thought the suppression of prostitutes would help police officials cope with the “recent increases in both crime and poverty”. These measures may have been introduced due to the fear of Syphilis spreading in Europe.

Although these attempts were partially successful, prostitution is still seen in the Georgian Era (1714-1830) and ‘celebrity’ courtesans emerged alongside streetwalkers. The biggest action to regulate prostitution and the spread of disease after 1750 was the founding of the “Lock Asylum”. The Lock Asylum opened in 1747 for the treatment of venereal disease, it was popular but treatments were ineffective and it wouldn’t readmit patients. It reopened in 1792 as a refuge for those who had received treatment at the Hospital and were given trade and skills. By 1889 the average bed occupancy was at 110 women. The Disorderly Houses Act 1752 believed these brothels would “corrupt…both sexes” - which is similar to the way Protestants saw prostitution in the previous centuries showing views had not changed. The main purpose was to prevent any temptations; however it made “no difference” to prosecutions. The reasoning behind the introduction of these acts and their successfulness is something unknown as regulating prostitution was a difficult task. Controversially a historian believes this Disorderly Houses Act was a “profound over-reaction to a largely non-existent problem”. A Police Committee in 1816 stated within a report that “alternations be made in the laws” to reduce ambiguity; for example local watchmen were allowed to arrest prostitutes but often arrested lower orders or women who were a nuisance. This did not return much success in regulating prostitution and there were no significant changes made to laws until 1824. The Vagrancy Act 1824 included alterations to the laws and the “term ‘prostitute’” was used for the first time showing a key change in legal thinking at this time. It was lawful to convict a suspected prostitute through confession, judge’s view or evidence on oath by one or more witnesses; if convicted the prostitute was sentenced to hard labour in the House of Corrections for any length of time not exceeding one calendar month. However this had little change in the number of arrests although more women were being sentenced. Despite the fact that changes to laws were being made there was no significant impact on prostitution, including attempts to regulate the trade. The only positive working introduction in this period was the Lock Asylum which was driven by the need to reduce venereal disease on the streets.

By the Victorian period (1837-1901), prostitution had become a ‘great social evil’ where young women chose the vice for the procurement of fancy goods not just as a necessity to get by. Prostitutes had a high visibility in public and were blamed for the spread of venereal diseases. Christians, socialists and chartists all equally condemned the vice and moral campaigns were set up in order to try and suppress it. After a Royal Commission report in 1857 on the health of the army and a report 5 years later on the levels of VD, the official tolerance on prostitution ended as it came under a concern of public health. These reports led to the Contagious Diseases Acts of 1864, 1866 and 1869. In towns that held military bases, women could be stopped and forced to undergo inspections, if she didn't go willingly an arrest could be made. If the woman was found to be suffering with VD she would be sent to a hospital to be ‘cured’ - similar to the Lock Asylum in the Georgian Era. In 1869 the National Association for the Repeal of the Contagious Diseases Act was set up and excluded women from joining; in response, by that December the Ladies National Association for the Repeal of the Contagious Diseases Act was set up. New Year’s Day 1870 this association released a document in the Daily News protesting against the Acts - this document was known as the ‘Ladies’ Protest’ and was signed by 124 women including Florence Nightingale and Mary Carpenter. The manifesto was completely opposed to the Act on many levels including the powers over women that the police had, that they were incapable of diminishing the disease, and the fact that the police were identifying and penalising the wrong sex as the source. This double standard was obviously clear at this point to many women, as Megara Bell writes “if the priority had been to fight VD, then inspecting the prostitutes' clients would also have been required”. After this act was repealed in 1886 the organisation continued fighting for equal moral standards as the Ladies National Association for the Abolition of the State Regulation of Vice and for the Promotion of Social Purity. However, still by the end of this era “no single law” covered prostitution.

By the 20th Century, many of the definitions within law are uncertain and there is still a continuing assumption that a prostitute is a fully female problem. Laws moved focus away from venereal disease and towards a more repressive system of government. Legislation became stricter in times of national emergency, for example in 1918 there was a Venereal Diseases Act which forced medical examinations of any women accused of infecting members of the armed forces with VD. This legislation also focused on the men contracting this disease. Although women had to be examined, if a man found out he contracted VD then he should seek help and not spread it. Here the double standard is still around but the source of VD is being recognised from both sexes. It still provoked fierce protests from campaigners such as Nancy Astor who was an advocator for “equality between the sexes” as well as wanting to eliminate the term ‘common prostitute’ from legal papers. Her campaigning towards the matter resulted in the “Department Committee of Inquiry on Street Offences” in 1927 and several parliamentary bills put forward, however both of these ultimately were a failure and bought about no change. The Report of the Department Committee on Homosexual Offences and Prostitution or Wolfenden Report as it was commonly known was published in 1954 followed. It stated that it was not the states job to police private morality issues and made the recommendation to repeal laws that criminalised homosexuality. This report encouraged a rationalised repressive system which chose to protect the right of respectable citizens rather than the rights of the women considered to be prostitutes. It covered the rise in street prostitution and linked it with community instability and weakening of the family structure. It also recommended for “maximum penalties” to be increased to deter women from prostitution. Additionally this there was a severe police crackdown on prostitution and the Sexual Offences Act 1956 and 1959 were passed. This marked a return to a “repressive system” of government and more police clamping down on prostitutes. The Acts of 1956 and 1959 still classed women as “‘common prostitutes’” and treated them as such. By the 1959 Act it stipulated more fines dependent on convictions than convictions alone for prostitutes - if a woman hadn't been convicted the fine was “twenty pounds”, if she had been convicted it increased to “fifty pounds”. Here prostitution was regulated by the threat of fines and fully depended on the implementation by the police force and the judiciary. Under these acts women could not be convicted by one witness, they had to have another so the “witness is corroborated” in the conviction. However this “was not widely enforced” by the police due to a need for investigations and evidence in order to prosecute. There was also little consistently by magistrates, many would hand out “light sentences or small fines” depending on their own views. Prostitutes were still on the streets and their numbers didn’t decline much after this act meaning it wasn’t a successful act of parliament. By 1982 the Sexual Offences Act was amended yet fines were still in place first and foremost, under this act women could also be imprisoned for the “non-payment of fines”.

Overall, attempts to regulate prostitution have been driven through mainly from the fear of venereal disease. The want to reduce the diseases, especially around times of national emergency, differed depending on the situation and social attitudes towards prostitution. There were some partially successful attempts that seemed to reduce numbers or increase arrests therefore deterring women from entering the profession in the first place. However prostitution has never been fully successful as control over the trade has not been strong enough to fully implement laws that were introduced. Implementation also relied on police and the judiciary which were not always coherent. Acts of parliament tried to regulate prostitution but never truly specified what constituted as prostitution and the perimeters it could or could not operate in. Over the years, regulation was attempted but could not work as the true extent of the trade wasn’t understood.

