maddielivinginternationally

[maddielivinginternationally]

My Semester reflection

As the semester comes to a conclusion, I want to take a moment to reflect on my journey in the field of Urban Sociology. Upon entering the class, I had no prior experience in urban studies or sociology, and my knowledge of U.S. history was limited, leaving me uncertain yet intensely curious about what lay ahead. My interest in understanding the root causes of phenomena, which initially led me to study econometrics at the London School of Economics and Political Science, propelled me to delve into Urban Sociology.

Throughout the semester, I realized the profound impact that the cities of yesterday continue to have on today's urban and even national landscapes. Exploring topics like segregation was a new experience for me, but I felt a compelling need to educate myself on the subject. This deepened my understanding of movements like Black Lives Matter (BLM) and shed light on underlying issues such as eviction, concentrated poverty, and high crime rates.

Engaging in class discussions allowed me to merge the knowledge gained from readings with the experiences of being an international student and learning from my classmates. Mutual learning played a pivotal role, shaping my ideas for blog posts and prompting critical reflections on our readings. The latter part of the semester, which focused on studying various approaches to addressing urban growth while combating climate change, instilled in me a sense of hope for a realistic and sustainable urban future. I am eager to contribute to the pursuit of ambitious goals in tackling these significant challenges.

Living in cities like Paris, London, and now Philadelphia, I find something almost magical about urban life. Urban Sociology has made me a more aware citizen, attuned to details and capable of connecting them back to our class discussions—whether it's the gentrification dynamics in New York's meatpacking area, the BOBOs community in Le Marais in Paris, or the behaviors of London Underground users.

Lastly, this semester marked my introduction to Penn, and through this class, I had the pleasure of meeting incredible people. I want to express my gratitude for a fantastic class and the kindness of Professor Gershberg. Special thanks to Jonathan for his assistance and for engaging with our posts.

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Week 11: "Urban Challenges Unveiled: Navigating Growth, Slums, and Segregation in China and India"

Our discourse this week delved into the challenges posed by rapid urbanization in the world's two most populous nations, China and India. We explored various cities, considering Asia's longstanding tradition of urban life and how these countries are grappling with the consequences of swift urban expansion. Both nations confront substantial hurdles, including issues of congestion, environmental constraints on expansion, pervasive poverty in slums, and environmental pollution.

Cities like Delhi, recognized as the world's most polluted city yet simultaneously captivating and vibrant, Mumbai, the nucleus of India's financial and industrial sectors and a hub for the film industry, Shanghai, boasting the world's largest cargo port coupled with rapid economic growth, and Beijing, China's capital and its second-largest city, were examined. In light of the inevitable continuation of dramatic urban growth, some cities, notably Mumbai, are striving to revitalize their slums, exemplified by the case of Dharavi. Initially unfamiliar with the precise characterization of a slum, I discovered it to be an inner-city area inhabited by lower-income individuals, often featuring housing projects and lacking secure land rights. In Mumbai, the proximity of these slums to the ocean has prompted two companies to vie for the opportunity to develop them.

However, my curiosity extends to the strategies they intend to employ for this development. Will local authorities resort to bulldozers or employ alternative methods, mirroring practices observed in various parts of the country? Such actions have frequently sparked controversy and censure, primarily due to apprehensions regarding human rights, the displacement of vulnerable communities, and the absence of alternative housing options. This phenomenon resonates with the Chicago School's concept of succession, where one demographic is replaced by another (Palen, 2019, chapter 4), resulting in the displacement of families and communities.

Another instance of coping with rapid urban growth is evident in China and its hukou system. By conferring distinct entitlements to urban and rural residents, the Hukou system, coupled with the work unit and production brigade systems, regulates mobility and manages job distribution. This system bound workers to their workplaces, providing them with housing, pensions, and medical care. Conversely, rural workers faced exclusion from superior job opportunities and were denied social services. This often led to parents migrating to urban areas for work, leaving their children behind—a phenomenon known as 'left-behind children.' This brought to mind the concept of the urban growth machine (Logan and Molotch).

