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millermartin · 8 years ago

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Compare and contrast the role and significance of intense psychological states in Romantic texts you have studied

In order to answer this question, one must gain an understanding of ‘intense psychological states’. A meaning of this is a form of extreme state of mind. It can be described as a sense of inner conflict or tension. Consequently intense psychological states can be an intense mental or emotional experience. Due to the small word count, this essay will focus upon the intense mental or emotional experience which is portrayed within the different texts. The texts which this essay will cover include Byron’s “Childe Harold III”, Goethe’s “Faust”, and Schubert’s “The Erl-King”; covering two disciplines. Therefore, this essay will offer a wide spectrum of the role and significance of intense psychological states within Romantic texts.

The compare and contrast requires the knowledge of similarities and differences; Byron’s style of writing, characters created and themes will be linked with the other texts. Within Schubert’s The Erl-King, this essay will compare the poetry alongside the composition of music. Furthermore to analyse how affective the form of compositions was in order to demonstrate the role and significance of intense psychological states. Due to the small word count, the poetry of Childe Harold III and Faust, this essay will focus upon small extracts. Faust will be focused within the soliloquys within his study, which Child Harold IIIwill focus upon the meditation sections. Small references to the poem as a whole will be minimal.

Punctuation is key in comparisons within the poetry texts. Punctuation is used in order to emphasise the role and significance of an intense psychological state. Within Childe Harold III, Byron uses exclamation marks to disjoint the poetry, creating a fractured and distressed intense psychological state. This is clear within the first stanza, where Byron is writing about his daughter, ‘Ada! sole daughter of my house and heart?’ (p261, Anthology II). This intense emotion is due to Byron leaving his daughter as he travels abroad. The disjointed form of poetry demonstrates the role of intense psychological states, with its significance being how Byron acknowledges the pain in which this separation has caused him. Contradicting this is how Goethe’s Faust, the role and significance of intense psychological states was to demonstrate melancholy; by his lack of disjointed punctuation. The study scene flows naturally and creates a content but sad intense psychological state. A pondering and inquisitive mind is create through punctuation further demonstrates the significance of intense psychological states as it demonstrates detachment and melancholy. Exemplified by how ‘there is no bliss but ignorance, but this pre-eminence I now detest’ (p39 Faust). Although Goethe uses intense psychological words such as ‘detest’, the flowing punctuation used signifies an intense psychological state of confusion and loneliness (p39 Faust). The significance differs from Byron, as Goethe does not feel the need to use exaggerated punctuation, as Faust is on his own, feeling depressed. The comparison between the role and significance of intense psychological states within Child Harold III and Faust in relation to punctuation is how it intensifies the psychological states. Byron’s use of stagnant punctuation signifies a troubled and exasperated soul. Whereas Goethe’s flowing punctuation creates a conflicted soul, the soliloquy signifying ones imagination.

Punctuation is also similar within comparing the role and significance of intense psychological states within Childe Harold III and The Erl-King. The expression of notes by Schubert demonstrates similarities with the relaxed nature of the punctuation used by Byron. Childe Harold III consists of ‘meditation upon the narrator’s state of mind’ (p212, Block 6), between stanza’s 69 and 75. Byron significance of an intense psychological state is to create meditation. Evident to the audience, as the flowing wording of the stanza’s creating a sense of calm. Within stanza 74, Byron converses about ‘the mind shall be all free From what it hates in this degraded form, Reft of its carnal life, save what shall be Existent happier in the fly and worm’ (p287, Anthology II). Byron identified the experience of true happiness; an intense psychological state. Comparing this to the music of Schubert, is extremely close. The punctuation within the music created emphasis towards the intense psychological states within the lyrics. The entry of the Erl-King within the composition signifies the intense psychological state. Philip understands the Erl-Kings ‘smooth melodies sound sweet and agreeable’ (p180, Block 6). Demonstrating, henceforth, how the role of intense psychological states is intensified by the music in The Erl-King as it shows a sinister fairy tale type of emotion. Similar to the meditation within Childe Harold III, Schubert’s change of tone within The Erl-King’s sections highlights a meditative state from the child’s dying perspective. Byron’s meditative intense psychological state signifies ones inner peace with nature. Comparatively, Schubert uses similar techniques. The Erl-King’s melancholy music and the ‘hammering of the piano part relents’ signifies the intense psychological state of the child’s inner voice (p180, Block 6). The slow and melancholic music highlights the significance of an intense psychological state, as the Erl-King’s music is calm and hauntingly beautiful, demonstrating the child’s tortured psychological state.

The characters formed within the Romantic texts show the role and significance of the intense psychological states. Their representations show the authors portrayal of different forms of intense psychological states. Byron’s main character representation, other than his alter-ego of Harold, is that of Napoleon. Both Byron and Schubert signifies an intense psychological states in both Napoleon and the Erl-King of admiration and intense feeling of love. Within the Erl-King, Schubert demonstrates the role by the delicate notes used. The vast contrast to the galloping horse section significantly demonstrates an intense psychological state of panic. Schubert shows the role and significance of intense psychological states as it confuses the audience; the Erl-King being a corrupt character, contrasting with the delicate music. This is contradicted by Byron’s demonstration of Napoleon’s fallen character within Child Harold III, as Byron significantly shows intense psychological states of admiration and intense feeling of longing for Napoleon. This is apparent within Stanza 36, where Byron describes Napoleon as ‘there sunk the greatest, nor the worse of men’ (p272, Anthology II). Demonstrating how even the men who followed Napoleon can be described as great. This contradicts with the intense psychological state within Schubert’s composition as the Erl- King is created to a sinister affect, causing an intense psychological state of worry and dread. Napoleon is also shown to be Byron’s hero, highlighting further the role of intense psychological state of admiration and undying love for Napoleon. Stanza 37 depicts Byron adoringly picturing ‘conqueror and captive of the earth are thou!’ (p237, Anthology II). Although this section of the poem does represent the downfall of Napoleon, it is clear how Byron wished to create a feeling on intense psychological state of strong emotions towards the great leader Napoleon. This form of easy flowing poetry by Byron in Child Harold III when demonstrating Napoleon are similar to the use of delicate notes for the Erl-King within Schubert’s piece. Therefore, both artists understand the role and significance of intense psychological states by presenting confusing characters, going against the grain. Napoleon, during his downfall, was pictured as a monster, not a hero. Similarly, monster’s, such as the Erl-King, are usually depicted by angry and forceful music to accompany his terrifying character. However, both artists create a sense of confusion by their use of intense psychological states.

The language used Byron’s Child Harold III and Goethe’s Faust contributes highly to the role and significance to intense psychological states as it portrays in more detail with extreme accuracy. These texts demonstrate high emotions to the reader. The language used within Goethe’s Faust is exquisitely melancholic and picturesque. Goethe uses imagery in order to create a sad overwhelming feeling of loneliness; an intense psychological state. His language is perfect for this, such as ‘holy dread’, ‘narrow cell’, and ‘a human failing’ (P51, Faust). These all sow the role of intense psychological states as it further shows the feelings experienced. The significance being this is to capture the audience deeply within the text, drawing on similar emotions they might feel. Goethe, in comparison to Byron, uses rhetorical questions in order to highlight further the intense psychological state of melancholy. Goethe questions ‘there may be men who mock the good, growl at the beautiful, that true and all they have understood: does that mean dogs must do so too?’ (p51, Faust). This frustration and loneliness signifies intense psychological state within Faust. Similar to this is Byron’s use of rhetorical questions, creating a disjointed structure within the poem; highlighting the role of intense psychological state. Within the meditation section, Byron writes ‘are not the mountains, waves, skies, a part of me and my soul, as I of them?’ (p287, Anthology II). Clearly, this shows the role of intense psychological states as it questions everything which Byron has believed in, similar to Faust being lost and confused, full of an intense psychological state of self-observation.

All three authors, through their skills of writing, manage to contribute to an intense psychological state within their audiences. Byron, Goethe and Schubert all seem to be taking their audience through a journey. Byron and Schubert compare as they both take their audience on a physical journey; Byron across seas, Schubert on a horse ride back home. This contradicts to Faust, who appears to be going through an emotional turmoil within the soliloquys in his study. Byron makes the audience question their beliefs and understanding of nature throughout the meditation sections; ‘is it not better, then, to be alone, and love Earth only for its earthly sake?’ (p286, Anthology II). The emotional turmoil which Byron goes through within this poem is closely felt by its audience. Byron therefore is highlighting an emotional, as well as physical journey, for the audience to experience with the author. Goethe creates an intense psychological state within the audience of overwhelming sadness. Demonstrated within the study with ‘fields and meadows are left behind’ demonstrating a feeling of losing the serenity within the life of the audience (p51 Faust). Also Goethe manages to create intense psychological state of pity from the audience towards Faust, questioning everything which is happening within his life. Finally, the intensity and confusion of Schubert’s composition of The Erl-King created an intense psychological state of urgency within the audience. The change of speed and key from the child and father to the Erl-King causes an intense psychological state of confusion, as the diversity is so farfetched that it excites strong emotions within the audience. Another aspect of Schubert’s composition which signifies the intense psychological state within the audience is that of the child’s death. The music stops abruptly, along with the lyrics. Within the audience this creates an intense psychological state of sadness, as there is limited time to remorse over the dead child as the piece ends suddenly.

To conclude, the three texts which this essay has covered; Byron’s Childe Harold III, Goethe’s Faust, and Schubert’s The Erl-King, have more comparisons than contrasting roles and significance of demonstrating intense psychological states. Within the three texts, the role and significance of intense psychological states can be understood as creating heightened states of emotion. Different techniques are used by the Romantic artists to create this theme. This essay has demonstrated how the role and significance of intense psychological states intensifies the meanings and emotions within Romantic texts. The different styles of writing, characters created and the themes linked to these texts has demonstrated the role and significance of intense psychological texts as high emotions. This essay has portrayed how the artists have used the significance of intense psychological states in order to form inner conflicts and tensions within their characters. Finally, the audience itself is obviously considered when creating such masterpieces of literature and music. This is demonstrated by how the artists cause intense psychological states within their audiences. Henceforth, intense psychological states can be understood as the key significance to creating a Romantic text.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Goethe, J. (translated by MacDonald , R.) (1988) Faust, Oberon Books Ltd, London, pp34-223

Wilkinson, R. (2004) Introduction to Block 6 in Block 6 New Conceptions of Art and the Artist, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp5-8

Johnson, D. and Lavin, C. (2004) Unit 26-27 Goethe, Faust Part One in Block 6 New Conceptions of Art and the Artist, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp73-152

Philip, R. (2004) Unit 28 Schubert’s Lieder: settings of Goethe’s poems in Block 6 New Conceptions of Art and the Artist, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp 154-190

Watson, N. (2004) Unit 29-30 Byron, Childe Harold III in Block 6 New Conceptions of Art and the Artist, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp194-262

Wilkinson, R. (2004) Conclusion to Block 6 in Block 6 New Conceptions of Art and the Artist, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp263-5

Lavin, C. and Donnachie, I. (2004) Schubert’s Lieder: settings of Goethe’s poems in From Enlightenment to Romanticism Anthology II, Manchester University Press, Manchester, pp 254-5

Lavin, C. and Donnachie, I. (2004) Lord Byron, Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, Canto the Third, 1816 in in From Enlightenment to Romanticism Anthology II, Manchester University Press, Manchester, pp 260-302

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millermartin · 8 years ago

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To what extent is it appropriate to describe Soane’s approach to architecture as that of an enlightenment scholar?

An Enlightenment scholar can be understood as an academic influenced by Enlightenment thinking. This essay will attempt to demonstrate to what extent Soane can be described as an enlightenment scholar through his approach to architecture. The transition from the Enlightenment to Romanticism is not simple. Henceforth, Soane’s approach can be ascribed as being inspired from both periods. Enlightenment thinking can be interpreted as ‘the unprecedented focus on particular set of values, attitudes and beliefs’ (Block 1, P8). Further to this is the ‘main characteristics of the enlightenment mission were: a confidence in reason or intellectual enquiry to bring greater happiness and progress to humanity’ (Block 1, P13). Due to the small word count allocated, this essay will focus upon a select number of characteristics of an enlightenment scholar and contradicting arguments. The characteristics of an Enlightenment scholar this essay will focus upon are reasoning, self-improvement and knowledge, as well as his understanding of importance of light. The Romantic characteristics include Soane’s fascination with the sublime and death, individuality and the forming of character through architecture. Concluding this essay will be the determining of which argument dominates. The two buildings under analysis will be Pitzhanger Manor and Lincolns Inn Fields, with the main focus upon his home and the museum. Soane described himself as a classicist whom criticized rule breakers of classical architecture. Contradicting this is his rule breaking in order to create character.

Soane can be described as an enlightenment scholar through his approach to architecture due to his admiration of the classics. The majority of his architectural projects interjected classical styles such as statues and casts of Greek or Roman origin. This captivation with the classics can be understood as Soane’s belief in reason; the meanings of the aspects of architectural decoration. Soane stresses the importance of reason in relation to architecture in order to explain the ornaments by its origin or association. Pitzhanger Manor exemplifies classical architecture. Outstandingly are the Columns, as seen from the ‘Front Elevation Design’ (Illustration book, Plate 22.30, p137). This grandeur was inspired by the Roman classical style of architecture, especially with the statues upon each column, adding to the classical theme. The Bank of England also demonstrates the Enlightenment view of classicism, with the columns and goddess like statues overlooking the ‘Lothbury Court, Bank of England’ (Illustration Book, plate 22.29, p136). Another example of Soane’s dedication to classicism is his collection of antiques, such as the ‘Model of the Temple of Vesta at Tivoli, Near Rome’ (Illustration Book, plate 22.21, p129). Benton comments how Soane ‘wanted examples of correct classical detailing’ within Lincolns inn Field (DVD 2, Part 3). Soane believed that classical architecture were the best models of study. He appreciated this style of architecture since his house displayed many classical Roman antiquities. These antiquities were to contribute to architectural knowledge and understanding. Henceforth, the classicism style was clearly adopted by Soane. Since classicism is a characteristic of the Enlightenment, this style of architecture can help describe Soane approach as an enlightenment scholar.