Bibliography

Bartley, Paula and Gwinnett, Barbara, ‘Prostitution’ in Women in Twentieth-Century Britain by Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska (Longman, Harlow, 2001)

Megara Bell, The Fallen Woman in Fiction and Legislation, cited on http://www.victorianweb.org/gender/contagious.html

Griffiths, Paul, ‘The Structure of prostitution in Elizabethan London’, Continuity and Change, 8.1, (1993)

Henderson, Tony, Disorderly Women in Eighteenth-Century London, Prostitution and Control in the Metropolis, 1730-1830 (New York, Pearson Education Inc., 1999)

Hitchcock, Tim, English sexualities, 1700-1800, (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1997)

Hitchcock, Tim and Shoemaker, Robert, ’London Lives, Poverty, crime and the making of a modern city 1690-1800’ (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2015)

Roper, Lyndal, ‘Discipline and Respectability: Prostitution and the Reformation in Augsburg’, History Workshop, 19, (April 1985)

Trumbach, Randolph, ‘Sex, gender, and sexual identity in modern culture: male sodomy and female prostitution in enlightenment London’, Journal of the history of sexuality, 2.2 (1991)

http://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/rd/c1c3936d-51c6-479a-8629-37d52ad42c56

http://ezitis.myzen.co.uk/londonlockharrow.html

http://ezitis.myzen.co.uk/magdalen.html

https://georgianera.wordpress.com/2016/03/29/rehab-for-18th-century-prostitutes-magdalen-hospital/

http://www.humandignitytrust.org/uploaded/Library/Other_Reports_and_Analysis/Wolfenden_Report_1957.pdf

http://www.hospitalsdatabase.lshtm.ac.uk/hospital.php?hospno=62

http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1824/83/pdfs/ukpga_18240083_en.pdf

http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1956/69/pdfs/ukpga_19560069_en.pdf

http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1959/57/pdfs/ukpga_19590057_en.pdf

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interested-in-history · 5 years ago

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Why was cinema so popular in the inter-war years?

In inter-war years cinema became an incredibly popular leisure activity especially with working classes and women. It was a cheap leisure activity that was available to all. The films themselves were “only part of the total experience”, especially in the 1920s when purpose built cinemas were emerging as places of splendour exuding luxury. People admired the actors and actresses on screen especially Gracie Fields who is most famous for the film ‘Sing as We Go’. The controversy within the popularity of cinema comes down to the censorship of this medium - it was the most censored within this period. Censorship implies that messages within films were being controlled therefore restricting what people see however, there is evidence that this wasn't the case.

Class and gender played an important role in the increasing popularity of cinema. The cheap films were “consumed as necessity among poorest members” of societies especially working classes as they had the freedom to “take advantage of new opportunities” like the cinema. This meant that for “no more than a few coppers” people no matter what background could “purchase ready-made dreams”. The cinema was “indisputably the most popular form of entertainment”. 1930s cinema was popular among the unemployed too, surveys across the nation showed that the cinema was the “most important leisure activity” for the unemployed. The cinema gave the unemployed an escape to a ‘wish-fulfilment’ world away from the hum-drum lives they lead. Under unemployed married women made up a large proportion and Rowntree found also made up “75% of adult cinema goers”. Women could fit in the cinema around their domestic duties and early on in the inter-war years it was a time for socialising as well as a leisure pursuit. Younger married couples were also more likely to attend the cinema as a pastime compared to older married couples, because the younger generation had the funds necessary as well as more free time due to a reduction in the working week. However cinema was just as important to those in employment, mainly being the young generations who grabbed hold of this “inexpensive form of entertainment” which was also suitable for courting. Some police force members were often heard commenting on how the “cinema performed valuable functions like keeping working class youths off the streets”. Annual admission rates show just how popular in the inter-war years cinema was: from “903 million in 1934” to “1,027 million in 1940” with a weekly average in 1939 of “23 million”. The cinema “gradually acquired a substantial middle class audience” after the cinemas outshone music halls that were originally the source of leisure for the middle classes. These middle classes, “their tastes are almost exactly opposite” to working classes as they attended the cinema for the “film first and foremost” where as to the working classes it was more of a “regular habit”. Middle classes found much of the films and stars to be aimed at the working classes so found some of themes not as engaging. Overall audiences were mainly drawn from “the working class, women, and the young”, these were the inter war cinema enthusiasts that encouraged the vastly popular source of entertainment.

The films themselves were vital to the increased popularity of cinema - they were an exciting and mind-broadening leisure pursuit available to all. The 1920s saw the creation of purpose built cinemas with names such as The Palace and Empress creating an “atmosphere of luxury”. The buildings had marble staircases, fountains, uniformed staff and ushers, and even some cafes. They were built to become part of the fantasy and to allow people to “enter a palace of dreams” and further the film experience.

American films were preferred due to the better quality within the film and more action involved in storylines compared to British films that had too much dialogue and were often poorly made. American films were “opening up a new world” for audiences, as the Daily Express wrote in an edition in 1927 cinema-goers became “‘temporary US citizens’”. Left-wing politicians also described Hollywood films like they were the “‘opiate’ for the masses”. This ‘opiate’ provided the ritualistic element of the films - queueing to enter the places for dreams, sitting in silence and seeing a world of glamour, almost similar to the habit of churchgoing. The cinema can be compared to a cathedral how people flock to it and knew the shape of the building, the seats can be the pews where people sit and listen, and the stars represent the deities that were worshipped within stories. These American films were also allegedly undermining respect for British institutions such as family and marriage as well as “glamourising crime” within “‘gangster’ films”.Within British films there were big names that rose to fame during the inter-war period such as Gracie Fields, Alfred Hitchcock and Charlie Chaplin. Hitchcock became known as the master of suspense, Chaplin was the key in most comedy films and Gracie was known as ‘Our Gracie’. The genres that were most popular were “melodrama, comedy, musicals, and drama” especially some of the thrillers released by Hitchcock.

Sound and colour were also being introduced during the inter-war period with The Jazz Singer being the first feature length ‘talkie’ in 1927 and The Wizard of Oz merging black and white scenes with the technicolour of Oz in 1939. Cinema was making huge strides and this contributed to the popularity as it intrigued audiences. These new advances strengthened the “escapist fantasies” the audience craved. However these inter-war films were criticised for little realistic depiction. To address these criticisms John Grierson introduced the documentary film movement operating within Empire Marketing Board with more emphasis on ordinary, real life themes such as Night Mail (1936) that depicted the operation of a Royal Mail train service experimenting with sound, visuals and narration. This piece portrayed a theme of modernity juxtaposed with tradition and put forward the reliance Britain had developed on the postal system. This type of film would have been shown as an opening act or in schools; however tensions developed within audiences over the educational standpoint and their desire for escapism within the films.

