kummatty - Tumblr blog

[kummatty]

Mumia Abu-Jamal called the CUNY Palestine encampment to lend his support for all students across america in their efforts to divest their universities from the israeli apartheid regime and weapons manufacturers.

The struggle against american mass incarceration and the fight to free political prisoners here is directly tied to the freedom struggle of political prisoners in Palestine.

From prison & security companies like wackenhut back in the early 00s to allied universal today, the companies who run security, surveillance, and training in america are the same ones as in occupied Palestine.

This is one reason why Black liberation is bound together with Palestinian liberation.

During the Vietnam war Huey P. Newton said that the pigs occupy our neighborhoods like the us army does Vietnam. A pig is a domestic soldier and an army man is a policeman on the global beat.

The National Liberation Front of South Vietnam took up Huey’s analysis and said we fight the empire from the outside and you fight it from the inside.

This is how we should view our support for Palestinian self-determination: As a pincer move against us imperialism. The weaker we make America, the easier the fight becomes. For us and from them. And for all oppressed people around the world

[kummatty]

This is a really great analysis and deconstruction of Indian cinema by Rajesh Rajamani and what the imagined Indian nation is through Brahmin-Savarna gaze that erases Dalit and Bahujan narratives. I’d also recommend reading his article published in huffpo india (link in source) “The Right-Wing Hindu, Hypernationalist Politics of Mani Ratnam’s Films”   that goes deeper into Mani Ratnam films and hindu nationalism and the Indian state. 

[kummatty]

“Part of Daily Life” by Sakir Khader (Published April 16th) West Bank, Palestine Follow his work here: Website / Instagram

[kummatty]

At times the “viral” travels of the concept of homonationalism, as it has been taken up in North America, various European states, Palestine/Israel, and India, have found reductive applications in activist organizing platforms. Instead of thinking of homonationalism as an accusation, an identity, a bad politics, I have been thinking about it as an analytic to apprehend state formation and a structure of modernity: as an assemblage of geopolitical and historical forces, neoliberal interests in capitalist accumulation both cultural and material, biopolitical state practices of population control, and affective investments in discourses of freedom, liberation, and rights. Homonationalism, thus, is not simply a synonym for gay racism, or another way to mark how gay and lesbian identities became available to conservative political imaginaries; it is not another identity politics, not another way of distinguishing good queers from bad queers, not an accusation, and not a position. It is rather a facet of modernity and a historical shift marked by the entrance of (some) homosexual bodies as worthy of protection by nation-states, a constitutive and fundamental reorientation of the relationship between the state, capitalism, and sexuality. To say that this historical moment is homonational, where homonationalism is understood as an analytics of power, then, means that one must engage it in the first place as the condition of possibility for national and transnational politics. Part of the increased recourse to domestication and privatization of neoliberal economies and within queer communities, homonationalism is fundamentally a deep critique of lesbian and gay liberal rights discourses and how those rights discourses produce narratives of progress and modernity that continue to accord some populations access to citizenship—cultural and legal—at the expense of the delimitation and expulsion of other populations. The narrative of progress for gay rights is thus built on the back of racialized others, for whom such progress was once achieved, but is now backsliding or has yet to arrive. I have thus theorized homonationalism as an assemblage of de- and reterritorializing forces, affects, energies, and movements. While the project arose within the post 9/11 political era of the United States, homonationalism is also an ongoing process, one that in some sense progresses from the civil rights era and does not cohere only through 9/11 as a solitary temporal moment

— Rethinking Homonationalism, Jasbir Puar

[kummatty]

26 April 2024

Environmental engineer and public health consultant Dr. Tamer Al-Najjar reports that despite the occupation’s attempt to destroy it, the Indonesian Hospital will be back to operation within the next few weeks. Work is also already underway to return Al-Shifa Hospital to operation, which we have seen from the social media accounts of staff members.

There is never a time to lose hope, but especially not now. Gaza lives, and Palestine WILL be free in our lifetimes.