The notion of self-improvement and teaching others is an example of how Soane’s approach to architecture can be described as an enlightenment scholar. His architecture is to impart knowledge to others. An example of this is how Soane taught at the Royal Academy. Benton shows how ‘in these official rooms, Soane is presented as an intellectual and collector’ (DVD 2, Part 3). Both buildings in question, Pitzhanger Manor and Lincolns Inn Field hold vast libraries. Gandy exhibits a ‘design for Pitzhanger Manor Library’; a vast open space filled with books and paintings (Illustration Book, Plate 22.10, p121). The ‘Ground Floor Plan of Sir John Soane’s Museum’ signifies how Soane viewed the importance of spreading knowledge by the size which Soane dedicated to his books (Illustration Book, Plate 22.1, p113). Benton comments this as the ‘intellectual library’, exemplifying how Soane can be described as an Enlightenment Scholar due to his consideration in his architecture to his books (DVD 2, Part 3). Further to this is Soane’s having a copy of the Encyclopedie. As a result, elaboration his Enlightenment dedication, since he held possession of Enlightenment thinking’s work.

Light exemplifies how Soane’s approach to architecture can be described as an Enlightenment scholar. This is a picturesque characteristic of the Enlightenment. Soane’s use of light and space in architecture demonstrates an Enlightenment scholar’s approach as it followed an enlightenment characteristic. This is more than a conventional neoclassical architect through the use of light and space. Walsh and Lentin understand the enlightenment as it ‘signified the emergence of light’ (Block 1, p10). Within Pitzhanger Manor, Soane uses light in order to create mood, with ‘an entrance hall lit by a lantern and forming a tribune with a Breakfast room’ (Block 5, p110). The light exhibited within Lincoln’s Inn was ‘more dramatic for its compression of space and funnelling of light’ (Block 5, p104). Hereafter, Soane’s use of light highlights how his approach to architecture can be ascribed as an Enlightenment scholar due to the creation of feeling and mood.

For many reasons, Soane must not be described as an Enlightenment scholar due to his approach to architecture. The individuality and ‘character’ which Soane wished to portray within his architecture exhibits how Soane cannot be ascribed as an Enlightenment scholar, as this is a characteristic of the Romantic period. Soane described Pitzhanger Manor as a ‘portrait of the architect’ (Anthology II, p188). Even Lincolns Inn Field reflected his mood and character, as the architecture of ‘his house was adapted to reflect these events’ (Anthology II, p188). Demonstrating, therefore, how Soane understood and interpreted his own character within his architecture. The strongest example of this is Pitzhanger Manor, showing how Soane’s approach to architecture cannot be described as an Enlightenment scholar. Henceforth, Soane’s use of ‘antique forms and building types included this façade can only constitute a portrait if we think of architectural reference as intensely personal’ (Block 5, p111). Benton highlights how ‘his architectural reputation rest essentially on what he called the search for character, in other words his individuality, a Romantic quality’ (Block 5, p80). Highlighting how Soane’s approach to architecture was not an Enlightenment scholar, as he followed the Romantic notions of creating character.

Soane’s obsession with death exemplifies how his approach to architecture cannot be constituted him as an Enlightenment scholar but a Romantic one instead. Clearly, Pitzhanger Manor demonstrated how Soane used architecture to create ‘ruins to give his visitors that shiver of memento meri which was so characteristic of the picturesque response’ (Block 5, p126). This is shown further by being interpreted as ‘either as picturesque or as sublime and Romantic, creating horror as well as a gentle poetic shiver in the minds of the visitors’ (Block 5, p127). Exhibited here is the Romantic notion of a haunted death. Benton shows how Soane’s obsession with death, his fascination with picturesque and the sublime, his paranoia and self-image as a persecuted genius (Block 5, pp80-1). He further describes Lincolns Inn Field as Soane wishing to display ‘work distilled the imagination have character melancholic or morbid thoughts’ (DVD 2, part 3). Adding to this, Benton exemplifies Soane as being ‘increasingly obsessed with death and fragility of his reputation’ (DVD 2, part 3). The reason why Soane’s approach to architecture can therefore not be described as an Enlightenment scholar is because of the Romantic notion of a ‘growing preoccupation with death as an impulse towards melancholy, immorality, the divine, the unintelligible the unseen, mystical and supernatural’ (Block 1, p60). Additionally, Soane’s displaying the artwork of Clerisseau, whom romanticised ruins in his drawings. He located urns within his picturesque combination. This Death association makes Soane a Romantic rather than an Enlightenment Scholar, as it follows a romantic characteristic of obsession with death.

In conclusion, Soane can be described as an Enlightenment scholar, as more examples are easily applicable to this argument than the Romantic scholar. Soane incorporated the enlightenment scholar due to following the views on an Enlightenment thinker. These include those of his admiration of the classics, self-improvement and the spreading of knowledge, and architectural use of light. On the contrary, Soane’s approach to architecture can be described as a follower of Romantic thinking due to his obsession with death and his use of creating a ‘character’ within his architecture. The overlapping nature of these two periods complicates the argument further, as many picturesque characteristics relate to both the Enlightenment and Romanticism. Other factors could have been taken into account, but due to the small word count, this essay has focused on the main characteristics of the Enlightenment and Romanticism. Pitzhanger Manor could be described as incorporating the Enlightenment scholar within Soane’s architecture. Lincolns Inn Field can be described as influenced more by Romantic thinking, with ‘the façade… where the details of classical architecture are replaced by abstract lines and stark surfaces’ (Block 5, p127). Henceforward, Soane’s approach to architecture can be described as showing aspects of an Enlightenment scholar, but with impressions of Romanticism intertwined alongside. This follows the unclear distinction between the two periods.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Lentin, A. and Walsh, L. (2004) Course Introduction: Enlightenment and the forces of change in A207 FROM ENLIGHTENMENT TO ROMANTICISM, C.1780–1830, Open University, Milton Keynes, pp6-63

Benton, T. (2004) Sir John Soane: Enlightenment Romantic in Block 5 Davy and Soane: New Approaches to Science and Architecture, Open University, Milton Keynes, pp 78-131

A207 (2005) Audio-visual Notes, Milton Keynes, The Open University

DVD 2, Video 3, Part 3, Sir John Soane’s museum: man, museum and mentality

A207: Sir John Soane’s Museum CD ROM, From Enlightenment to Romanticism, The Open University.

Lavin, C. and Donnachie, I. (2004) Sir John Soane in From Enlightenment to Romanticism Anthology II, Manchester University Press, The Open University, pp188-201

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millermartin · 8 years ago

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Compare and contrast Robert Southey’s impression of New Lanark with Owen’s account of his reforms at New Lanark

Within this essay, one is going to compare and contrast the visitor Robert Southey’s impression of New Lanark as an institution with that of Robert Owen, the creator of the reforms at New Lanark, and hopeful for reforms worldwide. This essay will consider Owen’s aims and ambitions for New Lanark and how he applied them within the community. This will make an interesting comparison with an outsider’s perception of the project. Owen’s Statement Regarding the New Lanark Establishment combines a ‘business prospectus’ and visualization ‘for social provision at New Lanark’ (p118 Block 4). This essay articulates from a playground for the children to the layout of the houses. The statement is an excellent prelude to Owen’s A New View of Society. Southey’s impression on the reforms and whether they were successfully put into action will be analysed here. Clearly, this essay will determine what Southey and Owen understood of character formation, of which is incorporated dominantly within both essays. Due to the limited word count, character formation will be the main focus. Character formation can be understood as the objective and scientific methods of enlightenment. As a concept it explores different aspects of a person’s character from a societal point of view, for example: Domestic, educational and working lifestyles. Both essays highlight how the Enlightenment and Romanticism overlapped dramatically in the period. Owen speaks of the ‘importance of environment, education, and ultimately co-operation’ (p107 Anthology II). One is going to compare this view alongside the romantically driven Southey.

Character formation is defined by Owen within A New View of Society as how to create peace and tranquillity within the workforce and society. Southey compares favourably with Owen’s character formation in one sense. Demonstrating this by agreeing with the ‘Leeds Poor Law Guardians’ whom ‘produces a highly positive report on what they saw’ at New Lanark (p94 Audio-visual Book). Continuing this, Southey witnesses how ‘the evils incident in such a system would be infinitely less than those which stare us in the face under the existing system’ (p94 Audio-visual Book). This coincides with Owen’s reform which he believed to have ‘constitute[d] a very improved society’ (p123 Anthology II). He demonstrated this with showing how ‘their worst habits are gone’ (p123 Anthology II). Therefore, showing how Owen believed that character formation did improve upon society.

Southey contrasts to Owen’s view of how character formation firstly created happiness, but also to be filtered into communities outside New Lanark. Southey exemplifies this by comparing New Lanark to slavery; with Owen as the slave master and his workers and their children as his slaves. He advocated this in detail as Owen being a ‘part-owner and sole Director of a large establishment, differing more in accidents than in essence from a plantation’ (p93 Audio-Visual Book). Furthermore, Southey validated the similarities with the demonstrative control of being ‘under his absolute management as so many negro-slaves’ (p93 Audio-Visual Book). Moreover, Southey believed that Owen’s reform on the formation of character was in fact a detrimental effect upon character. He demonstrated this by stating that ‘his system would be, as far as possible, the destruction of all character’ (p94 Audio-visual book). This differs from Owen’s account of his reforms in order to create moral character formation. Not only did Owen believe in his ‘mutual confidence and kindness’ (p122 Anthology II), but also that to ‘train up a child from infancy in the way he should go; for that is most easy process for the formation of character’ (p125 Anthology II). Therefore, instead of viewing his institution as controlling and an absolute power, Owen believed his reforms were to improve upon character formation.

The notion of happiness, which is demonstrated amongst Owen’s reforms are compared within Southey’s impression of New Lanark. Owen wished to increase the ‘general happiness of society’ through his reforms (p112 Anthology II). He wished to do this as ‘increased happiness can be effected by guising human characteristics away from the path of evil’ (p112 Anthology II). Southey comments on how the children appeared happy and ‘crowded around Owen to make their bows and their curtsies, looking up and smiling in his face’ (p93 Audio-visual book); demonstrated pleasure and genuine caring emotion towards Owen, he contradicts this later in his response to his visit.

Education is the most dominant principle within Owen’s reforms and this is true within Southey’s impression of New Lanark. Highlighting how the reforms worked as Southey witnessed the admirable changes. Its enlightened need to improve the inaccuracies within society led Owen to impart moral behaviour amongst the young in order to eradicate bad behaviour. He believed in the moulding of children into any form which they were taught. The wellbeing of children, such as to be ‘fed, clothed and educated’ were on of Owen’s key reform; a well-rounded child would grow into a morally acceptable adult (p117 Anthology II). Owen’s second essay provides evidence how children ‘founded on a correct knowledge of the subject, may be formed collectively to have any human character’ (p114 Anthology II). He believed that children should be ‘taught reading, writing, and arithmetic’; which highlights the enlightened view which Owen held of education (p121 Anthology II).

Contrasting to this is Southey’s impression of New Lanark. Although he agreed that education was paramount, he was discouraged by the regimental state in which the children were made to perform. The education sector within the establishment, according to Southey, were recorded as the children ‘turned to the right or left, faced about, fell forward and backwards’ (p92-3 Audio-Visual book). This demonstrate how Owen tried to regulate the children’s learning, as the military has always been believed to hold high standard. By incorporating this within the children’s education, their standards would also be high. As a follower of the Romantic notion, Southey believed in free will. Henceforth, this controlling regimental performance appeared foreign and incomprehensible. Southey does acknowledge the importance which Owen places upon education. However he did not approve of the methods in which Owen applied this in New Lanark. This is because the romantic notion believed in the development of individual’s imagination. Henceforward, this identifies the contrast which Southey had towards Owen’s reforms on education, as it dramatically reduced the children’s right to expression imagination due to the regimented structure.

Domestic principles of the workers were a paramount reform which is conversed within Southey’s impression and Owen’s reforms. Within this theme, there are more comparisons than contrasts, which highlighted how Owen’s reforms were affectively applied within New Lanark. Owen brought attention ‘to the domestic arrangements of the community’ (p122 Anthology II). This not only included the cleanliness of streets and housing, but also the behavioural issues within a person’s character which needed addressing. An example of this is ‘drunkenness’ which according to the reforms ‘disappeared’ (p120 Anthology II). In comparison, Southey never mentions within his impressions of New Lanark about the social behaviour that occurred before the reforms. Demonstrating therefore how the reforms worked to improve the living conditions within New Lanark. Similarly, Southey observed the cleanliness stating that the ‘rows are cleaner than the common streets of a Scotch town’ (p91 Audio-Visual Book). Furthermore, Southey commented how there was ‘no unpleasant smell in any apartments’ and that they appeared ‘thoroughly clean and so carefully ventilated’ (p92 Audio-visual book). Showing here is Southey’s impressed attitude towards Owen’s commitment to the cleanliness within the town, making better living conditions for his workers.

Finally, contrasting to Owen’s reforms, is that Southey mentions a reform which is missed. Demonstrating here is how Owen was looking after the characters of his society through his generosity. Henceforth, to not appear to boast, Owen chooses not to mention these in his reforms. Owen had ‘credit there to the amount of sixteen shillings expenses of what he called the moral part of the establishment’ (p93 Audio-visual Book). Not only does this show Owen’s generosity, but also his genuinely caring nature towards his workers, contributing to his principle about happiness.