The films were also being censored during the inter-war years more than any other medium at this time. The Censorship Act of 1927 introduced the films that people nicknamed “quota quickies”. This act established a quota for British films to meet so to boost the industry against the strong competition of Hollywood, but it had mixed results. American films were less censored as it was assumed that the public would not translate any social messages through the film, suggesting people were lost in the glamour rather than understanding the messages within. Love on the Dole was a film rejected by the BBFC in 1936 due to the bad language and fights with police - it was eventually filmed in 1940 when the historical setting was more acceptable for the controversial themes. According to Orwell these censored movies “averted revolution” in Britain by controlling the messages that were put through in film. Fielding writes about this controversy between the control or reflection of values in British society. Within his journal piece Fielding argues that cinema “cannot overturn fundamental beliefs and values” but also states later on that the films “shaped popular perceptions”. Here the controversy is clearly a difficult subject; even a historian can’t fully give a true answer. The argument that the films were reflecting views that many of the audience agreed with and created a form of “social control” is evident. Film did not, as some higher classes thought, “‘dope’ the working classes”. These empowering films would include the film ‘Sing as We Go’ that starred the widely loved actress Gracie Fields. This film promoted no class conflict and meeting unemployment with optimism. Higher classes used films as a tool to make profits and distract working classes yet the film’s workers gave genuine optimism and represented Britishness. Films were seen to be encouraging social myths and furthering moral values within classes such as optimism, no class conflicts and sustaining themselves. Films were reflecting themes that the audiences wanted because they kept coming back for more, clearly the themes that were being represented were popular. Popularity continued to rise over the years due to the public’s enjoyment and fascination with the films.

Cinema was growing increasingly popular in the interwar years due to being a cheap pastime which was available to all. It was especially popular with women and youths over this period, mainly because of the themes of the films and characters such as the nation’s favourite Gracie Fields. The films were only a small part of what people loved about the cinema - the surrounding atmosphere and buildings which were built full of grandeur and to imply luxury. US films were more positively received compared to British films because the public grew a want for glamour, thrills and a better quality. Overall cinema was a past-time that all could afford and gave something new to the public that was exciting and widely received through all ages.

Bibliography

Davies, Andrew, ‘Cinema and Broadcasting’, in 20th Century Britain, Economic, Social and Cultural change ed. by Paul Johnson (Longman, London, 1994)

Fielding, Steven, ‘British politics and cinema’s historical dramas, 1929-1938’, The Historical Journal, 56,2 (2013)

Higson, Andrew, Waving the Flag: constructing a national cinema in Britain (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1995)

McKibbin, Ross, Classes and Cultures England 1918-1951 (Oxford University Press Inc., New York, 1998)

Richards, Jeffery, Age of the Dream Palace Cinema and Society in 1930s Britain (I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, London, 2009)

Richards, Jeffery, Films and British national identity: from Dickens to Dad’s army, (Manchester University Press, New York, 1997)

Richards, Jeffery, ‘The British Board of Film Censors and content control in the 1930s: images of Britain’, Historical Journal of Film, 1,2 (1981)

Sedgwick, John, ‘Cinema-going Preferences in Britain in the 1930s’, in The Unknown 1930s, an alternative history of the British cinema 1929-1939 ed. by Jeffrey Richards (I.B.Tauris & Co Ldt., London, 2000)

Sedgwick, John, Popular filmgoing in 1930s Britain: a choice of pleasures, (University of Exeter Press, Exeter, 2000)

http://www.screenonline.org.uk/film/id/451833/

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interested-in-history · 5 years ago

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Society’s changing views on workhouses due to the scandals that were reported on, between 1850-1870 within London.

In 1834 a new Poor Law came into effect despite having great opposition outside the House of Commons highlighting an early reluctance from upper classes. This Poor Law also introduced the legal and administrative framework for the workhouses, as well as a Poor Law Commission which collated parishes under Poor Law Unions. Hundreds of workhouses were erected and were created to be generally mixed rather than separate which was seen as financially impractical. This new Poor Law also wanted to abolish outdoor relief which was help in the form of food, clothes, and money given to those in need at home. The workhouses that were introduced were to act as a deterrent for the able bodied poor - to determine the eligibility a workhouse test was introduced. It was designed to grant relief to those desperate enough by the commissioners’ standards. Workhouses were intended to be as off-putting as possible and this negative view is still held about workhouses today, as well as being strengthened by the artistic and literacy representations that were created during this time - Dickens and his popular image of the workhouse was especially influential. Images of orphans feeding on gruel with unimaginable filth and squalor were incredibly common. Workhouses were described as ‘places of dread’ and institutions to be loathed by the poorer population. Yet this was a pessimistic view of the workhouses and it ignored the fact that they were created to help. Furthermore, historians have taken this help as control by the higher levels of society - the ‘violent’ poor were seen to threaten upper class London and so began the need to contain them. However, research has shown that by the 1850s the majority within the workhouse were the old, infirm, orphaned, unmarried women and the mentally ill - one must question how violent these group of people were to the upper classes.

Also in the 1850s and following into the 1860s there were a growing number of complaints over the conditions within the workhouse and this outcry for change led to an increased fascination and interest with the workhouses from scandals to stories, to being able to see what was it was like inside the most talked about institutions. Philanthropic groups such as the Visiting Society set up by Louisa Twining helped to provide moral support and allowed privileged women to enter the doors to see how the ‘other half’ lived. Newspapers were beginning to become a source of this information reporting scandals that became a regular feature in many. Not only were newspapers the source of information but pamphlets such as ‘Workhouse Cruelty’ were detailing these awful conditions in a way to tarnish the workhouses - often from an opposing standpoint with an agenda.

Overall the intention of the workhouses was to reduce the dependency the poor had on the government and Victorian Historians saw the workhouses actually improving and reforming the poor’s situation, as well as providing a platform of help which twentieth-century perspectives tend to ignore. Society’s view changed surrounding the workhouses and we can see that in the newspapers and the regularity of the reports concerning workhouses. The legislation that followed and in the late 19th century that became focal points for the nation began forming in this twenty year period. There was a clear transformation of attitudes and although change was slow, when comparing reports of scandals from 1857 and 1866 the difference is unbelievable. There is more detail, people are interested in the follow up of trials and scandals begin to get whole pages of newspapers not just half a column that would be easily skipped over. The style of reporting named those involved, specific workhouses and it is clear that the readership were interested in the cases, wanting more from each report. Many believed that workhouses and the Poor Laws would solve the problem of pauperism and if the positive aspects are focused on instead of the stereotypical views that have been written about so much by historians, then we can see the help the paupers and poor receive begins right here. The following 3 scandals show an increase in interest, fascination and ultimately positive change towards the workhouses.