Furthermore, the parallels between slums and the Hukou system prompted me to reconsider the notion of segregation and its manifestation within a population. In China, rural workers continue to face exclusion from superior job opportunities and social services, initially by law and subsequently through discriminatory practices. Drawing from my understanding of segregation in America, it is evident that segregation does not create groups; rather, it consolidates its impact on existing groups. However, in the Philippines, segregation actively contributes to the formation of distinct groups. For instance, due to the proximity of their residential areas, inhabitants of slums and affluent neighborhoods may interact, but not concurrently. It was surprising to learn that, during Halloween, the children from Phil-am would be permitted to trick-or-treat first in their quarter, followed by the children from San Roque.

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Week 10: "Urban Disparities: Juxtaposing Wealth and Poverty in a Globalized World"

The recent discussion on globalization and urban dynamics, particularly the focus on slums, brought back memories of my 2018 trip to Mexico City. During that visit, I vividly observed the juxtaposition of opulent developments and business districts alongside impoverished areas. The swift urbanization, economic disparities, and population growth in cities often give rise to informal settlements or slums within or on the outskirts of urban landscapes. These areas commonly lack essential infrastructure, access to services, and adequate housing. The coexistence of extreme wealth and poverty is a global phenomenon, and Mexico exemplifies this stark inequality.

One way to quantify such inequality is through the GINI coefficient. For instance, according to the World Bank, France's GINI coefficient is 0.32, the USA's is 0.41, the Czech Republic's is 0.25, and South Africa leads with 0.63. Developed countries like France have witnessed a continuous increase in their GINI coefficients over several decades. In contrast, emerging nations like Brazil and Thailand have experienced a decline due to the rising wealth of the middle classes. However, analyzing income distribution separately for capital and labor might be more relevant, as Thomas Piketty demonstrated in his book "Capital in the 21st Century."

Reflecting on my Mexico trip, I used to believe that the worlds of extreme wealth and poverty wouldn't intersect. Yet, Saskia Sassen emphasizes the importance of their connection when contemplating the future of megacities. High-end services necessitate specialized support, creating agglomeration economies where face-to-face interactions still hold significance. This results in spatial concentration not only of specialized professional activities but also, unexpectedly, of low-wage jobs and low-profit economic sectors. For instance, numerous low-paid workers are essential to support each hedge fund manager, ranging from secretaries to janitors and personal trainers.

The discussion on the role of the Internet in cities is intriguing. The Internet enables the formation of a global public, connecting individuals who might be isolated in their local contexts. These non-cosmopolitans, often economically disadvantaged, become part of an emerging global subjective space, resonating with Manuel Castells' concepts of the space of flows and the space of places. The rise of telecommuting challenges the traditional notion of work tied to a specific location, contributing to the more fluid and flexible work environment characteristic of the "space of flows."

Moreover, it's fascinating to observe how finance and global firms, while physically separating themselves from the city, build networks with the financial districts of other megacities, as emphasized by Saskia Sassen. The question of reincorporating disincorporated labor into a global emancipatory project remains a significant challenge.

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Week 9: "Exploring the Interconnectedness of Natural Disasters, Inequality, and Resilience: A Reflection on 'Cooked: Survival by Zip Code' by Helfland

I find this week’s theme on natural disaster, pandemics and related resilience very interesting. Watching the documentary “Cooked” and reading Howell and Eliott made me realize that incidence of natural hazards and inequality are linked. The link between the incidence of natural disasters and inequality is intricate and often manifests in various dimensions, contributing to and perpetuating disparities within societies. Marginalized populations, including those with limited access to resources and opportunities, may be concentrated in high-risk areas due to factors such as historical discrimination or lack of affordable housing options. This exposure increases their vulnerability to the immediate impacts of disasters like floods, hurricanes, or earthquakes. Wealthier individuals and communities are better equipped to build and maintain resilient infrastructure. They may have access to better-built homes, early warning systems, and evacuation resources, reducing their vulnerability to the destructive effects of natural disasters. For example, in the documentary, we saw that having Air Conditioning was crucial to resist the heat but many people did not have it. Wealthier individuals and communities often have better access to resources such as insurance, emergency services, and medical care. This access allows them to better prepare for disasters and recover more quickly, reducing the long-term impact on their well-being compared to those with fewer resources. Disasters can disrupt local economies, leading to job losses and income reduction. Individuals with secure employment and financial stability may have a better chance of recovering from these setbacks, while those with precarious employment or low-income jobs may struggle for an extended period, deepening existing inequalities. What was interesting is that it is not only in terms of economic inequality, but also in terms of other various characteristics that are associated with life outcome, such as age, race, living conditions, mobility, but also levels of trust, cohesion and willingness to intervene for the common good. This links to our previous discussion on Sampson’s durable properties of neighbourhood with cultural and social mechanisms of reproduction. Ultimately, I'm pondering whether the practice of shifting responsibility for disaster preparedness from government authorities to individuals in the United States hinders advancements in enhancing overall disaster preparedness.