To conclude, Southey, in the majority, agreed with Owen’s reforms. Southey witnessed the reforms in practice upon his visit to New Lanark. Not all reforms are covered by Southey, such as the adapting of previous behaviour. This could be interpreted as Owen’s reforms successfully creating a peaceful and happy community, free of sin. Character formation is depicted within both Owen’s reforms and Southey’s impression of New Lanark as Southey acknowledges how Owen attacked the formation of character. This theme has been split into education, notion of happiness and domestic conditions. These themes all highlight how Owen managed to adapt the town of New Lanark into the perfect idle town, one to be admired worldwide. Southey contrasts Owen’s beliefs that his principles could be spread outside of New Lanark, as one needs an absolute power in order to control the society. The power of Owen which Southey witnessed at New Lanark closely correlated to aspect of slavery. This contrasts Owen’s need for creating a happy and free community. New Lanark was in fact a small minded community which was led and highly controlled by the not so admirable Robert Owen according to Southey; instead of the happy, community based on high morals that was original claimed.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Lavin, C. and Donnachie, I. (ed) (2007) From Enlightenment to Romanticism Anthology, The Open University, Manchester University Press, Manchester, pp.107-144

Donnachie, I. (2004) Robert Owen From Block 4, Industry and Changing Landscapes, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp. 97-153

A207 (2005) Audio-visual Notes, Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp. 89-97.

DVD 2, Band 2: New Lanark: A New Moral World?

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millermartin · 8 years ago

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To what extent were the Olney Hymns an expression of introspection and individualism?

To fully comprehend this question one must have a full understanding of the meaning of introspection and individualism. Introspection can be understood as the ‘contemplation of ones thoughts, feelings and sensation’ alongside ‘self-examination’ (Google define). Similarly, individualism can be described as ‘the habit of being independent and self-reliant’ (Google define). This essay is going to show whether the Olney hymns are a direct appeal to Christ and God. From this, one can determine how the hymns are in fact an expression of introspection and individualism. This essay will compare this question with relation to the Preface and two hymns. These hymns are Amazing Grace and The name of Jesus Solomon’s song. The Preface defines clearly the way in which the hymns were written and to whom the intended audience was. Amazing Grace incomprehensibly incorporates an expression of introspection, similarly within the name of Jesus, although more powerfully. One is going to dissect the hymns in order to calculate how far introspection and individualism is expressed.

The Preface, written by Newton, clearly identifies how one of the motives for the initial writing on the Olney hymns was for ‘a desire of promoting the faith and comfort of sincere Christians’ (p232 Anthology 1). This shows how the Olney Hymns were in fact written to express individualism. This is due to the fact that true Christians could relate to the hymns, identifying their true beliefs in God. Therefore, this shows how they were able to incorporate hymns meaning collectively. This is highlighted further by how Newton’s hymns ‘will coincide with the views of real Christians of all denominations’ (p233 Anthology 1). This shows how Newton and Cowper’s views were linked and understood by other Evangelical Christians, highlighting how introspective Newton and Cowper were within their hymns, since other Christians could relate to their words of light. Further to this, Newton has instigated an introspection of the reason behind writing the hymns. This was to ‘be the business and the pleasure of my life’ of which was to promote ‘their growth and establishment in the grace of God and Saviour’ (p234 Anthology 1). This shows how Newton’s aim in life was to convert people into viewing God’s grace and saviour.

The Preface also exemplifies introspection and individualism due to how Newton’s task remained ‘preserved faithful to the end and enabled at last to finish my course with joy’ (p234 Anthology 1). This demonstrates individualism as it shows Newton’s personal commitment to God. Further to this, it highlights how he wished to enhance this feeling of love and devotion among others through his writing of hymns. The Olney Hymns were a preservation of Newton’s introspection and individualism forevermore; inhabiting his views for eternity, past his own end. One can argue how Amazing Grace, although sung to a different tune, is still as popular to this day. The Preface highlights how Newton, along with Cowper, wished to provoke others to follow their individualism and introspection incorporated throughout their hymns.

Another form of individualism and introspection which must be considered in relation to expression of the Olney Hymns is the way in which they were sung. Drage comments how the music for the Olney Hymns was ‘written by the people for the people’ (CD4 A207 Track 1). This demonstrates how the congregations were incorporated within the works of the Olney Hymns. Showing how the individual is linked to the self-expression of the meaning within the hymns. Continuing on this collective notion of a congregation, the singing of hymns also brought together individuals having been awakened to the salvation of the Lords worship and affirm this within a communal praise. This would have drawn on familiar tasks and experiences of life and work within the parish to express them collectively. This is highlighted as the community bringing their worries and creating a sense of a shared mission. Hymns were therefore a way in which to express the fundamental Evangelical Christian position. The Olney Hymns highlight this clearly through there expression of salvation and Gods glory.

Amazing Grace is a clear example of how the Olney Hymns were an expression of introspection and individualism in both how they were written and sung. This is mainly due to it being written in first person. This is apparent throughout the whole hymn. The individuals who sang this hymn would have been responsible to access the grace and therefore forgiveness. This is demonstrated within Amazing Grace as teaching ‘my heart to fear’ (p239, Anthology 1). The imagery created by the grace of God was henceforth ‘precious’ (p239 Anthology 1). This is due to the fact that the individual could only access it themselves. Highlighting how this hymn is an expression of individualism, as it was a personal journey to find God’s grace. To this end, this also demonstrates the individualism within the Olney Hymns.

Another reason how the Olney Hymns are an expression of introspection and individualism is due to the being concerned with subjective self. Further to this is the personal awareness of sin and redemption with which are demonstrated clearly throughout both selected hymns. This is linked to the Grace within Amazing Grace. Clearly it is demonstrated within the third verse of Amazing Grace as ‘thro’ many dangers, toils and snares, I have already come’ (p239 Anthology 1). This shows how sin has occurred previous to the introspection of finding the Grace of God.

The imagery created by the Olney hymns were an expression of introspection and individualism. Both hymns use a sense of subtlety when applying imagery to the hymns. For instance, within hymn 57, Cowper uses the use of multiple different images of Jesus. This can be found within verse 5, where Cowper compares Jesus as ‘my shepherd’ to a ‘priest and king’ (p243, Anthology 1). This could be further significant to the introspection and individualism one is trying to prove which is linked to the Olney Hymns is that God and Jesus, in the true eye of a believer could be interpreted in different ways. It’s a personal representation of the one true love of God, and he can accommodate anything one wishes. Similarly within Amazing Grace, the Grace can be interpreted as a personified version of God with which an individual who truly believes in God can experience. This is apparent within verse 3 when the ‘grace will lead me home’ (p239, Anthology 1). The imagery created is one of someone lost being brought home by a Good Samaritan, i.e God. This implies the introspection of the Grace of God as a Father figure, guiding one through the dark. Individualism is clear within Amazing Grace also as, within the last verse, Newton uses similes to describe ones surrounding. Individualism is identified here as without God, one’s world would fall apart and ‘dissolve like snow and the ‘sun forbear to shine’ (p239, Anthology 1). The introspection within this verse is demonstrated further by the acceptance of God being ‘for ever mine’ (p239, Anthology 1). This implies a personal possession of God, a two way relationship. Henceforth this demonstrates the expression of individualism and introspection created by the Olney Hymns as the use of imagery helps to identify ones true feelings.

The words used within the hymns can be ascribed as almost Romantic. This is especially the case of Amazing Grace, as the language used signifies introspection as it sounds similar to a love letter. The notion of being ‘lost’ and ‘blind’ until the loved one has cures one of ills and gave the individual back ones sight and ‘found’ them (p238, Anthology 1). This signifies introspection and individualism as it is a personal thank you to God for being the Grace that ‘sav’d’ him (P238 Anthology 1). Further to this, within the second verse, Newton uses adoring language to describe the Grace of God, that he thought as ‘precious’ (p239 Anthology 1). This can be understood as introspection, as it highlights the kindness and warmth which Newton, an Evangelical worshiper, and also, those who sang it within a congregation, felt towards God. Similarly within Hymn 57, Jesus is represented as making ones ‘spirit whole’ (p243 Anthology 1). Further to this, within the final verse, one says that ‘I’ll praise thee as I ought’ (p243 Anthology 1). Highlighting here is that without the love of God, the individual is not complete with the ‘weak is the effort of my heart and cold my warmest thought’ (p243 Anthology 1). This Romantic language demonstrates how the Olney hymns were an expression of individualism and introspection as it makes the hymns sound personal.

To conclude, the Olney hymns clearly are an expression of individualism and introspection. This is in relation to both how they were written, with the type of language used and the imagery created. However, this individualism and introspection can also be linked to the singing of the Olney hymns within congregations. This is due to how the hymns steered clear from turning ‘religious text into a performance’ but instead kept it personal (CD4 Track 1).

BIBLIOGRPAHY

Wolffe, J. (2005) Unit 10, Olney Hymns in Block 3, Religion, Exploration and Slavery, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp14-49

Donnachie, I. and Lavin, C. (2003), John Newton, William Cowper and others: the Olney Hymns in Context in From Enlightenment to Romanticism, Manchester University Press, Manchester, pp229-269

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millermartin · 8 years ago

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With close reference to the extract, discuss what each of the paragraphs contributes to Stendhal’s presentation of Napoleon. Was Stendhal’s attitude to Napoleon one of unalloyed hero-worship?

Stendhal, being a member of ‘his court’ for many years has to be careful about his approach to disagreeing with Napoleons actions (Stendhal, p217). This is due to his position within Napoleon’s court. This must come into consideration when analysing Stendhal’s presentation of Napoleon as it could be perceived as biased and unreliable. Contradicting this, Stendhal demonstrates both sides of Napoleon; the strong and dominant leader, and his downfall as a character. Throughout the entire extract, not once does Stendhal present Napoleon as only negative, it is always supported by an admirable comment. This exemplifies the notion that Stendhal was too scared to present only the bad side of Napoleon.

Stendhal is defensive but also critical of Napoleon within the first paragraph. The admiral presentation of Napoleon is clear in the first paragraph, as Stendhal admires how Napoleon was ‘endowed with amazing abilities’ (Stendhal, p217). This shows how Stendhal presented him adoringly by using praising language towards him. Another example of how Stendhal presents Napoleon positively is his comparison with the greats as ‘his talents the finest men to have appeared since Caesar’ (Stendhal, p217). Stendhal here is presenting Napoleon as a strong leader, comparing him to one of the most noticeable leaders within history. Contradicting the positive, Stendhal also presents Napoleon as being ‘carried away to the point of frenzy’ (Stendhal, p217). This is negatively written as Stendhal is demonstrating how Napoleon was not in control, which propaganda made out to his followers that he was. Opposing the original presentation by Stendhal of Napoleon, linked to the greats, the end of the paragraph speaks of ‘Caesar, Alexander or Frederick the Great’ as having their ‘fame… diminished daily’ (Stendhal, p217). This demonstrated how Stendhal presents Napoleons fame as being temporary. The first paragraph contributes to Stendhal’s presenting Napoleon as both a great leader, but also that this will disappear within time.

Stendhal, within the second paragraph, accommodates a positive presentation of Napoleon as a leader. He does this by remarking on Napoleon’s wars as he did not go in as the ‘aggressor’ (Stendhal, p217), showing as a leader on the defensive, showing a key believer in protecting his own nation. Stendhal similarly creates a picturesque image of Napoleon due to his power to transform ‘the continent of Europe into one vast monarchy’ (Stendhal, p217). This demonstrates Stendhal’s presentation of Napoleon as a strong and determined leader. Continuing this, is how ‘repelling the attacks of his neighbours that he expanded’ shows Stendhal’s presentation of Napoleon as a strong conquering head of state (Stendhal, p217). Interestingly, Stendhal quotes Napoleon, this can be perceived as Stendhal using Napoleons words to help present him as a strong character, doting on his every word. Challenging this is Stendhal’s use of negativity. Stendhal presents Napoleon as untrustworthy by his disbelief in Napoleons plan, questioning if ‘it ever existed’, showing a doubting side of Stendhal in Napoleon (Stendhal, p217). Also, Stendhal also presents Napoleon as using and ‘excuse’ (Stendhal, p217). Stendhal here presents Napoleon as timid, by always creating excuses when a plan falls through, planning and anticipating that the plans would not work, making his failures effectively blameless.

Within the third paragraph, Stendhal attributes Napoleon as being presented with two sides. Contributing to Stendhal’s adoration of Napoleon, he also discusses about the comparison between Napoleon and the greats. In relation to Napoleons attitude towards ‘St Helena as unaffected’, Stendhal presents Napoleon as adoringly being similar to ‘Plutarchs heroes’ (Stendhal, p217). This could be interpreted as Stendhal presenting Napoleons character as hard as stone, to not break down and appear weak when things are not going to plan. Continuing the theme of presenting Napoleon negatively alongside the positives, Stendhal uses derogative language to present Napoleon for what he really is. An example of this is that Stendhal associates Napoleon with his ‘misfortune’. This is derogative, as it does not present Napoleon as the strong and successful conquering leader with which propaganda presents him as.

Stendhal clearly admired Napoleon as he had to appear so, having ‘spent several years at his court’ (Stendhal, p217). One must question the reliability of Stendhal as a source due to his employment by Napoleon, Stendhal had to be careful not to overly criticise. This could be perceived as his romantic language towards Napoleon being for work related purposes, rather than adoration. One is going to attempt to demonstrate how and if Stendhal’s attitude to Napoleon was one of an unalloyed hero-worship. Contradicting this one is going to demonstrate how Stendhal did not see Napoleon as an unalloyed hero.