The first scandal is to show the difference in caring and awareness within reports of newspapers. On July 15 1857 there was a ‘Dreadful murder by a lunatic in St Martin’s Workhouse, London’ featured in The Blackburn Standard and The Morning Chronicle. These two newspapers held different political views - one being conservative and the other being a more moderate liberal and these are reflected in the writings, meaning these standpoints must be considered when using these reports in research. Both do help to show who was on the side of the poor and who was not.

The Blackburn Standard was a more conservative newspaper and reported the bare minimum of details. A Richard Hempson was murdered by a John Poen after being detained in a strait-waistcoat in a ward. These are the basic facts given in the report and shows a great level of uncaring and genuine dis-interest in the workhouse and the surrounding scandal. This article also contradicts a historians view that opponents of the poor law advertised the cruelties being committed within these institutions - it isn’t advertising cruelties just reporting very little on a murder. The basic report could be down to a number of reasons - disinterest on the part of the conservative editors, or the fact this newspaper was circulated in the North in Blackburn which had one workhouse for 1,000 inmates which was nothing on the scale of London. Both of these reasons affected the reporting of this murder and shows that problems within workhouses were under more of a local attention than national suggesting a reason why positive changes were slow in the 1850s especially. Within the 1850s society’s view of the workhouses was very poor and was a way to control as well as keep the poor out of sight from the richer levels of society. The level of control meant that many simply did not care what was happening to those unfortunate enough to be in one of these institutions as long as they were in one. The reports during this ten-year span were incredibly lacking in details and many held little space in newspapers they were featured in.

The other newspaper featuring this scandal - The Morning Chronicle - was a much more liberal run paper and it was reflected in their reporting of the ‘murder by a lunatic’. The chronicle was set up in London and so we can assume that the local attention was on London workhouses and their problems rather than elsewhere in the country therefore reflecting the more in-depth reporting style this article had. This paper reported not only the basic details but also the trail with George Dixon and William Doering as witnesses. The workhouse master James Barnett of St Martin’s in the Fields and his account of the murder was also included in detail as well as the outcome which was the accused being committed. It also named the two men involved with different last names - Empson and Payne.

These two papers show a clear contrast in the level of caring and interest within the workhouse, during the 1850s the conservative middle and upper classes saw the workhouse as a way of control and somewhere to put the poor so they didn't have to see them or worry about the violence that was increasing. The fact that this scandal was printed in two papers showed that even if the interest level was different - there was still some interest. Conservative papers like The Blackburn Standard did have to cover all areas and that meant covering the poor and their place in society. The liberal paper was clearly more involved in the poor’s well-being and had to report this scandal as the readership would have been people closer to those involved than the upper levels of society.

This scandal also showed the ineffectiveness of the the Poor Law Medical Reform Association set up in 1855. The salaries of medical professionals were being called into question and correspondence in The Lancet between Poor Law Guardians and Dr Richard Griffin discussed the development of this reform and by 1857 Griffin was the man the “poor were more satisfied” with than any other help care professional working for the changes in workhouses. However if the salaries were equal and medical professionals were increased the way Dr Richard Griffin suggested, this murder may not have happened. Three ‘trusted’ inmates were left with a so-called lunatic and did not know how to control or calm him constantly. This highlights the gaps in the medical care within the workhouses and actions needs to be taken yet legislation and public opinion do not share this view at this time. This scandal begins the attraction and slow interest by the press over the years that turns a spotlight onto workhouses and the conditions inside, opening a previously closed institution to the public gaze.

The second scandal features one of the first pieces of investigative journalism in newspapers and highlights the an instance of the wider public getting involved in the workhouses through the press of the time. In the liberal Reynolds Newspaper on January 21 1866, a replayed edited version of ‘A Night in the Workhouse’ under the title ‘Horrors of a London workhouse’ was published on the front page of the issue. Being a liberal paper reporting on paupers and the workhouses was a regular feature as many of the liberal supporters wanted to help the poor as well as make known the apparent horrors that were commonplace - according to the reports at this time. ‘A Night in the Workhouse’ was originally printed in three instalments for the Pall Mall Gazette on the 12, 13 and 15 January 1866 by James Greenwood and was finally compiled into a pamphlet under the name an ‘Amateur Casual’. It was a revolutionary piece of writing that exposed the inner workings of the workhouse, something that had never been done before. It gave a first hand experience that was highly detailed and was an essential piece of reporting that pushed the issues of the workhouse further into the public spotlight and more commonly on the pages of the papers. It was written for “no motive but to learn and make known the truth” in Greenwood’s own words. Ultimately Greenwood was investigating the impact of the newly enacted Metropolitan Houseless Poor Act of 1865 by acting as a casual vagrant wanting a nights stay in the Lambeth Workhouse. Lambeth was known for its employees and guardians alike bitterly opposing the New Poor Law as well as neglect by workhouse staff due to many not believing in the system or the supposed help it was meant to bring to the poor. The report regales how occupants were washed in dirty water, kept in a room too small for the amount staying, beds made of hay with rugs and a few shirts for warmth, and the adding of more vagrants during the night. Then in the morning, bundles of possessions were given back if the vagrants’ were called out and breakfast made of bread and gruel was served. These details did not fit the standards that were supposedly kept throughout workhouses and shocked the readers as well as the Poor Law Commissioners who were meant to be maintaining the standards set out by the 1834 Poor Law. At the time The Times quickly reprinted the articles and as historians have come to realise, The Times would quickly and frequently print “stories of the New Poor Law’s cruelties” to advertise the unfit conditions of the workhouses to the higher conservative classes.

Workhouses were mainly closed to the public gaze and the many stories of cruelty, that managed to escape the workhouses and be printed, were false or forgotten by the following day when something new would be reported. Unlike previous stories these three pieces of investigative journalism attracted greater public notoriety and the writings were described as scandalous by many readers, both present at the time and in the following centuries. These reports were a first hand, unedited look into the lives of the poor and it was something that hadn’t been considered so in-depth before this moment. It gained widespread public attention focused on one workhouse and the response was phenomenal.

Reynolds Newspaper therefore, did not skimp on the details Greenwood gave making sure the ‘sensation’ these articles became had the intended impact on its large circulation within the middle classes. It displayed the inefficiencies of the workhouse in the public eye and bought into question how many other workhouses were in this state. The main themes of these articles were the unclean conditions people were kept in, the treatment which was less than human, gross overcrowding, poor staffing and ultimately this place seemed only fractionally better than the outdoors. Nonetheless this scandal in particular kick-started the growing concern for the welfare of the paupers. Although in the time from this particular to the next selected scandal there was no time to create any real help from the public and the following scandal managed to increase the spotlight and the cause for concern over the welfare of the poor in these institutions.