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Week 7: "Unraveling Racial Resentment: The 'Majority Minority' Narrative, Trump's Influence, and Shifting Perceptions of Diversity in America"

The recent class on Immigration, Diversity, and the "Majority Minority" was highly enlightening. In addition to understanding the various minority groups and their increasing presence in the United States, I gained insights into the concept of the "majority minority" and its role in creating tensions and contributing to national polarization.

This division is inherently divisive, as it suggests winners and losers. It has intensified white anxiety and resentment towards minority groups that are seen as gaining influence. It has also led some to distrust democratic institutions that many conservative white Americans and politicians believe support what they see as unjust minority empowerment. In extreme cases, it fosters conspiracy theories such as the racist "replacement" theory, which claims that elites are actively working to replace white people with minority immigrants in what's perceived as a "stolen America."

This racial resentment has played a role in shaping political rhetoric, including Trump's announcement speech, and has influenced a growing adoption of conservative opinions, as seen in the 2016 election. Donald Trump's approach to various issues, including immigration, racial relations, and identity politics, was communicated and amplified on Facebook in several ways that were perceived as appealing to the white working class. The campaign used emotionally charged visuals, videos, and imagery to convey messages that resonated with his base. These visuals often featured patriotic themes, economic promises, and appeals to "Make America Great Again." Facebook groups and pages facilitated like-minded individuals in discussing and promoting Trump's policies, further exacerbating racial tensions.

These tensions also manifest in how white society responds to segregation and, consequently, desegregation in cities and suburbs. I found it interesting to connect this with James Baldwin's statement about ghettos being "created and maintained" by white institutions and "condoned" by white society, especially in the context of collective actions by white parents in Seattle and its suburbs to hinder school integration efforts, as I mentioned earlier. This reminded me of the Bloomberg article I referenced in my previous post, discussing Corporate America's efforts to increase the hiring of people of color to address racial disparities in their workplaces. The comments on this Instagram post, which only featured the article's title and cover page without providing a preview of the article itself, reinforced Richard Alba's observation about the sense of loss of white status in American society and job competition. This underscores the importance of crafting a different narrative about the future, one that is more in tune with America's history, recognizing that the color line in the 21st century has never been more fluid.

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"Gendered Urban Spaces and the Quest for Inclusivity: Insights from Paris and the Paris 2024 Olympics"

In this week's reading from Chapter 9 of "The Urban World," Palen briefly discusses the historical concept of "gendered public spaces," which are areas that have traditionally encouraged gender-based segregation. This led me to reflect on my personal encounters with such spaces.

As a woman who grew up in Paris, studied in London, and now resides in Philadelphia, I've observed how the places I frequent are influenced by gendered norms, which contribute to the division between men and women. Specifically, the most pronounced disparity can be seen in the context of safety within cities. When going out, I've often heard unsettling stories about my male friends returning from clubs, half-drunk, relying on night buses, the subway, or even walking alone. Considering the prevalence of sexual assault in society, I've consistently chosen to return using taxis or Uber, without questioning these means of transportation. Even when I'm with a group of female friends in a city we know well, not intentionally placing ourselves in risky situations, I've had moments of feeling uneasy. Even in well-lit and crowded areas, I can't help but recall the Kitty Genovese case and the subsequent analysis. While I'm not paranoid, I remain cautious at all times. This is also a significant reason why I've taken up karate.