Stendhal identifies Napoleon as ‘an outstanding genius’. This shows adoration of unalloyed hero-worship, as Stendhal is in awe of Napoleons knowledge. Lentin understands genius as an ‘extraordinary individual’ (Stendhal, p52). Linking this to the question entailed, Stendhal clearly feels adoration towards Napoleon. To further this, Stendhal depicts Napoleon as ‘one of the greatest geniuses who ever lived’ (Stendhal, p167). This proves Stendhal’s adoration of unalloyed hero worship of Napoleon as he was not only a genius, but one of the ‘greatest’.

Stendhal shows clearly his adoration of Napoleon as a military genius. This is evident within the second paragraph of the conclusion, as Stendhal describes Napoleon as ‘transforming the continent of Europe into one vast monarchy’ (Stendhal, p217). This can be perceived as demonstrating how Napoleons military control was so outstanding that Napoleon was able to ‘transform’ not only his country but the ‘continent’ also. Stendhals adoring of Napoleon continues into his understanding of his strategies. Napoleon, according to Stendhal, was on the defence, as ‘it was in repelling the attacks of his neighbours that he expanded his empire’. Stendhal, therefore, shows an unalloyed hero worship toward napoleon as a military genius, as although he was not on the attack, he was still able to expand. Stendhal concludes Napoleons military genius as astonishment of how he ‘won so many great battles in so short a space of time’ (Stendhal, p29). This highlights further how Stendhal adored Napoleon as a military genius due to his understanding of strategies and that he had a ‘fresh brilliance’ about him (Stendhal, p79).

The charisma which Napoleon held was another adoring factor which Stendhal imposes on throughout his ‘A life of Napoleon’. Within the conclusion, Stendhal depicts Napoleon as the ‘finest man to have appeared since Caesar’ (Stendhal, p217); which highlights the admiration and adoration which he felt towards him, by comparing him to such grace. To be compared to Caesar signifies how the charisma which Napoleon held, as Caesar, when pictured, was a very charismatic man. Stendhal also goes on to describe how Napoleon was of ‘brave adversity with firmness and majesty’ (Stendhal, p217). This demonstrates Napoleon holding a special presence about him, one of almost royalty and ‘majesty’. Henceforth, Stendhal depicts Napoleon as being a charismatic leader, following in the footsteps with ‘admirable calm’ of other great leaders. Another example of how Stendhal shows the charismatic side of Napoleon is that of his character being ‘more susceptible to friendship than lasting hatred’. This highlights further Stendhal view of adoration of his charismatic character, as this helped him to remain friendships. Stendhal also accommodates Napoleon as a ‘great man’ (Stendhal, p30). Lentin understood Stendhal’s work on Napoleon as seeing him as ‘almost superhuman’ (Block 2, p51). He applied this as Napoleon ‘was a man above other men’ due to the traveling included from one end of Europe to another (Stendhal, p115). Henceforth, Stendhal demonstrated adoration towards Napoleon’s skills of charisma.

Although Stendhal did show adoration to Napoleon, it was not a total unalloyed hero-worship. One can admire this from his use of controversy from both aspects of the argument. To this sense, Stendhal links a negative with a positive, therefore not create complete adoration towards Napoleon. An example of this is that of describing Napoleon as a ‘tyrant’ (Stendhal, p79). Lentin understands this as a ‘strong negative classical and revolutionary resonance’ (Block 2, p61). Hence, Stendhal did not completely adore Napoleon and saw him as a ‘despot’ (Stendhal, p79).

To conclude, as a direct response to Mme de Stael reflections on the main events of the French Revolution, where she gave a ‘penetrating critique of Napoleon’, Stendhal is fighting against it (Stendhal, p14). This demonstrates that the conclusion includes a more admirable presentation of Napoleon, with only a few negative aspects mentioned. However, Stendhal does include these negatives, which highlight Napoleon in a different one which was presented by the propaganda of the time. Stendhal, in general did show adoration of unalloyed hero worship. This is demonstrated by his romantic language used when describing Napoleon as an individual whom stood out from the crowd as a genius; general and military, and charismatic. However, what stands out clearly from Stendhal’s work is that of describing Napoleon as a ‘tyrant… who was at the same time a man of genius’ (Stendhal, p79). This demonstrates how Stendhal could not hide his true character as a tyrant, no matter how clever Napoleon was.

BIBLIOGRPAHY

Stendhal (translated by Roland Gant, Edited by Antony Lentin) (2005) A Life of Napoleon, Milton Keynes, Open University.

The Open University (2005) A207 From Enlightenment to Romanticism, c.1780-1830, Units 7-8 ‘Stendhal’s A Life of Napoleon and other contemporary sources by or concerning Napoleon, ‘Milton Keynes, The Open University.

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millermartin · 8 years ago

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An Analysis on an extract from Hume’s essay Of Suicide

Within this assignment one is going to analyse Hume’s essay Of Suicide’ in conjunction with the knowledge held about the moral aspects and arguments with which occur within this period about the sensitive subject of suicide. Further to this, one is going to attempt to accommodate the chosen passage within the context of the entire essay written by Hume. Continuing on from this, one will summarize the view in which Hume accumulates the knowledge of providence. To add to this, one is going to demonstrate how Hume uses this knowledge about providence to try to undermine the term and ridicule the notion of it. Finally, this assignment will attempt to demonstrate whether or not Hume’s argument about suicide is indeed successful, a challenging concept given the circumstance of the strong opposition towards this sensitive subject matter.

Firstly, to accommodate the selected extract within the context of the essay, one must understand Hume’s knowledge and motives for writing this essay. Hume’s motivations are accommodated by three areas of interest; all of which related to reasons upon committing suicide. The layout of the entire essay is as follows, the most significant and prominent argument which Hume’s argues is that of suicide being not a ‘transgression of our duty to God’ (Anthology 1, p26). The reason for this prominence is that Hume obviously believed that this is the most empowering evidence towards the notion of supporting suicide. This, in relation of size, is prominent as it contributes to six pages of the entire essay. Less prominent within the essay is that of the transgression which suicide had upon a duty to society. Thirdly, is the transgression which was the duty to ourselves. These last two are less prominent as both only contribute a page to the entire essay. The situation of the extract chosen is within the first area of interest by Hume, by the ‘transgression of our duty to God’ (Anthology 1, p26). Henceforth, this passage is contemplating how suicide does not have a direct impact upon ones duty to God. One will demonstrate this in more detail throughout this essay alongside the notion of divine providence. To conclude, this passage is situated within the context of Hume’s argument on how suicide is not against our duty towards God.

Providence, a concept Hume argued clearly within this extract. To gain a clear understanding of Hume’s knowledge upon providence one must gain a meaning of the word in order to do so. The meaning of providence, according to the Oxford Dictionary, can be understood by two definitions. Firstly, ‘the protective care of God or of nature as a spiritual power’ and secondly that providence is the ‘timely preparation for future eventualities’ (Oxford University Press, 2013). Clearly, in relation to the context Hume’s essay the first definition is more relevant. This clearly demonstrated as a key aspect within Hume’s argument about the reason for the negative attitude towards suicide. This is due to one believing suicide was going against such providence, making it a sinful act. Providence can be described as Gods decisions for the universe being put into place. Hume argues that God contributes to ‘every single episode that takes place in the universe, including our own actions’ (Block 1, p299). Therefore, one could argue that Hume is demonstrating that suicide did not in fact go against God’s providence, as God had in fact planned and created an action previous to the event.

Having an adequate understanding of the meaning of providence, one can determine the significance in which it had upon the world according to Hume. Within the extract, Hume highlights how suicide can be considered as ‘encroaching on the office of divine providence’ (Anthology 1, p27). This demonstrates how one could have believed that providence was in fact not decided before hand, but which could be altered by the decisions made by us. The mockery in which Hume uses shows how little he believed in the notion of providence, with the use of ridiculing questions such as ‘the disposal of the lives of men… to the general laws by which the universe is governed?’ (Anthology 1, P27). Hume takes this ridicule further by stating demonstratively how this was ‘plainly false’. This signifies how Hume believed that divine providence was a ridiculous notion, demonstrating how he undermined such a term.

To continue this point one must understand the notion when Hume’s converses about the ‘general laws of matter and motion’ (Anthology 1, p27). This determines the significance which Hume assumes towards the notion of providence, as he is arguing one against the other. General laws can be understood, according to Hume, as the way in ‘which the universe is governed’ (Anthology 1, p27). The ‘motion of man’ acts upon or changes in some way ‘some parts of matter’ highlights this further (Anthology 1, p28). This understanding is linked to the divine providence, as Hume demonstrates an argument that one is more likely to follow the understanding of the general laws of matter and motion than of divine providence. Hume believed that ‘human life depends upon the general laws of matter and motion’ and had little involvement with the ‘office of providence to disturb or alter these general laws’ (Anthology 1, p28). This shows how Hume was masking the condemnation of suicide upon the understanding of the general laws.

One must also consider the moral argument about suicide when analysing Hume’s essay. As this extract is situated within the section that suicide is not a transgression of our duty towards God, Hume demonstrates an acknowledgement towards the struggles against the moral aspect upon committing suicide. This sensitive topic was often demoralised as being ‘criminal’ (Anthology 1, p27) and therefore immoral. Hume disagrees strongly against this. One can illustrate Hume’s beliefs as at the start of the extract, suicide is described as an act which one ‘bravely overcomes all the natural terror of death’ (Anthology 1, p27). This highlights how suicide is going against the moral indignation which life brings. The moral argument is linked to the providence concept, as Hume questioning whether the ‘man’s disposing of life criminal’ as it is viewed criminal to go against the general laws (Anthology 1, p27).

Hume’s use of language signifies the manipulation of his audiences. Hume does not attack on the aggressive. Instead, Hume attempts to demonstrate how the rules in which the public live by are barbaric. His eloquent language helps to demonstrate Hume’s argument on the defensive. Hume uses rhetorical questions in order to demonstrate the ridiculing nature of his argument about the act of suicide being ‘criminal’ (Anthology 1, p27). An example of this is situated towards the end of the passage in which Hume implies that suicide ‘is criminal to encroach upon these laws or disturb their operation?’ (Anthology 1, p28). This signified how Hume disguises his argument within a question. Hume thereby uses language in order to manipulate his audiences opinions by finding alternative ways in which to air his opinions.

Within this extract, one can determine that Hume is successful in presenting his argument. This is due to his eloquent language manipulating original viewpoints in order to accommodate his argument of how the divine providence was already decided due to the ‘general laws of matter an motion’ (Anthology 1, p27). In arguing his point he is successful showing the reasoning; such as the notion that ‘all animals are entrusted to their own prudence’ when liberating on decision making (Anthology 1, p28). There is not, however, sufficient amount of evidence to contemplate the justification of suicide being acceptable. Glimpses of evidence is provided, such as ‘fall of a tower, or infusion of poison’, contributing to death equally (Anthology 1, p27), but in general, little evidence is provided. Henceforth, Hume does not use sufficient evidence to support his arguments, therefore making them weak and unsuccessful.

To, conclude, this extract from Hume’s essay Of Suicide demonstrates a controversial view upon suicide. Hume wished to challenge the ideas of previous theorists, and although not popular, he was successful in doing so. Hume, within this extract, manages to demonstrate a new understanding upon suicide. Firstly by not going against the ‘divine providence’ in order to demonstrate that, in fact, providence was chosen beforehand (Anthology 1, p27). Thereby this makes suicide a decision already chosen by God. Consequently, this is also challenged at the end of the extract, contradicting what Hume previously argues; that humans in face have ‘free disposal of his own life’ (Anthology 1, p28). The extract is situated within the context of Hume’s argument about suicide not being a transgression to the duty of God. Whether Hume is successful in his argument is subject to opinion, he argues eloquently, however, has little supporting evidence to back up his points, thereby making Hume’s arguments weak.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Baber, A (2005) Unit 4: Faith and Death in Late Enlightenment: David Hume in Death of the Old Regime, Open University, Milton Keynes, pp159-203

Donnachie, I. Lavin, C. (2003) ‘David Hume, Of Suicide’ - Faith and death in the late Enlightenment in From Enlightenment to Romanticism Anthology 1, Manchester University Press, Manchester, pp24-32

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millermartin · 8 years ago

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Compare and contrast the difficulties of writing ‘history from below’ with regard to women and slaves in Empire

At original glance, there appear to be more comparisons with the difficulties of writing ‘history from below’ with regard to woman and slaves in Empire than there do contrasts. This will be demonstrated throughout this essay. Firstly, before embarking upon this, one must understand the meaning of ‘history from below’. Mackie defines this as ‘the experience of the ‘ordinary people whose lives were caught up in empires’ (Mackie, Block 4, p.155). Mackie goes on to state how ‘it shifts attention from the elite to the masses and from the centre to the periphery’ (Mackie, Block 4, p.157). Both subject matters are from the lower end of what can be classified as ‘ordinary’ people, hence the many comparisons between the two. Although this essay is about the writing of ‘history from below’, one is also going to demonstrate how historians used, and the difficulties accustomed to ‘history from below’. Due to the small word count, this essay will focus upon women from settlement empires and slavery. Therefore, this essay will compare and contrast the difficulties of writing ‘history from below’ with regard to autobiographies from freed slaves and women’s letters home from settlement empires within New Zealand and also travel writings. It will also demonstrate how similar or different the difficulties of writing ‘history from below’ with regard to women and slaves in empire.