This third scandal illustrates the increase in attention and some influence towards positive changes within the workhouse. The Strand Union workhouse had previously hit the headlines in 1865 and was featured in numerous Lancet articles surrounding Dr Joseph Rogers. In one of these articles Rogers described the Strand Union workhouse and the failings of the medical care where he was the Medical Officer. Inmates were never less than 500 in the sick wards and the cellars were enlarged under Rogers request, in order to provide better accommodation for the sick children and casual vagrants. This shows that some of the workhouse staff were actually trying to help the poor within the workhouse rather than get at much as they could out of them. Yet there seemed to be a persistent problem that faced Rogers and that was the workhouse master Catch, who was a former policeman and porter within the workhouse and his wife who was matron. They treated inmates badly and tried to obstruct Rogers efforts to help, making the process often more difficult than necessary.

In 1866 The Strand Workhouse was in the headlines once more under ‘An insight into a London Workhouse’ which took over a whole column giving immense detail. This report was an Official Poor Law Enquiry opening with R Basil Cane Esq. with charges being bought against the management of the infirmary - head nurses, Matilda Beeton. The head nurse had 22 wards under her care with poor classification in each. According to historians, classification was part of the discipline that was necessary in the workhouses. Pauper nurses were often used in workhouses in order to avoid paying out for the help. Pauper nurses had a lot of power surprisingly, in the workhouses. According to Miss Beeton these nurses delivered medicine infrequently, controlled diets, stopped stimulants given to patients and often stole them instead. If the stimulants were given, they were often used to attract attention from the pauper nurses. Within the enquiry report, evidence was given that showed gross overcrowding, pauper nurses were completely unfit for the roles, mistakes in medicine were common, clothes were often unwashed and stimulants were sold or stolen. When the Medical Officer was examined, the evidence was corroborated as well as Miss Beeton’s information. However the master denied the truths and blamed heavier duties for the reason that standards were low and not being more present within the workhouse.

The report outlined clear evidence and real problems that were hindering the workhouse infirmaries. The fact that this enquiry was given a full page of a newspaper with a large London readership shows the want to help as well as the idea to show what happens to those who are found to be neglecting even when the levels of society were so separate. By reporting these cases in such detail it gave the readers not only information on the workhouses and what was happening behind these closed doors but also it fed a deep obsession with these scandals - for those in higher society it was something to gossip about and discuss but also direct their philanthropic groups in order to help where they could. Louisa Twining was one of these philanthropic women that directed their charity towards the workhouse - Twining after visiting an elderly companion saw the need for moral support for the patients. The Visiting Society was set up for benevolent lady visitors to enter a workhouse and provide this moral support that was clearly lacking. This realisation of the poor needing help was a breakthrough in the levels of society, this began a change in many mindsets of the higher classes. No longer was the workhouse a place to control but somewhere to help. The stereotypical workhouse that was, as Poor Law Commissioner said, “as like prisons as possible” was beginning to be reformed with positive changes. After these articles Rogers began a campaign to improve medical care within workhouses which became instrumental in 1867, this was a hugely positively campaign and it sparked many more to follow in the late years of the 19th Century. This scandal highlights the increasing interest and heightened level of caring from the higher classes - especially those that can do good and make effective changes. Many of the Boards of Guardians began to pay more attention to their Union workhouses so to not be featured in these scandalous articles that would publicly criticise as well as name-and-shame. To be featured possibly meant a blacklist against a name but more often than not it would lead to an expensive trial where the blame would be placed on a member of the workforce. This blame was often pushed onto workhouse staff rather than those in charge or those who should be monitoring the conditions. However, because many were publicly exposed as lacking in their capabilities, guardians would often increase the conditions within the workhouse before the next scandal was bought out in the papers. These changes often made a positive impact as food was made better and more diverse, medical help was greatly improved, accommodation was better and overall wellbeing of the poor was vastly increased. For the following years improvement kept being made and it all started within these first twenty years of the reports, scandals began to change the workhouses for the better and these were the beginnings of many positive changes to come.

In much of the research that has gone into this period previously, there has been little time for analysing the public response and the positive effect this response had. In the 1850s there was little interest and fascination with the workhouses and often the idea of them was incredibly negative. The popular image created by Dickens was almost prison-like with harsh discipline, orphans in bleak eating halls feeding on gruel. The literary and artistic representations took over the central images being depicted which weren’t always the truest representation. These huge institutions were places of dread and had clear evidence of parsimony in all areas of the workhouses. The conditions were poor but there was no care from the other levels of society. However, in the 1860s that all changes, many levels of society would readjust their relations with the poor. There was an increase in fascination and that is shown through the style of reporting and the amount of detail in the articles. The higher interest levels also lead to a wider awareness towards the workhouses as well as changes in legislation which came in the following later years that would seriously improve these institutions. Even before 1867 the character of the workhouses were changing, and by using these three scandals there is a clear change in the attention to detail and involvement of the public. The justice was read about and the perpetrators were put on show, named and shamed in the newspapers for the readership to see. This resurgence of interest behind the wellbeing of workhouse inmates began in the 1860s as the mistreatment of the poor was a “regular feature” in many newspapers. These scandals as a regular feature helped to strengthen the need for active help as well as the continuous reporting meant that the problem couldn’t be pushed aside or ignored by the upper classes. Overall the positive effects did help to shape the legislation that followed in later years, and if it weren’t for the scandals with the reports in the newspapers then the attention wouldn’t be bought to the public eye and to those who could help to change the conditions inside. The scandals enabled people who wouldn’t normally be involved in the workhouse to get the information in order to get involved. From there changes began and many, despite what the historic and stereotypical influence led people to believe, these changes were positive and allowed those within these institutions not only a way in for a better chance but also a helping chance at that. The views changes over time and reports were reflecting this change for good.

Bibliography

Crowther, M.A., ‘The Workhouse’ in Victorian values: a joint symposium of the Royal Society of Edinburgh and the British Academy Smount, T.C (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1992)

Driver, Felix, Power and Pauperism, the workhouse system 1834-1884 (Cambridge University Press; Cambridge, 2004)

Greenwood, James, ‘A Night in a Workhouse’, Pall Mall Gazette, 12 January 1866, [accessed 15 February 2018]

Griffin, Dr Richard, Correspondence 2nd letter’, British Medical Journal, Vol s4-1 (28 February 1857),

Harris, Bernard, The Origins of the British Welfare State, social welfare in England and Wales, 1800-1945 (Palgrave Macmillan; Basingstoke, 2004)

Henriques, Ursula, ‘How cruel was the Victorian Poor Law?’, The Historical Journal, Vol.11/2 (June 1968)

Hitchcock, Tim, Down and Out in eighteenth-century London (Hambledon and London; London, 2004)

Hodgman, Charlotte, ‘The Rise and Fall of the Workhouse’, BBC History Magazine, Christmas 2010, <https://www.historyextra.com/period/victorian/the-rise-and-fall-of-the-workhouse/> [accessed 15 December 2017]

‘Illustrated London News’, (London, 1867), ZPER 34/51, Available via National Archives

Koven, Seth, Slumming: Sexual and Social Politics in Victorian London (Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2006)

Lancet Medical Journal, ‘Reports of the Commissioners. No. IV. Metropolitan Infirmaries.: The Strand Infirmary’, Vol 86 (12 August 1865)

Lloyd’s Weekly Newspaper, ‘An insight into a London Workhouse’, 10 June 1866

Reynolds Newspaper, ‘Horrors of a London workhouse’, 21 January 1866

‘Registration of paid officer and staff appointments by Board of Guardians’, (London, DATE), MH9/6 819, Available via National Archives

Roberts, David, ‘How cruel was the Victorian Poor Law?’, The Historical Journal, Vol.6/1 (1 January 1963)

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interested-in-history · 5 years ago

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War in Vietnam (to 1975) contributed to genocide in Cambodia.