I have also observed the presence of gendered public spaces here at Penn, particularly along Locust Walk. As Palen notes, "In contemporary urban areas, men and women are still sometimes spatially segregated in ways that reduce women's access to information, knowledge, and power." Along Locust Walk and nearby streets, you can see fraternity houses where young men come and go, often sitting in front of the houses on benches and sofas. While they may be showcasing "fraternity life" in some way, I couldn't observe similar displays at sorority houses. This highlights that our shared urban spaces, despite being co-ed and technically open to all, still carry strong gendered characteristics that perpetuate the subordination of women. In settings like universities, where students strive to acquire "information, knowledge, and power," these social norms reinforce the notion that men have primary access to these resources, with women following closely behind. Indeed, Palen states that "Women are discussed as a minority not because of their numbers... but because of their historically subordinate role."

Regarding the physical layout of public spaces, I've also noticed efforts by designers to promote inclusivity and create a sense of welcome, aimed at desegregating spaces for women and individuals with minority gender and sexual identities. Watching the video in class of how Barcelona incorporates gender equality perspectives into urban planning and public transportation, which includes considering the safety and needs of women and minority gender and sexual identities in the design of public spaces, was very interesting. It made me wonder what measures Paris had initiated to enhance women’s safety in public spaces, especially with the upcoming Olympic games scheduled for July 2024. They indeed included increased police presence in certain areas, the establishment of women-only carriages on public transportation, public awareness campaigns to combat harassment and violence against women, but also well-lit pathways and improved infrastructure for pedestrians and cyclists.

Furthermore, the French organizers leveraged the event itself, a truly unique urban occasion, to champion gender equality. A number of projects have been put in place to achieve the "first ever parity games", including the choice of the Paris 2024 logo, Marianne, a parity programme for choosing volunteers and Olympic torchbearers and the feminisation of symbols and infrastructure names, as part of the "Sport et Parité" programme. The latter was launched after the alarming realisation that less than 1% of sports facilities in France are named after a female athlete or personality, implicitly prioritizing men over women.

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Week 5: "Exploring Race, Segregation, and the Impact of the Black Lives Matter Movement: Lessons from Recent Discussions"

Our discussion in class this week on segregation and race was very interesting as it was partly new for me. As open discussions on race are only starting now in France, I feel that there is a comparatively large emphasis placed on it in the UK (where I have been studying for the past two years) and even larger in the US (where I just started studying since early September). In our class, we discovered that African Americans have faced significant disadvantages in various aspects of life, such as housing, employment, and overall societal inclusion. These disparities have had enduring impacts. Consequently, I am very grateful for this course because it has taught me to view the Black Lives Matter movement within a broader context, rather than solely as a response to a corrupt police force. I was especially taken aback by the government's systematic discriminatory housing policies targeting African Americans. What was even more astonishing was the persistence of residential segregation as a significant contemporary issue, despite the term itself fading from common use. This segregation, as described by Doug Massey in 2020, continues to be a fundamental and unaddressed aspect of modern race relations that both society and institutions seemingly choose to overlook. I gained various insights regarding the societal structure from this discussion, and I made an effort to contemplate its implications.

One aspect is the concept of the "culture of poverty," which suggests that individuals are impoverished due to having a deficient culture. For instance, academic success might not be highly regarded in this context. However, I find myself somewhat skeptical of this notion. My recent research collaboration with the French charity Institut Louis Germain, focusing on the education of underprivileged children in France, has revealed a different perspective. By providing talented high school students from modest backgrounds with the knowledge and skills necessary to enter prestigious university programs, we observed that it not only fostered tolerance and social progress among the participating students but also among their families and friends. However, I am aware that this study took place in France and that the two cultures are very different.

The second point concerns the actions of white society in relation to segregation and, consequently, desegregation. James Baldwin's statement about ghettos being "created and maintained" by white institutions and "condoned" by white society really resonated with me when I watched the video depicting how white parents in Seattle and its suburbs obstructed school integration. These white parents withdrew their children from public schools and enrolled them in private schools when they were assigned to southern, and therefore underfunded, schools. While I can understand this decision on an individual level (as I wouldn't want my child to endure a long bus ride to attend an underprivileged school either), from a structural perspective, their collective actions mirrored the very mechanisms that perpetuate racism. Moreover, the schools with the highest minority populations received the least funding, and this situation worsened when white children were transferred to private schools. Hence, the 2020 data from Logan et al. (2021) aligns with my understanding that there hasn't been a significant breakthrough in desegregating American neighborhoods.