Memory is a key difficulty when it comes to writing ‘history from below’; relating to both women and slaves in Empire. The time difference from the events and writing about them created a time lapse. Demonstrating, therefore, how the author may appear to suffer from memory loss and consequently struggle to recall everything which occurred within their experiences of being subjected to empire. This is easy to compare between both slavery and women from a settlement empire. Women, such as Jessie Campbell converses about her travels in a letter to her ‘dearest Brother’, written in ‘May 8th, 1842’ (Primary Source 13.1, p.1). Campbell had to rely heavily on her memory of the travelling across to New Zealand as these events happened two years previous in 1840. This is a difficulty of writing ‘history from below’ as it demonstrates how reliant many ordinary people were upon their memory, as many could not write at the time of events. In Campbell’s case, this is probably due to her still travelling, and two years later was her first available opportunity to write home. This, compared to slavery, falls under similarities of difficulties of writing ‘history from below’. Small number slaves documented their experiences of slavery after the act of being freed. This difficulty of writing ‘history from below’ in relation to slavery hence demonstrates how long a period one slave must remember when writing their memoirs at a later stage of their lives. An example of this is William Grimes, whom writes about his experiences as a slave; from being born into slavery, to his first job and the abuse in which he received. His memory is clear from his childhood and early life, with fond memories of how he ‘used to ride behind his carriage, to open gates, and hold his horse’ (Primary Source 12.2, p.1). Although this, among other examples, seemed abundantly clear, it is only a memory, no record was made. Henceforth, this demonstrates how memory is a difficulty of writing ‘history from below’, as historians have to take into account how many ordinary people wrote a significant period of time after the event. The difficulty is, from these memories, historians must consider what part of history is thus lost.

Continuing on from this is the difficulty of how the authors of writing ‘history from below’ were selective over the events which they interpret as being significant enough to write about. The comparisons between slavery and women’s experiences are dramatically different in some aspects but indecisively similar in others. The similarities of how the writings generally all included a form of suffering. Contradicting this is the forms of suffering that these different groups had to endure in their experiences of empire, and how they expressed these sufferings in writing. This, in effect, is down to the types of empire which these different social groups were associated with. Slavery was mainly linked with Plantation Empires. Fieldhouse’s typology of plantation is that of ‘a small, dominant settler core, often using slaves and bonded labour’ (Hack, Block 1, p.54). Whereas women were associated mainly with settlement empires; ‘settles take large tracts of space, often separating settler from indigenous lands to form a racial frontier’ (Hack, Block 1, p.54). The difficulties of writing ‘history from below’ as a result are how these important factors in relation to the individual fit into the bigger picture of empire. Slavery biographies related to the cruelty and brutality with which they endured. Grimes writes of being ‘horsed up’ and given ‘about forty or fifty lashes’ (Primary Source 12.2, p.2). The unfairness of being ‘punished…repeatedly to make [him] perform more labour than the rest of the boys’ (Primary Source 12.2, p.2). Equiano writes about the brutality of ‘see[ing] a negro man staked to the ground, and cut most shockingly, and then his ears cut up bit by bit’ (Primary Source 12.3, p.1). These examples both signify the difficulties of writing ‘history from below’ in relation to slavery, as it shows how selective the slaves were in demonstrating the inhumane nature of their masters, a very one sided view point. Historians therefore must examine a vast amount of sources in order to gain an understanding and overview on whether these were an exaggeration; a difficulty discussed later within the essay. In comparison, the women of settlement empires wrote to their families to inform them of their experiences of their travels. Campbell determines how the ‘living is very cheap so far as pork and potatoes go’, this could have been to justify the reasons why going so far away from home (Primary Source 13.1, p.1). Evidently this shows how a difficulty of writing ‘history from below’ in relation to women is how one wished to be reassuring with sending news back home. Furthermore, historians must therefore read ‘against the grain (Mackie, Block 4, p.158) in order to remove this difficulty of writing ‘history from below’. The difficulty of being free minded within the writing of ‘history from below’ was a problem because it allowed limitations of knowledge and true experiences of empires to be broadcasted.

Being biased within the source is another difficulty with writing ‘history from below’ as it created limitation upon historians acquiring the knowledge of the experience of empire. This is exquisitely true when it comes to comparing it to women. A woman’s make-up is one of a caring and motherly character. Henceforth, with relation to women within the settlement empires, gave away limited details in relation to their journeys and experiences of the empire. Due to many women writing letters to their families; the case of Campbell. This is a difficulty of writing ‘history from below’ as it further creates limitations upon the experiences of empires, as the truth is not always written about. However, contradicting this, Campbell was obviously close to her brother so was able to speak the truth, as she ‘had no hope that all our lives would be saved’ (Primary Source 13.1, p.1). Contradicting this is how bias is demonstrated towards the ill treatment of slaves. Written years after the events occurred, it is possible to question the reliability of the sources in relation to the brutality of punishment. Grimes, for example, wrote about how his master’s wife ‘would beat [him] until [he] could hardly stand’ (Primary Source 12.2, p.1). Grimes goes further to express how Thead ‘flogged [him] severely several times for almost nothing’ (Primary Source 12.2, p.2). Equiano is no exception to this theory of suspected exaggeration, as he states how a master ‘once cut off a negro-man’s leg for running away’ (Primary Source 12.3, p.1). The reasons behind this exaggeration may be down to the fast paced momentum of the abolition of slavery. By exaggerating the brutality with which the slaves had to endure on a daily basis, this could further accelerate abolition. Henceforth, this is a difficulty of writing ‘history from below’, as historians must take into account the bias which may occur, dependant on different contrasting motives.

The contrast with the difficulties of writing ‘history from below’ with regard to women and slaves comes from the education with which they were provided. The majority of sources available with regards to women are from well-educated backgrounds. Therefore, literacy would have become second nature to them. This is apparent from the eloquent letters sent home from settlement empires. Contradicting this, however, Higgins went to ‘school there [she] learnt sewing and reading, but not to write’ (Primary Source 13.2, p.1). Signifying, thus how due to her social class, she learnt to write at a later date. On the contrary, is the writing ‘history from below’ in relation to slavery. Due to the little variety of written ‘history from below’ from this background; this is clear. As many slaves never had the opportunity to learn to read and write. Demonstrating, hence, how this is a difficulty of writing ‘history from below’, as much of history from the slaves perspectives were never in fact written down; leaving a limited amount of sources for historians to evaluate. The slaves therefore took their history and experiences to the graves, highlighting the difficulties of ‘history from below’ being the scarce number of sources.

Historians also have difficulties with ‘history from below’. This is apparent due to the fact that historians ‘have also to confront the relative scarcity of resources’ (Mackie, Block 4, p.157). The difficulty here is that due to the small numbers of sources available, with relation to slavery. The historians only have a few to conclude the history upon. Therefore, without the ‘history from above’, it would appear a very one sided argument. Historians of ‘history from below’ cannot afford to have ‘an exclusive reliance on such sources risks producing a one-sided history’ (Mackie, Block 4, p.157). To conclude, historians needed to compare the limited amount of history written from below with history written by elite, as it gave a better overview of the events since the history from below was restricted.

Survivor syndrome is another example of the difficulties with which writing ‘history from below’ in relation to slavery within Empire. Survivor syndrome means how history is only heard from the people whom survived an otherwise dangerous situation. This can be attributed to slavery, as many slaves did not make it out of slavery; therefore their experiences are never shared. Also, highlighted further, is how both biographies were written by freed slaves. Equiano for instance calls the overseers and masters ‘human butchers’ (Primary Source 12.3, p.2). Henceforth, survivor syndrome is a difficulty of writing ‘history from below’, as it only portrays the stories of the survivors, a small window.

In conclusion, the difficulties of writing ‘history from below’ in relation to women and slavery can be compared quite intricately. The difficulties which relate to women within settlement empires and those of slavery include; memory issues, selective knowledge, bias, education, survivor syndrome and also the small amount of sources available for historians. The comparisons available tend to be small changes within the different themes of the difficulties in relation to the opposing groups. As slavery and women tend to be of a similar acknowledgement within society, from the lower end of society, with little to no power in relation to the empire, the comparisons are also similar here. The contrasting aspects of the difficulties from writing ‘history from below’ only differ in relation to the education of the opposing groups; slavery with no education, whereas the middle to upper class women highlighted within settlement empires tended to be from better stock. To this end, the difficulties compare more than they do contrast in relation to women and slavery with writing ‘history from below’.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

O, Equiano. (1995 [1789]) Primary Source 12.3, The Interesting Narrative And Other Writings (ed. V. Carretta), New York, Penguine Books, pp104-9,110, 171-2

W, Grimes (1825) Primary Source 12.2, The Runaway Slave, New York, pp. iii, 5, 8-14.

A, Drummond. (ed.) (1961) Primary Source 13.1, Married and Gone to New Zealand. Being Extracts form the Writings of Women Pioneers, London, Oxford University Press, pp.59-66

A, Drummond. (ed.) (1961) Primary Source 13.2, Married and Gone to New Zealand. Being Extracts form the Writings of Women Pioneers, London, Oxford University Press, pp. 83-96

C, P, Traill (1861) Primary Source 14.1, The Canadian Emigrant Housekeeper’s Guide, Montreal, James Lovell, pp. 3-10

S, Moodie, (1852) Primary Source 14.2, Roughing it in the Bush, or Life in Canada, London, Richard Bentley, vol. II, pp. 32-4, 54-5

Evans (1895) Primary Source 14.9, The Missionary Training Home in India’s Women, vol. XV, no. 104, pp 69-71

Secondary Sources

Mackie, R. (2009) Introduction to Block 4 in How were empires Experienced, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp155-160

P, King. (2009) Reconstructing the slave experience in the British empire 1700-1815 in How were empires Experienced, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp161-193

R, Mackie (2009) Two settler societies: New Zealand and Algeria in How were empires Experienced , The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp194-231

D, Loftus. (2009) Men, women and empire in How were empires Experienced, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp232-270

Davis, D. B. (1988) The problem of slavery in Western Culture, Oxford

Thornton, J. (1992) Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800, Cambridge

H, S. Lein. (1999) The Atlantic Slave Trade, Cambridge

H, S. Lein (1978) The Middle passage, Comparative studies in the Atlantic Salve Trade, Princeton (New Jersey, USA)

D, Eltis. K.L, Sokoloff. And F. D, Lewis (2004) Slavery in the Development of the Americas Cambridge

R, Blackburn. (2011) The American Crucible, Slavery, Emancipation and Human Rights, London

http://www.preservearticles.com/2012031627577/what-are-the-main-problems-associated-with-writing-history-from-below.html

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millermartin · 8 years ago

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A Primary Source analysis (13.13) which sheds a light on the theme of Block 4 – the experience of empire

Station Life in New Zealand is a book, written by Lady Barker, based upon ‘letters written to her sister’ (P1, PS 13.13). She was well educated and well-travelled; therefore, had experienced empires. A book is a useful source as it shows a wide range of knowledge which, in this case, is based upon true life within a settlement empire. A strength of this type of source is that letters home from immigrants had no motive to lie. Henceforth, the letters demonstrate a personal and relatable account, with no hidden agenda. A book written on the events can demonstrate a good insight. It ‘provides a rich source on the experience of migration and settlement’ (p195, Block 4). The weaknesses of books based upon personal letters are that it is not overly professional. These letters highlight a further weakness as it could demonstrate biased towards protecting a family member from the truth. It is a typical source as many immigrants wrote home to their families.

The historical context of this book; published in 1870, but originally written in 1866-7, was that of the end of the wars in New Zealand. Also, within this year, was the freak snow storm, which is discussed within her book. Just post the rush for Gold and sheep farming, which brought immigration to New Zealand. This book was written in order to document the experience of settlement empires, which further informed people back home; especially during the freak storm. Based in Christchurch, which was New Zealand’s second largest city. The rush to leave and emigrate abroad was due to the famine in England.

Problems with analysis include more evidence of culture is needed, as it would express a clearer aspect of settlement empires. Another problem with analysis is how another perspective is desirable; such as an opinion from indigenous people. If this were the case, historians would have a wider knowledge on the different experiences of empires. Barker was not an important character in relationships to the events within the source, as she was even ordered away at one point. She had a ‘limited power to influence policy’, even if her ‘narrative reveals that she is acquainted with local politics’ (p247, Block 4). However, she did marry well, to gentlemen whom were very high up in society, as her first husband was knighted and her second was wealthy enough to buy a vast amount of land in New Zealand. Nonetheless, as a writer, she was very opinionated about events which occurred.

The cultural experience within New Zealand’s settlement is the most significant to this source. The culture is experienced in a positive and negative light. It demonstrates a non-biased text due to its representation of both sides of culture. High culture was a disappointing experience for Barker; being ‘no place of public amusement except a little theatre’ (p1, PS13.13) Contributing, therefore, to a negative experience of culture in settlement empires. Further demonstration of a negative experience of culture is that of ‘no dinner parties’ (P1 PS13.13). Significantly, this highlights how the settlement community seemed not to socialise either with other settlers nor the indigenous people. Exemplifying how ‘the society may be said to be extremely stagnant’ (P1, PS13.13). The experience portrayed by Barker on culture is based on comparisons made between England and New Zealand. These views show a differing approach between hopes and reality of experiencing empires. Barker ‘miss[es] the usual duties and occupations of home’ (P1, PS13.13). Furthermore, the balls held in New Zealand were ‘on a much smaller scale’ to England (P1, PS13.13). These highlight how dissatisfied Barker was with the promised improvement upon English lifestyles; a disappointing experience of empire.

In contrast, Barker demonstrated some good experiences of the culture in settlement empires; with comparisons to England. An example is the health of people within the empire. Barker portrays the men looking ‘more or less bronzed stalwart’ (P1, PS13.13). The comparison to England; ‘pale dwellers in the city’, highlights how the experience of New Zealand culture portrayed a healthier lifestyle (P1, PS13.13). Additionally, ‘everyone looks perfectly well-fed’ in New Zealand, rather than the ‘half-starved, depressed appearance’ of the English (P2, PS13.13). Henceforth, the cultural experience of empire proved for a better lifestyle in New Zealand.