The Vietnam War began as two factions wanting a united country but with two different routes to take; the communist Democratic Republic of Vietnam under Ho Chi Minh and the other, a more western-favouring State of Vietnam under Bao Dai. Fighting between these two politically led blocs in Vietnam escalated to the point of in 1954 international concern had led to the Geneva Conference where the country was split at the 17th parallel in order to cease all hostilities from either side.

The following year a new leader of what was now South Vietnam, Ngo Dinh Diem emerged with US president Eisenhower’s support providing training and equipment from the American military.

Diem wanted to removed any Vietnamese in the South who were sympathisers of the North’s communist aims and so set his people out to roundup any leading to estimates of 12,000 killed and 40,000 imprisoned. This stirred tensions once more and in 1957 the Viet Cong and other opponents of Diem fought back, in the following two years later the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong had engaged the South Vietnamese army in firefights. The coup of Diem in 1963 led to political instability within the country and the need for an increase in US support both militarily and economically. This increased US involvement only intensified the tensions between the two sides and escalated the violence. After the Gulf of Tonkin incident in 1964 whereby a US naval ship [USS Maddox] was fired upon by torpedo boats along North Vietnam’s coast, and then a second ship [USS Turner Joy] had another attack in the same area two days later; the US government issued the go-ahead of bombing North Vietnam as a retaliation named ‘Operation Rolling Thunder’. This was intended to force the North to cease its support for the Viet Cong by destroy air defences and infrastructure as well as bolstering moral of the South. After this first half of the Vietnam War Cambodia had been drawn into the war; once Sihanouk cut his ties with the American support and his neutralist government of Cambodia was overthrown in a coup, Cambodia’s involvement within the Vietnam War changed dramatically. Between the years 1965 and 1975 the expansion of the Vietnam War into Cambodia aggravated and radicalised internal political rivalries, which in turn led to a civil war and extreme left wing influences among the populace. There are other reasons that could have lead to the genocide but without the war it wouldn’t have come about so quickly or with such ferocity stemming from the hatred created during the years of the Vietnam War.

In 1962 Sihanouk, after taking the head of state position two years earlier, called upon the United States to stop supporting the Khmer Serei. This was an anti-communist and anti-monarchist force that was accumulating number and becoming a formidable force. The primary objective was to destabilise the existing powers held by the neutralist government and to try and overthrow Sihanouk, hence the reason for wanting to stop support for this group in order to solidify his position in Cambodia. Sihanouk also threatened to cut off US air and sea support that Cambodia was receiving if this group continued being supported, and in the year of 1963 Sihanouk kept his word. This shows the prince’s grip over Cambodia had further weakened and was looking for an outward show of strength towards the West. To further this show of strength after Kennedy was killed in the same year, Sihanouk rejoiced as previously had accused the President of attempting to destabilise Cambodia through the movements placing the troops further towards the ‘neutral’ Cambodian border. In order to show his complete distrust in the ‘West’ Sihanouk negotiated a secret agreement with the Viet Cong and North Vietnam where a ‘Sihanouk Trail’ could be created along the Cambodia border to funnel Chinese military aid into the needing forces on the border. Sanctuaries held North Vietnamese soldiers and supplies as well as Cambodian communists and the army. The Cambodian army got paid for delivering food supplies and was able to skim 10% off the top of military supplies delivered also. The United States learned about this trail for the North Vietnamese and supporting communists, and the response was to bomb the land involved. This only increased antiwar sentiment following the events in Cambodia and pushed the populace away. The Sihanouk trail became a battlefield and in some reports, General Lon Nol gave permission for secret bombing by the American army. To the rest of the world, politically, America bombing the Cambodian border was a violation of international law. Diplomatic relations broke down and this only worsened relations with all involved, including Cambodia’s relations with South Vietnam which only had worsened putting the country in a difficult position especially if they were still to be ‘neutral’. This bombing increased in 1969 with the B-52 carpet bombing operative following the slow pull out of American troops. The bombers targeted mobile headquarters of the Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese in the Cambodian Jungle. By the beginning of 1970, Cambodia’s neutrality was clearly at an end and Sihanouk had a shaky position with a country balancing between peace and war. This became a large turning point in the country’s history and the involvement within the war.

In 1970 a coup was launched against Prince Sihanouk with a new government being set up with Lon Nol as Head of State. This coup made a drastic change in the politics within Cambodia, switching who the Head of State supported and opposed. Sihanouk supported the North Vietnamese and opposed the South Vietnamese backed by the Americans. When Lon Nol came in, who he supported and opposed was vice-versa. By exposing there were North Vietnamese hiding in Cambodia, there was a joint US-AVRN invasion into Cambodia to find the communists and secure the borders in order to ensure the South Vietnamese government isn’t under threat. This offensive, named Operation Menu began what Nixon called a secret bombing on Cambodia attacking sanctuaries of the PAVN. The Vietnamese Communists widened and intensified their actions in Cambodia, working alongside Cambodian communists where fighting escalated. As the Cambodian communists helped their Vietnamese counterparts, Nixon order the Secretary of State to ignore previous restrictions limiting air attacks from the US military within 30 miles of the Vietnam-Cambodia border. This lead to an increase in bombings by B-52 aircraft across wider areas into Cambodia named Operation Freedom Deal. This extensive attack dropped explosives onto the land and pushed an enraged populace into the arms of an insurgency that had little support before this point. Numbers of the amount of ammunition that fell vary from 430,000 tons to 2,756,941 tons. These citizens led by communist forces fought against the Lon Nol government and in the process fought US and South Vietnamese forces. By 1971 the Lon Nol government was secure only in smaller towns, in larger areas the Communist Party of Cambodia known as the CPK attempted to win over the Khmer soldiers who would be fighting for the same cause, and often ended in fighting between loosely-termed allies. As the bombing increased until 1973 the reasoning behind it was to drop bombs where the Khmer Rouge was steadily gaining ground and this surrounded Phnom Penh, capital of Cambodia. This heavy bombing became focused in areas surrounding populated areas near Phnom Penh, and affected the whole country and its innocent people. This war effort by the Americans and South Vietnamese turned more of the population against the government and into the hands of the communists leading the charge. As 1973 came to an end so did the American bombing of Cambodia sparking a civil war where Communists were gaining ground, dispute in-house fighting. Khmer Rouse and Lon Nol supporting armies fought until 1975 when Phnom Penh fell to the Khmer Rouge - the extreme communists that were appealing to many of the Cambodians and the group was making significant gains in all areas of the country. In April of 1975, the Khmer Rouge and leader Pol Pot declared Day Zero in Phnom Penh ousting Lon Nol ending civil war deaths but the beginning of a perceived purge of communist ‘enemies’. Pol Pot himself had a deep seated hatred of the Vietnamese and wanted to expel all as well as any western influences and ideas that may impact upon the Cambodians. This end was only the beginning of a horrific period to come with the strengthening of the Khmer Rouge.