Nevertheless, it's essential to consider the impact of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, which began in 2020. In fact, Bloomberg published an article on September 26th 2023, stating that Corporate America responded to the mass protests ignited by George Floyd's murder by significantly increasing the hiring of people of color, aiming to address the pronounced racial disparities within their workplaces.

The most significant changes in 2021 occurred in lower-paying job categories like sales workers and administrators, but this trend was also observed in well-compensated and influential managerial and professional positions. Remarkably, even at the executive level, over half of the newly added jobs went to workers of color. This demonstrates that when organizations face pressure to recruit and promote diverse, qualified talent, they are able to take action, often by making substantial financial commitments and dedicating resources to initiatives aimed at achieving racial equity. Consequently, I am left pondering whether this could be seen as a step toward desegregation.

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Week 4: Urban behaviors in the underground

This brought to mind my first experience in New York City, which began with riding the subway, known as the tube here. My journey took me from Brooklyn Bridge City Hall to the start of East Harlem, requiring me to use the 4 and 6 train lines. During this lengthy commute, I had ample opportunity to observe the surrounding environment, and I noticed real-life manifestations of concepts from this week's readings on strangers and the "codes of urban behavior" (Chapter 8 of The Urban World). I became particularly attuned to these urban behaviors because they differed significantly from what I was accustomed to in the Parisian underground. Urban social norms can vary between different cities and their respective subway systems, such as the Parisian Metro and the New York City Subway. Here are some of the differences I observed:

Firstly, there were disparities in conduct and behavior. In the Parisian Metro, passengers are expected to maintain a calm and respectful atmosphere, and disorderly conduct or loud behavior is generally discouraged. In contrast, the NYC subway exhibited a more boisterous atmosphere, with passengers engaging in loud conversations and playing music from portable speakers.

Secondly, in the Parisian Metro, there is a strong emphasis on respecting each other's personal space, and it is rare to see passengers spread out or occupy multiple seats unnecessarily. However, in the NYC Subway, I was surprised to observe people occupying more seats than needed, often using them for their bags or luggage.

Thirdly, while eating and drinking are generally discouraged on the Paris Metro due to being considered impolite, it is quite common in the NYC Subway. In fact, vendors sometimes sell snacks and beverages on the platforms and even inside the trains.

At one point, I decided to open a book and start reading. However, due to the lively atmosphere, I found it challenging to concentrate. Then, an older lady sitting next to me commented on the book I was reading. I replied, expecting the conversation to end there, but to my surprise, we ended up talking for about 15 minutes until she disembarked. She explained that she was a French literature teacher with a passion for the subject, despite it not being her native language. I mentioned that I was an exchange student at UPenn from London, originally hailing from Paris. We exchanged some reading recommendations and parted ways with a "it was very nice to meet you" and a "good luck on your exchange." While I enjoyed the conversation with this lady, I was unaccustomed to such interactions with strangers, especially in this setting. The Parisian Metro tends to promote a culture of quietness and minimal social interaction, with passengers often keeping to themselves, reading, or listening to music with headphones, and conversations are typically hushed. The lively atmosphere of the NYC subways, on the other hand, seemed to encourage spontaneous discussions between strangers.

This experience brought to mind our class discussion about how strangers interact in different settings. Lyn Lofland suggests that individuals use two primary factors to identify and understand strangers: appearance and spatial location. When encountering strangers, people often rely on visual cues or appearances to form initial judgments or impressions. Appearance helps individuals quickly categorize and assess the potential roles or identities of strangers they encounter. We both appeared well-dressed, possibly leading others to perceive us as professionals. Spatial location refers to where a person is situated within a given public space. Different areas within a city or public space may have specific social norms or expectations associated with them. What surprised me was that I believed I was in an environment where combined with my behavior of reading a book, nobody would attempt to initiate a conversation with me.