[kummatty]

Pray for everyone in rafah there's heavy bombing right now there. I can't sleep thinking of my family 😭

[kummatty]

[kummatty]

8 more pages to write but all I want to do is lie down on the floor and stare at the ceiling for hours

[kummatty]

im obsessed w "also I want one of these stupid little breads in the case"

[kummatty]

There is supposed to be a place where no one can reach you. Traditionally, the home, but now we settle for the ocean, the airplane, the summit of a mountain, the middle of a lake, the shower, the womb, the grave

[kummatty]

"Grandma's Tattoos" (2011) is a documentary film by Suzanne Khardalian. The filmmaker goes on a journey to investigate her family's history and reveal the fates of thousands of Armenian women and girls, who survived the 1915 Armenian Genocide but were forced into prostitution by their captors.

[kummatty]

Gaza's municipality is trying to raise money to fix and restore Gaza's water system. Please support them by boosting and/or donating

[kummatty]

An article about the Nama and Ovaherero genocide as the culminating point of colonization, the current efforts for recognition and reparations, and possible continuities and solidarities with the Shoah and zionist colonization of palestine.

[kummatty]

my first thought this morning was fuck this stupid baka life.... I slept for another hour and at least it walked me back from the ledge

[kummatty]

Palestinian liberation is a feminist issue. While this truism should need no elaboration, it has, as with so much that relates to Palestine, necessitated discussions, clarifications, analysis and documentation, again and again. Palestine rights activists have long been familiar with the all too common phenomenon known as PEP: Progressive Except for Palestine. Less known, but no less common in feminist circles is FEP, the Feminist Except for Palestine phenomenon. Books such as Evelyn Shakir’s 1997 Bint Arab recount incidents of FEP going back to the ’60s, with many Arab feminists being shunned by their American friends over their support for Palestinian liberation. FEP had one of its early expressions on a global stage at the 1985 United Nations World Conference on Women in Nairobi, Kenya, when Betty Friedan, an icon of second‑wave western feminism, with its slogan ‘the personal is political’, tried to censor the late Egyptian feminist Nawal el‑Saadawi as she was about to walk up to the stage to deliver her address. ‘Please do not bring up Palestine in your speech,’ Friedan told el‑Saadawi. ‘This is a women’s conference, not a political conference.’ Sadly, little has changed in global north feminism’s rejection of the very humanity of the Palestinian people, as evidenced in their continued exclusion from national and global discussions of women’s issues. White feminism has continued to align itself with orientalist imperialist militarism; Ms Magazine cheered the Bush Administration’s US war on Afghanistan in 2001, calling it a ‘coalition of hope’, and suggesting that invasion and occupation could, indeed would, liberate Afghan women. The white feminists in the Feminist Majority Foundation, which bought Ms Magazine in December 2001, never consulted with Afghan feminist organisations such as the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan, who denounced both religious fundamentalism and western intervention in Afghanistan, and who opposed the US attacks on their country. More recently, hegemonic feminism’s desire to exempt Israel from criticism led to the fragmentation of the Women’s March, the coalition of women’s and feminist groups that came together to denounce the election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the US. The co‑chair of the 2017 Women’s March was Brooklyn‑born Palestinian American Linda Sarsour, a grassroots organiser who had long championed Palestinian rights. When journalist Emily Shire asked in the New York Times ‘Does Feminism Have Room for Zionists?’, Sarsour responded with a resounding ‘No’. Many felt threatened by her outspokenness and visibility. Another Palestinian feminist, Mariam Barghouti, also asserted in a 2017 article that ‘No, You Can’t Be a Feminist and a Zionist’, and explained that: ‘When I hear anyone championing Zionism while also identifying as a feminist, my mind turns to images of night raids, to the torture of children and to the bulldozing of homes.’ In the wake of Israel’s latest war on Gaza, white feminists are denouncing the unsubstantiated accusations of sexual violence against Israeli women, without addressing the Israeli state’s amply documented gendered violence against Palestinian women, children, and men. ‘Feminism cannot be selective. Its framework comes from true and absolute liberation not just of women, but of all peoples,’ Barghouti continues, building on bell hooks’ analysis of feminism as a complete liberatory movement. ‘A feminist who is not also anti‑colonial, anti‑racist and in opposition to the various forms of injustice is selectively and oppressively serving the interests of a single segment of the global community.’ Simply, ‘feminism’ that aligns with regimes that engage in racial and ethnic oppression is gendered supremacy; no ideology that hinges on supremacy and discrimination is reconcilable with feminism.

[kummatty]

Samih al-Qasim, “I Defy,” trans. Hatem Hussaini, in Enemy of the Sun: Poetry of Palestinian Resistance

[kummatty]

god doesn't want you to do a phd