There are other reasons that could have played an influence and lead to the genocide in Cambodia, however these are small and would have had less of an impact without the Vietnam War. Firstly, Cambodia’s neutrality was strong and involved in an international conference to restore order and its neutrality as well as being held up by Sihanouk for most of the Vietnam War. At some point the prince became too weak and his position followed suit, if he had kept strong on the neutrality and kept foreign troops from both sides out of the country then Cambodia’s history may have been a lot different. With Sihanouk’s fall, the Vietnam War fell on his helpless country like a collapsing brick wall and all he could do was try to limit the damage done to his people. The prince, according to some historians, was seen as a scapegoat for the rage of the people stemming from the war. Without a strong political head of state the country ended up in turmoil and such instability meant that a new power had to emerged. General Lon Nol was the exact opposite of Sihanouk and many Cambodians did to see eye to eye with him meaning they had to turn to another left wing supporter, this was where the Khmer Rouge and its extreme leader Pol Pot. Cambodians chose to direct anger towards the prince and see his pitfalls, once the Khmer Rouge was gaining ground many Cambodians who drew away from the prince turned to the extreme communists. Those who were loyalists and those who weren’t entered into interethnic violence only to settle their conflicting views, this culminated in a civil war which the North Vietnamese armed. Ultimately Cambodia had been drawn into the war, through decisions made by conflicting sides and the war spilled openly and uncontainably into Cambodia. Some say it was inevitable, however the war alone would not have led to the atrocities committed against the Cambodian people if it were not for the change in the population’s views towards who should be in charge leading the country to, what many believed, a better future out of the war.

To conclude, the war ultimately did lead to the genocide in Cambodia but without other influences within the country it may not have taken the dark route it did. The war and choices made by those involved, especially from American decisions, meant that the war spilled over into the country with a prince that was powerless to prevent the Vietnam War from swallowing up his country. The beginning of Cambodia within this war began as a neutral party but slowly it was added to the surrounding countries that were being used and sucked into the conflict until fighting escalated and the neutral banner of the country could be used no more. Vietnam and the US pushed into Cambodia and changed the balance of peace within the country as well as toppling the only man that fought the war entering his country. The Vietnam War changed the outlook of Cambodia drastically by the events that unfolded, by staging a coup and the country being led by a pro-American general, by choosing to bomb the country turning the populace against the so-called help and choosing to invade which pushed communists further into the Cambodian interior, where they invigorated the Khmer Rouge and spreading the ideas of communism gathering supporters in order to fight back. Cambodia was at the mercy of the Vietnam war and was weak in all areas in responding to the threat, however the war pushed Cambodians to find support in the Khmer Rouge which in turn favoured a sadistic dictator who started Year Zero and began the horrible events that still shock the nation and the world today. The genocide could not have happened if the war hadn’t pushed those into the extreme communist ideals of Pol Pot.

Bibliography

Chandler, David P, The tragedy of Cambodian History Politics, War and Revolution since 1945 (Binghampton, Vail-Ballou Press, 1991)

Isaacs, Arnold R, Without Honor defeat in Vietnam and Cambodia (The John Hopkins University Press; Baltimore, 1999)

Jamieson, Neil L, Understanding Vietnam (California, University of California Press, 1993)

Lawrence, Mark Atwood, The Vietnam War: A Concise International History (Oxford University Press Inc; New York, 2010)

Lien, Vu Hong and Sharrock, Peter D, Descending Dragon, Rising Tiger: A History of Vietnam (Reaktion Books Ltd; London, 2014)

Nguyen, Lien-Hang T, Hanoi’s War: An International History of the War for Peace in Vietnam (University of North Carolina Press; United States of America, 2012)

Ruane, Kevin, War and revolution in Vietnam, 1930-75 (London, UCL Press, 1998)

Schlund-Vials, Cathy J, ‘Re-seeing Cambodia and Recollecting The ‘Nam A vertiginous critique of the military sublime’ in Looking Back on the Vietnam War Twenty-First Century Perspectives ed by Brenda M Boyle and Jeehyun Lim (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2016)

Short, Philip, Pol Pot The History of a Nightmare (John Murray Publishers; United Kingdom, 2004)

Vickery, Michael, Cambodia 1975-1982 (Thailand, Silkworm books, 1999)

Weist, Andrew, The Vietnam War 1956-1975 (Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2002)

Windrow, Martin, The Last Valley Dien Bien Phu and the French Defeat in Vietnam (Orion Books Ltd; London, 2005)

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interested-in-history · 5 years ago

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‘The legacy of the enslavement of Africans is still with us.’

The legacy of the enslavement of Africans is still seen today within two main institutions - schools and their education, and the Criminal Justice System. These two institutions are creating and perpetuating racial hierarchy through teaching an ethnocentric curriculum disregarding any black culture until one month of the year, and through racial discrimination which unfairly targets certain sets of people due to what they appear to represent rather than their actions. The two institutions involved maintain a level of inferiority pushed onto blacks and enable the systems of punishment to legally discriminate in ways that were acceptable during the enslavement period. By maintaining the subordinate position, many ask was slavery declared dead or just reincarnated through new institutions. This legacy haunts many today and questions the level of emancipation that has been ‘gained’ over the years. In this essay, I will argue that the role of education and police relations for those of African decent are intrinsically linked and that one often follows the other in what is known as a self perpetuating situation. Within education the example of the Jena Six incident in 2007 explains this view as well as the deep rooted racism that occurs in nearly all schools across the world. The police relations and Criminal Justice System also have deep rooted racism links and the example of Rodney King in 1991 and the events that followed show this in great detail. These specific instances are both recent points in history when the legacy of slavery can still be seen impacting lives after 129 and 145 years since the emancipation of all slaves was proclaimed. As James Baldwin said, the great force of history, comes from the fact that we carry it within us, unconsciously controlled by it in many ways, and history is literally present in all that we do. Much political thought surrounding the situation have the mentality of ‘we are here because you were there’.