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Week 3: BOBO Districts: A Comparative Exploration of Urban Lifestyles in Paris and the United States

One of the most interesting parts of this week’s readings and class discussion was the compositional theory by Gans (The Urban Villagers). Being born and raised in Paris France, I do resonate with the way he sees the urban neighborhoods as a mosaic and how such composition influences community dynamics. I can clearly envision the 4 general urban lifestyles he describes in Paris: Cosmopolites, BOBOs (bourgeois bohemians), ethnic villagers and deprived or trapped. Among these four lifestyles, the one that intrigued me the most was BOBOs, as I thought it was only a term used in France to describe certain people living in Paris. This made me wonder about the presence of BOBOs areas in the US urban areas. By looking on the internet, I discovered that Neighbourhoods like Williamsburg, DUMBO (Down Under the Manhattan Bridge Overpass), and Park Slope in New York have attracted Bobos with their artistic communities, cultural events, and trendy coffee shops. But also, The Pearl District and Alberta Arts District in Portland, South Congress and East Austin in Austin, and, Silver Lake and Echo Parkin in Los Angeles. The US BOBO districts display the same characteristics as the Parisian ones, such as cultural vibrancy, artistic communities, green spaces, and trendy dining and shopping. I am curious to see whether “Gayborhoods” (Brown 2014), could overlap with BOBO neighbourhoods. Indeed, some neighborhoods may embody both characteristics, attracting both creative professionals and LGBTQ+ residents.

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Week 2: Palo Alto's Unique Blend; Suburban Characteristics and Complex Challenges

This week's readings prompted me to ponder my California trip, especially our visit to Palo Alto, where we explored the city and Stanford University, examining the distinctions and links among urban, suburban, and edge city areas.

Palo Alto, California, located in the San Francisco Bay Area and is part of Santa Clara County, looked like a residential neighborhood when I visited. It featured tree-lined streets, relatively low population density, and a mix of single-family homes and low-rise apartment buildings. When viewed in light of our textbook readings and class discussions, I can see why it is generally considered a suburban area, although it's more accurately described as a city with suburban characteristics. It is not as rural or isolated as some traditional suburbs and has a thriving job market and cultural amenities. I observed a rich diversity in racial and ethnic backgrounds, encompassing white, Asian, Hispanic, African American, and more. Palo Alto's multiculturalism is fostered by the presence of Stanford University and the tech industry, attracting a global population. This trend aligns with Palen's findings that highly educated Asian immigrants tend to settle in suburban neighborhoods with strong employment and educational prospects for their children. Similarly, Latino suburban growth thrives in regions offering significant economic opportunities, challenging the notion of exclusively "lily-white" suburbs (p. 129).

So, while Palo Alto has a suburban feel in many parts of the city, it also has urban and academic elements that make it a unique and vibrant community within the larger Silicon Valley region. I was thus left to wonder why a city like Palo Alto did not become an edge city like Tysons in Virginia or Plano in Texas. Suburbia is increasingly diverse, with some older suburbs maintaining their status due to zoning restrictions and the attraction of high-status residents (Palen p130). Despite Palo Alto's thriving tech industry and evolution since the late 19th century, its development differs from more commercially focused and high-rise-intensive edge cities. It adheres to suburban traits with low-density development, strict zoning, green space preservation, and limited high-rise buildings. Like many U.S. suburbs, it relies heavily on automobile transportation, with residential neighborhoods and shopping areas being less walkable.

I was then curious to know which concerns arose from this low-density development, considering that Silicon Valley will keep on growing as a dominant and dynamic hub. Indeed, Palo Alto faces a delicate balancing act in accommodating the growth of its thriving tech industry while preserving the well-being of its residents. The increasing demand for office and commercial space necessitates careful management to maintain environmental sustainability and the overall quality of life. Additionally, the city grapples with a housing affordability crisis driven by strict zoning, height limitations, and an emphasis on single-family homes. These factors have restricted new housing construction, leading to soaring property values and rents. This affordability gap poses difficulties for lower- and middle-income individuals and families seeking housing in the city, heightening concerns about socioeconomic diversity. While I didn't observe demographic homogeneity, I did note a lack of diversity in terms of residents' socioeconomic backgrounds.