The social status portrayed a negative experience of empire. The comparison to England created a degrading experience of New Zealand’s social culture. Barker shows this with the ‘lack of knowledge’ and the ‘utter ignorance and inefficiency’ in relation to servants and domestic duties (P1-2, PS13.13). Hereafter, showing how the social experience of empire, especially for the elite, was not cause for satisfaction.

However, one must consider the higher social status having effect on the type of experience of empire. Barker experienced a privileged version of empire; although not to British standards. The view upon empire was from above; looking down on society. Barker did not experience the downside of settlement empires from a social angle, as she was protected from the bad experiences due to her husband wealth. They bought ‘a sheep run of 9,700 acres’, a vast amount of land, to create an income (P1, PS13.13). This establishes how a high status created a good experience of empire.

Finally, the labour issues which occurred during the snow storm highlighted a frustrating experience of empire based upon the livelihood of sheep farming. Adapting to a different climate displays this further, as this determined the type of experience. Exemplification of this is the disastrous deaths created due to the vicious snow. Barker experienced ‘such a horrible sight’ of the ‘frozen sheep embedded in the snow’ (P6, PS13.13). This demonstrates a catastrophic experience of empire, as the settling empire of New Zealand was based upon sheep farming. Therefore, the abnormal weather had a negative effect on the experience of empires.

In conclusion, the significance of this source is that it was written by an educated lady. Henceforth, making a very one sided argument, with no opinion from outsiders; such as indigenous people. It is of limited use, as it only links to New Zealand settlers, with no interactions with the indigenous people. A historical debate which relates to this is that of Fieldhouse, who understands settlement as ‘the bigger [the] proportion of non-indigenous population, the more radical the impact on indigenous structures’ (p49, Block 1). Fieldhouse demonstrates how the mass amount of settlers impacted upon the original countries structures. Furthermore, the silence within the document from indigenous peoples can be interpreted as the settlers dominating the area.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PRIMARY SOURCES

Barker, L. (1870) Primary Source 13.13 Station life in New Zealand, London, Macmillan and

Co., pp. 36–7, 41–3, 156, 157–60, 161–2, 163–5, 166, 167–71, 173–5.

SECONDARY SOURCES

Hack, K. (2008) Tools and terms for studying empires in Block 1 - What are empires?, Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp41-78

Hack, K. (2009) Introduction to Block 4 from Block 4 - How were empires experienced?, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp.155-160

Mackie, R. (2009) Unit 13 Two Settler Societies: New Zealand and Algeria from Block 4 - How were empires experienced?, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp.153-245

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millermartin · 8 years ago

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‘Britain’s imperial power and approach to empire were, first and for most, by-product of its general status and ambitions as a great power’. Discuss

Ultimately, this statement is asking which came first, whether the power of Britain was created by the empire, or whether the power of Britain created its empire. This essay will help to demonstrate which one holds the stronger argument, as it is clear that both could be understood as the truth. It will also show how far Britain adopted specific and distinct imperial aims, means and institutions to create such an empire. To do this, this essay will incorporate the notion of empires as a system of power and empires as sinews of power, which includes economic, military and cultural understanding. This essay is going to address the European and domestic political and economic situation and events that occurred within this period.

Britain acquired an empire entirely by accident in the process of doing other tasks. Britain can be understood as not setting out in order to acquire an empire. This shows how the power of Britain came before the empire, as by dominating elsewhere, Britain managed to create an empire through its general status and ambitions as a great power. The power, both within economics and naval strength, helped Britain to ultimately facilitate the creation of her empire. Therefore, Britain’s naval and fiscal power-bases, within the eighteenth and nineteenth century, enabled her to create and expand her empire. Darwin argues how empires could be ‘defined as the sustained effort to assimilate a country or region to the political, economic or cultural systems of another power’ (p1, Secondary Source 9.2). This essay will help determine whether this statement is accurate.

Empires as a system of power, in relation to Britain can be understood as the empire being ‘controlled from London’ (p11, Block 3). This demonstrates how other factors were in control in relation to Britain’s power, which brought about her empire. Britain’s power is interpreted by Hack as being ‘a combination of Europe-based naval and financial power, and India-based manpower’ (p11, Block 3). Lenman comments how ‘Indian allies were crucial’ (p.3, Secondary Source 8.1). This can be interpreted as Britain using the initiative to gain power from other resources in order to create an empire. This shows how, in relation to systems of power, the power of Britain is what ultimately created its empire, and not the empire creating its power.

Military power, an example of an imperial power and approach to empire; as without a strong military base an imperial power was impossible, demonstrates how the British were considered a threat to other imperial powers. This can be highlighted by its increasing need to evolve its technological understanding and equipment. This shows how the British were ultimately miles ahead in comparison to China for example, whom were always on the catch up in relation to technology. War equipment and technology clearly demonstrated that European powers, such as Britain had the upper hand. This can be shown as within the 19th Century, they had ‘introduced rifled guns (lined with ridges that increase accuracy)’ (p11, Block 3). This, compared with the Chinese, whom had only just ‘adopted earlier technology’, signifies how the military power of Britain created an empire, due to rival’s downfalls (p11, Block 3). This, however, can alternatively be interpreted as the British empire using its power and ambitions to create, or further extend its empire. Henceforth, the British power was significantly what came first, and created its empire, rather than the empire creating Britain’s power.

It has always been understood how those who rule the seas ruled the world. This can show how the great power of the British navy helped in the creation of her empire. Emsley comments how ‘British naval dominance was to play a significant role in the development of the British empire during the nineteenth century’ (p33, Unit 8, Block 3). This naval strength of Britain is demonstrated further due to the downfall of other naval powers, such as the systematic dismantling of the French and Spanish naval powers. This shows a different view to the Great power of Britain. It demonstrates how the ambitions of creating an empire coincided with the powers making use of others downfalls in order to succeed. Also this could be interpreted as Britain not actually wishing to create an empire, but in fact just landing lucky due to other leading countries mistakes. An adaption from Ferguson’s Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World demonstrates how Britain was able to hold a vast amount of power, since she held 37 naval bases worldwide and had 154 battleships (figure 2.11, Unit 2, p. 72). This demonstrates power as no other navy power held such vast amounts of control over the seas. This shows how the great power and ambitions of Britain were ahead of the creation of her empire as the naval bases highlights the control Britain had over the seas.

Continuing this military sinew of power, Lenman, within ‘Colonial wars and imperial stability, 1688-1793’ states how the ‘winning of gains overseas… been the objective which all right-minded British leaders’ (p.1, Secondary Source 8.1). This demonstrates that on one hand, British politicians wished to create an empire; therefore the empire would create the great power of Britain. Contradicting this is that of some historians seeing British imperialism as ‘the steady rise of British commercial supremacy and of the British mercantile marine’ (p.1, Secondary Source 8.1). Further to this, Lenman suggests how ‘Britain did not have the capacity to make conquests at will all over the world’ (p.1, Secondary source 8.1). This demonstrates further how the British were in fact not as powerful and ambitious as originally thought. The accidental argument which is apparent within Lenman’s essay is that of the ‘Royal Navy was to protect Britain from invasion, not to conquer an overseas empire’ (p.1, Secondary Source 8.1). This shows how the British were not as ‘ambitious’ as they were perceived to be, in fact they were actually fairly timid originally, while other European countries were gaining empires, Britain, according to Lenman, was protecting its homeland. The naval disposition, according to Lenman, was the outstanding reason why ‘London authorities showed a more responsible attitude towards English overseas interests after 1702’ (p5, Secondary Source 8.1). This shows how, due to the growing power of the Navy, Britain felt it acceptable to pursue an overseas empire; demonstrating how the power of Britain came before the empire.

The British Empire was always considered to be eminent with the backing of its economic system. The power which Britain held over trade was dominant within this period of Empire building. This highlights how the power of Britain was what created its empire, rather than the empire creating its power. This is due to the fact that Britain’s powerful economic power held control over the trade of other countries. Cobden comments how the ‘other countries needed to sell grain to Britain in order to afford British goods’ (p48, Unit 9, Block 3). This demonstrates how the British had a close control over the outgoing and ingoing into their own country, and others wished to be involved and so created income for Britain by selling goods to them. Lynn understood how the expansion of the British Empire ‘acknowledged intentions to benefit British economic interests’ (p1, Secondary Source 9.1). This demonstrates how the British empire did in fact bring more power to Britain, as it was an intended policy to help the economy of Britain.

The push for free trade was inevitably how the power was increased in Britain. Free trade was also interlinked with the sinew of power of culture. This is clearly demonstrated within Lynn’s essay on ‘British policy, trade, and informal empire in the mid-nineteenth century’. Lynn states how ‘free trade would help civilize the world through the spread of enterprise and the work ethic’ (p2, Secondary Source 9.1). This demonstrates how the policy of free trade, pushed for by Britain, was in fact a way in which to spread the culture of Britain abroad. Lynn goes on to explain how free trade would ‘encourage moral regeneration’ which would benefit ‘economically ‘backward’ nations to develop their resources’ (p2, Secondary Source 9.1). This highlights how Britain was in fact using free trade to its advantage of spreading cultural changes around the globe. Owen argues how because of free trade ‘the emergence of such a specialized global economy, Britain created large opportunities across the seas for her own citizens’ (p3, Secondary Source 9.6). This demonstrates how Britain sustained more power through its economic power beforehand as it created a new kind of economy, which benefitted the homeland. Mackie understands Darwin as seeing the ‘links between Britain economic and imperial expansion’ (p67, Unit 9, Block 3). This demonstrates how the Britain’s imperial expansion was caused and pushed by the economy, due to trade.

Contradicting this, the economics of Britain can also be argued that it was made more powerful by Britain’s imperialism. This is due to the free trade which brought more money into the country, since it made the products of Britain more attainable. The economy of England, although strong previous to the expansion of her empire, became more powerful on a wider, more global scale than it was previously. This is why the sinew of power of economy can be understood as being made more powerful with greater leverage than pre-empire.

Culture of Britain can easily be argued on both ways; from the power of Britain creating an empire and the empire creating power for Britain. The British believed that it was educating and had a Christian duty to spread the culture which had become the norm within Britain. Lynn states how ‘Britain’s place in the world reflected an optimism that the globe as being ‘renovated’ and ‘improved’ (p1, Secondary Source 9.1). The cultural need for change across the globe was highlighted by its clear demonstrative approach to the creation of empire. Lynn states how ‘trade, Christianity, education, and constitutional principles’ were all linked to Britain’s need for an empire, to spread the cultural word overseas (p6, Secondary Source 9.1). Demonstrating further is Livingstone’s description of how this would create ‘civilization with one hand, and peace with the other, to render mankind happier, wiser, better’ (p6, Secondary Source 9.1). This shows clearly how Britain viewed itself as the cultural leader of the world, and therefore the empire was created due to the power of which Britain believed it held over the culture system.

To conclude, the evidence within this essay clearly demonstrates how the great power of Britain came before the British Empire. This is highlighted across the spectrum of powers. The military and navy control within the British legions was one of a great source of power, a permanent threat to other powers, especially European such as France and Spain. This military power, which came about before the British empire was used to the ‘destroying not only the French Navy but those of Spain and the Netherlands as well’ (p 15, Secondary Source 8.1). The military power dominance was also assisted by the fact that ‘other European empires were disintegrating’ (p15, Secondary Source 8.1), showing how the great power of Britain was using initiative to take advantage of others downfalls. The economic power and cultural power of Britain go hand in hand in relation to the opening statement. The economic power and the fiscal system of Britain, ultimately is what made the British empire. Free trade was the original expansion idea for Britain when it came to dominating ones power, as it would lead to benefits for themselves, and as others received benefits also, no questions would be asked about their power. The cultural power of Britain, such as its religion and general day to day life is also what drove the need to build an empire. This is due to the fact that the British felt a need to improve others upon their ‘perfect’ structure of their society.

BIBLIOGRPAHY

Hack. K, (2008) Tools and terms for studying empires in what are empires?, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp 41-78

Hack. K, (2009) Introduction to Block 3 in How do Empires work, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp7-13

Elmsey. C, (2009) Military Power: The British and French Empires in How do Empires work, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp14-43

Mackie. R, (2009) Economic Power: The British Empire and the globe system in the nineteenth Century in How do Empires work, The Open University, Milton Keynes, pp44-82

Secondary Sources

Bruce P. Lenman (1998) ‘Colonial wars and imperial instability, 1688–

1793’, in P.J. Marshall (ed.) The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. 2:

The Eighteenth Century, Oxford, Oxford University Press, pp. 151–68

(notes edited).

John Darwin (1997) ‘Imperialism and the Victorians: the dynamics of

territorial expansion’, English Historical Review, vol. 112, no. 447, June, pp.

614, 617, 619–20, 627–31, 640–2.1

Martin Lynn (1999) ‘British policy, trade, and informal empire in the midnineteenth

century’, in Andrew Porter (ed.) The Oxford History of the British

Empire, vol. 3: The Nineteenth Century, Oxford, Oxford University Press,

pp. 101–8.

Avner Offer (1999) ‘Costs and benefits, prosperity, and security, 1870–

1914’ in Andrew Porter (ed.), The Oxford History of the British Empire,

vol. 3: The Nineteenth Century, Oxford, Oxford University Press, pp. 694–7,

698–9, 701–10.