Firstly, in education the idea is that all students are taught the same lessons and subjects and it is their responsibility to work hard and achieve in order to move up in the world. However, research over the years has found this not to be the case.

Many education systems hold unconscious racial profiles and teach accordingly, often these are based upon stereotypes held by generations or images portrayed in the media. Blacks are often pushed into more physical activities and this could be based upon the idea that slave owners had a preference for athletic specimens on plantations. Schools stereotyping races into different areas of academia often leads to a poorer education and expectation of failure for the black students. If asked, schools would deny any aspects of institutional racism and through education we are taught a learned ignorance - we can see race but we aren't supposed to really see it. What this means is the colour of someone’s skin is still, subconsciously considered a marker of identity which was commonplace during slavery. Even when teachers aren’t subconsciously racist the system of education unfortunately is, and perpetuates the inferiority of black cultures as well as other non-Western cultures. There have been asks to include more culturally diverse teachings with education at all levels, yet this faced huge opposition especially to the changes designed to provide instruction in mother tongues, black studies and the appointment of more black staff in order to supply a role model and cultural diversity to an ever-continuing white system. By sidelining other histories especially, it reflects a racist ideology and cultural homogeneity which in turn causes an educational disadvantage among black children. Black Marxism believes that this hegemony maintains the position of power and by negating ‘others’ histories and cultures creates disadvantages within races.

A educational disadvantage is clearly shown in the Completion Rates of 18 to 24 year olds - those who left high school holding a basic education. The completion rate of Blacks was 86.9% in 2008 compared to 94.2% of whites - meaning that 3,744,000 blacks had a basic education compared to 16,018,000 whites. In 2008 only 13.7% of blacks held this educational level compared to 62.3% of whites. These statistics show that the education deprived blacks massively and this separate and unequal education impacts more than most realise. With less blacks achieving the basic education, it then stops them achieving success and stunts their influence in the world forcing them into manual, low paid jobs often then housed in poor areas overrun with drugs and crime, which often ends in prison time. This stunted success keeps them at an inferior position much like the enslaved Africans unable to change their subordinate position. Black Liberals take the view that racism was to justify slavery and this is now the primary impediment to social progress in the world today. As long as there is racism, social progress will be stunted and disadvantage those of colour.

The Jena Six incident of 2007 illustrated how the institutional racism and tensions caused students to turn on each other, it also highlighted how responses to students are very different and how stereotypes can affect these outcomes. In Jena, Louisiana a high school that was predominately white had a long history of racial tensions from traditions that were continued into the 21st century. Students of white and black sat on opposite sides of the auditoriums, held separate dances and a common race-based practice involved a ‘White Tree’ where only white students sat. One black freshman asked to sit under this tree and shockingly the following day three nooses were found hanging from a branch. This is a clear link to the lynchings that haunt black history and was commonplace in slavery in order to scare into submission. The school spoke out against the ‘prank’ and no action was bought against the white students involved, this sparked the growing tensions and it resulted in clashes ending with a group of black students beating up a white student. One of the boys involved, Bell, who was only a minor at the time was charged with attempted murder and subsequently jailed. There was a national call to release this student and the school was put under fire for the way they punished the black students severely but did nothing to the white students that started this race-related conflict. More than twenty thousand supporters marched on Jena due to the severity of the sentence given making it the biggest civil rights campaign since the 1960s.

The Criminal Justice system and the criminalisation of certain communities is anchored in slavery as well as implying the view of a constrained emancipation, especially for those victimised by the system. Blacks are often the face of crime and the overpowering stereotypical image of deviance. The negative relations between police and blacks can be seen in the example of Rodney King. In 1991, he was caught after a high speed chase, the officers pulled him out of the car and beat him brutally while a cameraman caught it all on videotape. The four officers involved were indicted on charges of assault and excessive use of force. However, a predominantly white jury acquitted the officers sparking violent riots in Los Angeles., King became a symbol of racist tensions in America. In 2012 King spoke with The Guardian stating the assault was “like being raped…being beaten near to death…I just knew how it felt to be a slave”. The fact King was beaten by white officers increased the distrust the black held against the police as well as expose the racially skewed Criminal Justice System. Research then heavily focused on the prison populations and how the racial bias shown in the officers in 1991 was a product of the Criminal Justice system which disproportionally victimised those of colour. This is a direct link to slavery and how those of colour were automatically seen as criminals and ‘trouble’. This automatic link to criminality continues today and as Marc Maver articulates, black men are born with a social stigma equivalent to a felony conviction.

Once you look at the prison statistics the evidence is clear, there is an estimated 2.2 million people behind bars with blacks making up 46 percent of that population. In 2001, 18.6 percent of blacks were expected to go to prison with 32.2 percent serving time at least once. Once in prison and after, the term ‘felon’ especially for blacks carried the life sentence of legalised discrimination. In nearly all the ways it was once legal to discriminate against African Americans in slavery, a felon is subject to the same injustices. These felons become part of a growing under-caste that is found through the analysis of ‘the new racism’ and part of the Critical Race Theory. This theory believed that White Supremacy was maintained over time and law plays a role in this, it also believe that racial emancipation and anti-subordination should be a mass movement in order to change the systems. Even Black Marxist Wallerstein believed racism was institutionalised since the establishment of capitalism, but Robinson argues that racism was a product of history that has always been around. Once black civilians are locked up they are then locked out of mainstream society forcing them into menial jobs and into areas were gangs, crime and drugs are commonplace only to create cycles of oppression and resistive subcultures similar to those found in groups within slave plantations. In todays terms, mass incarceration is, metaphorically, the New Jim Crow. The nightmare of slavery continues to haunt us even today, through different institutions placing blacks in an interior role and ultimately seeing the colour of their skin as an indicator of their actions rather than actions themselves.

Even today, these two institutions show a complete difference in the way races are treated and this can be seen stemming from the enslavement of Africans. The educational system does discriminate against non-english speakers and those who do not have western ties in their histories. Many black histories especially are forgotten or told from a western standpoint according to Black Marxism which maintains inferiority. The Jena Six incident shows how schools can be racist due to a learned ignorance and punish differently according to colour. The fact the white students got away with a ‘prank’ but the retaliation landed black students with felony charges that shows this differing approach. The educational failings often then tie into police-relations and the high possibility of prison. Rodney King being unfairly targeted for his skin colour and then beaten on the side of the road showed how unforgiving the police can be. History has not passed by as far as we believe it has - the stagnation of many blacks and the stereotypes associated with their colour means that they are unfairly disadvantaged and this racism stopped social progress entirely according to Black Liberalists. One must ask is freedom really being achieved or is it constrained emancipation?

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