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millermartin · 8 years ago

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Compare and contrast the expansion of at least one of the trading empires described in Unit 6 with the expansion of at least one empire covered in other unites in Block 2

Within this essay one is going to compare and contrast the trading empire of Portugal with the land empire of Russia. These make for interesting comparisons as some examples within what attributes their empires are similar, while other examples vary indefinably. One will do this by examining their aims, systems, institutions and sinews of power. According to Fieldhouse, a land empire, or settlement, can be described as taking ‘large tracts of space, often separating settler from indigenous lands to form a racial frontier of exclusion’ (Block 1, p54). This settlement empire also saw the ‘introduction of private property rights in lands where they had never existed’ (Block 1, p54). Comparing to this is Fieldhouse’s understanding of a trading empire, which could be described as land ‘being dominated by small numbers of non-residential military and civilian personnel’ (Block 1, p54). Also, one is going to compare their operation in and impact upon their target areas.

Expansion in comparison of both land and Portugal empires are subject to differ due to the different types of empires. Portugal was the first sea borne trading empire within Europe since the trading of the silk road, sets the pathway for other trading empires. Subrahmanyam believed Portugal to be ‘built on their control of trade’ (Block 1, p22). This shows how the motherland was affected by its empire. Portugal power also controlled trade routes within Europe. Portugal expansion can be defined as the growth in their trading areas. India can be seen as an example of how the expansion is affected by the movements of the Portuguese empire. The fact is poignant that there was no competition at the time of Portuguese expansion, therefore making their movements towards India a success. This is similar to Russia, as there was no interest in the land which they required. Therefore both could expand ones empire with ease. The control of trade which Portugal had within India is key to expansion, as spices were key to this trading empire. Contrasting this, Russian expansion of its land empire was that of geographical space. This was instead of Portugal’s control of items within their target areas. Russia, contradicting this, did have a fur trading empire. However, this is no comparison to the size of the trading empire of Portugal. Lantzeff and Pierce comment on this by stating “no search for any single commodity has ever resulted in the acquisition of so huge an area as the one acquire by Russia in this quest”; demonstrating how the aim of the empire was the ‘interest of private fur traders’ (Block 2, p247).

The aims of empire hold an interesting comparison when discussing both empires. One of the most distinctive comparisons of the aim of the land empire of Russia and trading empire of Portugal is based upon religion. According to Grell, Portugal had a ‘religious commitment to convert or expel Muslim exploited by Albuquerque’ (Block 2, p211). This is evident when it comes to the aims of the expanding of the empire. This is due to the fact that the ‘Portuguese trading empire in the east is closely linked to the crowns religious commitment’ (Block 2, p211). This aim initially takes preference over the trading within its empire, in order to convert other to their suitable religion of Christianity. Steensaard, Pearson and Darwin are the clear leaders within the ideas spread about ‘Portuguese maritime expansion in the east undertaken as a crusading drive against Islamic adversaries’ (Block 2, p211). This demonstrates one aim of Portuguese empire, as the religious drive of the Portuguese crown, creating domination throughout the countries invaded.

Similarly, compared to this is the Russian drive of religion within the aim of expanding its empire. The parallel to Portuguese empire; is due to the fact that ‘religion fundamental construction of Russian identity’ (Block 2, p254), which was clear when it came to the expansion of the empire. Henceforth, Chant highlights how the ‘monasteries played important role of colonisation of forest lands’ (Block 2, p256). This is important as a comparison as it highlights how similar the two empires were in their aims within the expanding of their empires. This is due to the motherlands both being religiously driven. Gibson, however, contrasting this, believed that ‘evangelical justification of empire after early phase of expansion’ (Block 2, p257). Further to this, Gibson highlights how the original aim of empires was religiously driven, however, unlike in Portugal, in reference to Russia, this did not continue past the original steps of expansion of the empire. This is highlighted further in the maintenance of the Russian empire, as the ‘anxiety of Russia Orthodox Church to maintain ideological purity’ was contrasting power of the ‘tsar pragmatic dependence on western techniques to equip expansionist drive’ (p257/8). This demonstrates how the need to maintain empire being a stronger need than to maintain religious drive. Le Donne demonstrates further the religious impact upon the aim of empires as ‘grand strategy’ was to ‘control Eurasian heartland in opposition to Western Christianity and Islam’ (p253). Therefore, Le Donne was showing how Russia’s aim was to stop the spreading of religious motives in order to gain expansion of its empire. The main comparison within the two empires is that their aim both included religious believes.

The operation and control of power with the target areas within the empires are another interesting comparison. The different types of empire have different forms of operations. Portugal was interested only in the trade of goods. Henceforth; all operations within the Portuguese empire were aimed towards this. Grell understands Portugal to be an ‘empire primarily feudal system’ (Block 2, p195). Another form of operation which is relevant to the Portuguese expansion of its empire was the control of ‘trade in the Indian Ocean’ (Block 2, p195). Another operation which happened within the target areas of the Portuguese empires is that of the intermarrying of nations which was ‘uniting Christian and Hindu population against the Muslim enemy’ (Block 2, p210). This linked to the religious aim of expanding the empire. Operations within Russia were however different to Portugal, many included the successful sieges, such as the ‘fortified city of Kazan’ (Block 2, p234) and the ‘capture of Volga’ (Block 2, p236). Similarly to Portugal, Russia did have a trade link, although not as strong as Portugal’s. This trade link was of fur from Siberia. This trading empire was helped by the rivers of Siberia, this is due to it providing a movement to the east. Williams describes this as Russia being a ‘water-borne empire’ (Block 2, p262). This operation was also similar to the Portuguese empire; a ‘strong of commercial enclaves and bases that took its ships around Africa… into Asia’ (Block 1, p58). The operations of Portuguese and Russian empire have similarities as well as differences, due to the nature of the empires overlapping in some cases.

The systems, structures and institutions within the two different forms of empires contrast considerably. Lawrence believed that ‘empires are systems of interaction as well as domination’ (Block 2, P239). Portugal’s main system was for trade; the use of the sea ports in order to expand. This later, due to its fierce competition caused ‘no match for Dutch capitalist system’; so this system was short lived (Block 2, p195). The economic system of Portugal was clear to see with the primary purpose being trade and therefore money driven. For instance, within the new trading of the ‘spices, gold and ivory’ the Portuguese had options which ‘bought and sold items on behalf of the crown’ (Block 2, p208). This highlights the tight control which the crown had upon the empire as they instructed the trade of their empire, and all royalties went back to the crown. In comparison, the economic system of Russia was ‘impetus to settle newly conquered territory’ (p24). This demonstrates a demonstrative attitude towards economics as it appeared as one of their main policies within the metropole. Chant examined how ‘imperialism drove the economy rather than economic initiative leading empire’ (Block 2, p247). This is relevant to Russia as, unlike Portugal with trade, money gain was only a secondary factor to the expansion of empire. The control with which Portugal wished to portray was not accomplished within the administrative structure of the empire. Highlighting this is that at the Estado da India, instead of being run by the King in Lisbon, it was ‘controlled and run by his representatives, Viceroy’ (Block 2, p205). The Russian strategy by brute force from the military, which was ‘applied ruthlessly’ is a contrast from that of Portugal, whom used negotiation in order to expand ones empire (Block 2, p240).

Comparing the trading empire of Portugal with the land empire of Russia is intriguing when it comes to the impact which the empires had inflicted upon target areas. Within the empire of Portugal, Grell understands its empire as a ‘policy of plunder and extortion’ (Block 2, p200). Henceforth, the indigenous people were met with force in relation to the expansion of the trading empire of Portugal. Linschotens enhanced the ‘absolute power of the Viceroy’, showing how the control of the inhabited places were compromised by trading invaders (Block 2, p205). However, the impact within Portugal was not entirely forceful, without the ‘collaboration from indigenous people’ the expansion of their trade into Asia would not have been successful (Block 2, p206). The trading empire of Portugal impacted on target areas as the merchants ‘intermarried local populations’ (Block 2, p209). This impacted due to it manipulating the control of the country by the marrying the women of Goa. Intermarrying impacted the acceptance trading industry had within the countries. Contrasting this is the Russian impact which it had upon its empire. The differing features of a land empire are apparent here, as little of the similarities within Portuguese impact relate to Russia. Unlike Portugal intermarrying, Russian empire depended ‘on heavy taxation of its own people and tribute from those assimilated into the empire’ (Block 2, p241). This demonstrates how the impact was of similar treatment to their own nation. Portugal compared to Russian empire, relied on ‘the deals with local rulers: deals that benefited both parties because of the potential trading benefits’ (Block 1, p22). This highlights the similarity between the two empires as both were willing to accept benefits from the countries, as well as take for their own gain; not one sided control of power. Williams comments how ‘geographical, human or ecological’ environments all had an exceeding ‘impact on how and whether empires began’ (Block 2, p262). Portugal, in relation to this was believed to have succeeded and impacted on others due to its ‘naval superiority’ (Block 1, p22). While Russia did not have any other countries wishing to expand around them, therefore their expansion had an enormous impact upon surrounding countries during expansion. This is exemplified by Grell as Russia being ‘relatively unobstructed Eurasian land mass stretching from central Europe to Siberia’ (Block 2, p212). Gibson emphasises this further by the ‘vast amount of land to the east of Russia’ stating that there was ‘no imperial power was interested’ (Block 2, p246). The impact upon target areas by both empires vary, but both included features expected, such as brutality and control, alongside the cooperation from country leaders in order to expand ones empire.

To conclude, the trading empire of Portugal and the land empire of Russia both overlap in the comparisons in relation to their expansion. The aims of the empires are similar in the fact that both have links to religious reasons for expansion. The operations within the Portuguese empire are linked to the motion of trade, with the cooperation with the target areas affected by the empire, whereas Russia used brutality in order to expand its empire. The systems, strategies and institutions of the two empires are contrasting in terms of economics, Portugal leading empire with economics, whereas Russia used economics in order to support its empire. Finally, the impact upon target areas of empire, are similar due to the geographical locations of the empires and motherlands.

BIBLIOGRPAHY

Mackie, R. (2008) Mapping empire in history in Block 1 What are empires?, Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp 12-40

Hack, K. (2008) Tools and terms for studying empire in Block 1 What are empires?, Milton Keynes, The Open University, Pp 41-78

Lawrence, P. (2008) Empires of the mind in Block 1 What are empires?, Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp 79-110

Williams, C. (2008) Introduction to Block 2, in Block 2 How do empires begin, Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp 115-119

Grell, O. (2008) Empires of Trade? The Portuguese and the Dutch in east Asia 1580-1670, in Block 2 How do empires begin, Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp 194-226

Chant, C. (2008) The expansion of Russia 1500-1725, in Block 2 How do empires begin, Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp 227-261

Williams, C. (2008) Conclusion to Block 2, in Block 2 How do empires begin, Milton Keynes, The Open University, p 262

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millermartin · 8 years ago

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WHAT CAN THE EXTRACT TELL US ABOUT FRENCH ATTITUDES TO EMPIRE IN THE LATE 19TH TO EARLY 20TH CENTURY?

This is a written article of a critique of imperialism on colonies. The advantages of this source are the detailed descriptions of the French elite viewpoint on empires. Consequently, the disadvantages include a biased opinion from an intellectual as inclusive of all forms of societies in France. Furthermore, there is no evidence to support the negative viewpoints within the document, making this document a very one sided argument. This source clearly highlights the negative French attitude, but one must understand other attitudes did occur within this period; which are not included within the source.

Anatole France, a leading French writer, wrote this article in 1904; a significant year as Britain and France signed the Entente Cordiale, an agreement which ended the colonial arguments in North America and created a mutual understanding between both countries. Being printed within the ‘Neue Freie Presse’ highlights how this article was aimed towards a liberal elite audience. This would obviously affect the type of language and attitudes expressed. Anatole France clearly desired to use his liberal knowledge to convert his audience to his understanding and attitude towards empires in this period.

France’s use of comparative language between barbarism and imperialism signifies clearly a negative attitude towards empires. Barbarism can be identified as either the ‘collapse of civilisation’; which can be described as contradictory from the French Culture, or as ‘extreme cruelty and brutality’. France is expressing how he requests to keep the French nation separate from the ‘extreme cruelty’ of empires. From this, one can interpret the French attitude towards empire being negative. This clearly expresses how France believed the French to be too civilised to join the vulgarity linked to empires. Henceforth, France demonstrated how the French had a negative attitude towards empires in this period due to his use of demoralising language.

Similarly to linking barbarism to imperialism, this extract describes the French nation as being timid. Significantly this shows how one might view the attitude that the French nation is not brave enough for the content linked to empires. France highlights how the French can ‘hardly ever leave our own gardens’, demonstrating the timid nature of the French (France, 1904). Thus one can witness that the French hold a cowardly attitude towards themselves. France thence believed that the French nation craved to not be involved with holding an empire within this period.

Furthermore to this, France demonstrates the attitude that France had nothing to gain from holding empires. Indicating how ‘colonies bring only danger and ruin’ signifies how the French only witness the corrupt thing from empires (France, 1904). France displays evidence that the French nation gained nothing from the colonial lands by specifically mentioning the empires of ‘Africa and Asia’ (France, 1904). France signifies how the French believed that it had nothing to gain from the notion of empires. The extract deliberated about the gain for others at the expense of the French; emphasising the negative attitude the French felt towards empires between late 19th and early 20th century. The French evidently witnessed the gains for others in replacement of themselves. France displays how the French paid cost in ‘lives and money’ while other countries benefitted from being able to ‘buy cotton from Manchester’ (France, 1904). Continuing on from this is how the hard work of the French was abused by other nations to gain for themselves. France exemplifies this by the French having ‘attacked and persecutes the Arabs’ so that the ‘Italians and Spanish’ could gain for themselves (France, 1904). To this end, France demonstrated one of the reasoning towards the French negative attitude towards empires within this period. This is due to the fact that the French as paying for other countries gain rather than themselves, they witness that empires are a pointless entity.

France uses rhetorical question within the extract to show a demoralising notion towards empires. Deliberately, France uses this ridiculing language of “what in the world do we need colonies” indicates clearly how the French attitudes towards empires is too ridiculous to comprehend. Henceforth the use of rhetorical question by France signifies the knowledge of how the French understood how they could not cope with the notion of empires. Therefore in order to appear powerful still, the liberal writer France felt the need to ridicule empires in order to retain their strength.

Attitudes towards empires have been battled out between historians. Diderot exemplifies, similarly to France, a ridiculing attitude towards empires of explorers and sympathises towards the indigenous people. Diderot believed that explorers claimed too frequently ‘this country now belongs to us’ (Lawrence, p88). Diderot, additionally states how the explorers have ‘no right’ to anything within the country so ‘why does it belong to you?’. This demonstrates how Diderot understood the demoralising nature attached to empires, with the indigenous people losing all rights in their own country to the rule of invaders. Contradicting this is Tocequeville’s understanding on advocating the importance of empires in order to hold ‘French internal political solidarity’ (Lawrence, p89). Tocequeville eloquently shows the French attitude of self-maintenance through empires; believing that empires would ‘heighten national prestige’ by France beginning to gain pride within their nation through their strength elsewhere (Lawrence, p89). Conklin’s understanding of empires as a ‘civilising mission’, similar to Tocequeville, demonstrates a positive attitude towards empires. French pride is clear here as he believed others would benefit from the ‘ideals of the revolution. Therefore eliminating the bad misconceptions of empires perceived; which are highlighted within the extract.

To conclude, this extract evidently indicates a negative attitude towards empires between late 19th and early 20th century. However, this is a biased viewpoint and is not an accurate account of the French attitudes due to it being written by and for an elite intellectual audience. This extract holds limited relevance to the views which the French might hold on other empires, such as the British. Henceforth it does not hold an accurate account of French attitudes towards empires within the period of late 19th to early 20th century.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Anatole, F. (1904) ‘French Empire’ in Page, M.E. (ed.) (2003) Colonialism: An International Social, Cultural, and Political Encyclopedia [online]. Available at:

http://ebooks.abc-clio.com.libezproxy.open.ac.uk/reader.aspx?isbn=9781576077627&id=COLONE.920

Lawrence, P. (2008) Empires of the mind in Block 1 What are empires?, Milton Keynes, The Open University.

The Oxford Dictionary Online (2010), The Oxford University Press

Britain and France sign Entente Cordiale. [Internet]. 2013. The History Channel website. Available from: http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/britain-and-france-sign-entente-cordiale [Accessed 5 Nov 2013].

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millermartin · 8 years ago

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How significant was the Peace of Alais in influencing the power of the monarchy within France in the years 1589-1715 compared to the other Huguenot Rebellions?

The Huguenots before 1589 were a high powered group of civilians who were the merchandise of France. The Huguenots were a small minority however in the population of France, consisting of only 10% of the population, the other 90% being Catholics. The Wars of Religion had been occurring for many centuries, many revolts had happened previous to this period. In this period many of the monarch’s and high powered people tried to control this religious rebellion which was caused by the rivalry between the two religions. The power of the Huguenots changed dramatically over this period, as many of the monarch’s had different views on what the Huguenots rightly deserved, or whether they are kept legal at all in the country. The Peace of Alais, one may believe is the most significant. As it took away the military and political powers granted to the Huguenots in the Edict of Nantes. However, it still allowed the basic rights from the Edict of Nantes, that the Huguenots could still practice their religion. This made the Huguenots well behaved, and only minor rebellions occurred in France after this Edict was passed. The Huguenots feared that, if they rebelled, then their only right of being a legal religion would be taken away from them. All of the acts which the monarchs entailed on the Huguenots were to increase the power of the monarchy, in hoping to create absolutism within France. The Peace of Alais was a significant movement towards

The Edict of Nantes was the first action which the King, Henry VI, had passed. He wanted to stop the rebellions in France between the two religions. ‘The Edict of Nantes succeeded in maintaining peace, as the population was ready to accept anything which offers a respite to the hostilities’ (the development of a nations state. France). The Huguenots were permitted religious freedom to worship, political; as the Huguenots were allowed to have their own courts and judges, to avoid prejudice actions by the Catholics against them, and military rights; along with two fortresses, in La Rochelle and Montpellier. However, this was only a short term option, as when a segregated group is given a certain amount of power they believe that they have the power and will to rise up and revolt. In the contrary to this, the Peace of Alais was a long term option for many reasons. The Peace of Alais kept the religious rights of the Edict of Nantes, but the military and political rights were taken away. This gave the Huguenots all that was necessary to keep them at bay from revolt. The Edict of Nantes put a temporary end to the wars of religion, but it was the Peace of Alais that fulfilled this role completely. With the Peace of Alais, the ‘fear of a state with in a state was no longer there’ (the development of France during the reign of Louis XIII). The Peace of Alais showed that within the Edict of Nantes, Henry VI had been too generous, the terms within the Edict of Nantes was given to the Huguenots out of desperate need for peace. This also shows how weak Henry VI was as a monarch. He was unable to control the country, and the only way to cause temporary peace was to give the Huguenots what they wanted. Henry VI gave in too easily. Richelieu and Louis XIII had a lot more power over the civilians of France, as they recognized that the Edict of Nantes had given a small minority a lot of power, causing them to be a threat towards the Monarchy. Richelieu therefore advised the King to strip the Huguenots of their political and military rights, but leaving them with their religious rights. After the Edict of Nantes it appeared like absolute monarchy was never going to happen, as the King was intimidated by a small minority in France.

The power of the Huguenots before The Siege of La Rochelle was huge, as the Edict of Nantes had given the Huguenots powers which could threat the Monarchy, the military and political rights. Richelieu personally viewed the Siege of La Rochelle. Briggs believed that ‘by 1625, La Rochelle, one of the great Huguenot strongholds, was in open revolt’ (Briggs). Briggs states that Richelieu understood the power in which the Huguenots held had to change, ‘that the Huguenots could not remain in the privileged state left to them by the Edict of Nantes’. The power of the Huguenots was too strong compared to the Monarchy, as the Huguenots were able to dictate to the Monarchy, because of their military and political rights which were in the terms of the Edict of Nantes. The Huguenots strong hold in La Rochelle enhanced the Huguenots power, as La Rochelle was one of the biggest Ports in France. This made the Huguenots a huge threat to the monarchy, as they had control of what goes in and out of the country at La Rochelle. ‘The 14 month siege of La Rochelle shows how formidable the revolt could have been if it had been followed by a general rising, or if Richelieu had failed to rise to the occasion’ (cardinal Richelieu and the development of absolutism). Absolute monarchy appears to be more likely after the Siege of La Rochelle, ending in the Peace of Alais, and the Monarchy had taken control of a disruptive situation. However, one may argue against this, as Richelieu’s power was high at this point. How can there be an absolute monarch if Cardinal Richelieu was advising the king for the terms of the Peace of Alais.

During the two Frondes, The Fronde of the Parlement and the Fronde of the Princes, this was the perfect time for the Huguenots to rebel. In previous rebellions, the Huguenots had always rebelled during times in which the Monarchy and the army are preoccupied by other problems. For example, when the Huguenots rebelled at La Rochelle, the army was fighting the Spanish and other foreign powers, trying to improve the power of their empire. This does not happen however during the Fronde. The Huguenots caused no problems during the Fronde. This is because the Peace of Alais had been ‘an intelligent peace’ that ‘answered the loyalty of a small but economically significant part of the population’ (the development of France during the reign of Louis XIII). The fact that the Huguenots did not revolt during the Fronde shows their change of loyalty towards the King and the Monarchy. If the Fronde had happened before the Peace of Alais, then maybe the result would have been different, the Huguenots would have probably seized the opportunity to revolt against the Monarchy. Another factor as to why the Huguenots didn’t revolt during the Fronde was how the fear had been put upon them after the Peace of Alais. The Huguenots were afraid that the last right which they kept from the Edict of Nantes, their religious rights would be taken away from them if they revolted or caused any trouble. After the Peace of Alais, the Huguenots kept a low profile, no longer being a threat the monarchy.

The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes was registered by the parlement of Paris on 22nd October 1685. Many years before the Edict of Nantes was revoked, the Huguenots were horrifically persecuted. Louis didn’t want to shock the country by revoking the Edict of Nantes straight after becoming king; however, he gradually undid Henry VI regulations of the Edict of Nantes. This was until it was easier just to revoke the Edict of Nantes, as most of the regulations had been cancelled out. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes wasn’t a reaction, but just expressed Louis XIV’s hatred of the Huguenots. ‘The news of revocation was greeted with joy by almost all of the Catholics’ (Louis XIV Peter Robert Campbell). At the Peace of Alais, Richelieu and Louis XIII had increased the fear within the Huguenots, by only leaving them with the right to exist and worship the Protestant Faith. This fear made the Huguenots loyal towards the crown, as they feared that their right to exist would be stripped from them, like their political and military rights had been. Briggs firmly states that ‘the Peace of Grace obtained the deserved reward, for over the next few decades the Huguenots never gave the government real clause for concern’ (Briggs). This was all undone by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The Huguenots no longer had that fear which drove them to be loyal towards the Monarchy, but just general fear for their lives. The Peace of Alais only took the necessary rights away from the Huguenots which would improve the Power of the Monarchy. ‘The Peace of Alais did not destroy them, it merely destroyed the so called Huguenot republic’ (Richelieu profiles in power). In the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, the ‘religious tolerance’ which had been granted in the Peace of Alais was taken away, and the Huguenot religion was made illegal in France. The Revocation brought huge change to France, and the majority of this isn’t positive. ‘It led to the departure of many foreign craftsmen from the kingdom’. (Louis XIV Peter Robert Campbell) This also removed Richelieu’s work at the Peace of Alais, where, because of their religious rights still intact, the Huguenots cause no trouble for the monarchy. This kept the Huguenots in the country, which brought the money into the French economy, as majority of the Huguenots were craftsmen. However, as the Revocation has caused the Huguenots to fear for their lives, over ‘200,000 Huguenots emigrated to Holland, Brandenburg, England and the New World’ (Louis XIV France and Europe 1661-1715). This brought the economy of these rival countries up, while the French economy fell. The way in which Louis XIV had treated the Huguenots had ‘aroused anger in Europe’ (Louis XIV Peter Robert Campbell). This is in contrast with the Peace of Alais, which had built up the royal power rather than destroying it. The Huguenots were no longer a threat after the Peace of Alais as their military powers had been removed. After the Edict of Nantes was revoked, the threat was greater from outside, the corruption of the French monarchy was on full show to the world, it was no longer an internal problem, but an external one.

The revocation of the Edict of Nantes ‘was an act of royal absolutism, but it was also negative and destructive’. The Huguenots no longer helped with the French economy and the French corruption was now a public problem in Europe. As soon as the King had accomplished absolutism, it was taken away from him. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes was a significant movement away from absolutism. As although the King had a ‘bid to restore unity in France’ (the development of the nation state of France) by making the Huguenot religion illegal, many foreign countries were disgusted about how the French Monarchy had treated the Huguenots. ‘The Edict of Nantes led to an exodus of bitter Huguenots whose writings tended to portray Louis as a religious tyrant’. (Louis XIV Peter Robert Campbell) The Huguenots brought mixed feelings to the foreign countries which they emigrated to, as Louis XIV had managed to create absolutism, but the French society looked corrupt from outsiders. Many of the Huguenots spread around the horrific persecutions which they had to endure during the lead up to the revocation.

Louis XIV biographer ‘Bluche has gone as far as to claim that, given public opinion, Louis had no option but to revolt’. ( Louis XIV France and Europe 1661-1715) . Many of these policies which the Monarchy of France passed to try to create absolutism within France would not have happened if they hadn’t have gained the citizens backing. The Edict of Nantes had been encouraged by the citizens of France, as both religions were fed up with the Wars of Religion. Therefore, they would have accepted anything which would encourage peace. The Peace of Alais made the Catholics happy as the new policy kept the Huguenots under the control of a Catholic King, as the Huguenots were stripped of their military and political rights. In conclusion this means that at the Peace of Alais, the Huguenots were no longer a threat. The Peace of Alais also kept the Huguenots on side of the monarchy as they were still allowed to worship their religion, which they were very thankful of. This brought loyalty to the King from the Huguenots, who caused no major trouble after the Peace of Alais. One cannot be naïve and believe that no rebellions or trouble was caused after this point, but nothing significant that was a major turning point occurred afterwards. Finally the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes was fully supported by the Catholics, as the Huguenots were no longer legal, and therefore would be unity to the now officially Catholic country. The Huguenots were a small population, and as their military rights had been taken away in the Peace of Alais, the Huguenots had no means to revolt.

In conclusion, all three events are important to this period, and each changed the power of the Huguenots dramatically, finally leading to the absolutism of Louis XIV. Although Louis XIV had managed to create absolutism, it was not successful, and had gone as quickly as it had come. It also brought major anger and rivalry from other foreign countries. The Edict of Nantes made the monarch appear very naïve to believe that giving that amount of power to a state within a state wouldn’t cause uproar in descending days. Therefore, the Peace of Alais is the most significant turning point throughout this period, as it was able to combine both the Edict of Nantes and the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, but at a mellow term. This kept both the religions at bay, and finished the wars of religion. However, the Peace of Alais didn’t create absolutism. One must argue, is absolutism possible?

Bibliography

Yves-Marie Berce, the birth of absolutism, the history of France1598-1661, 1996

Richard Wilkinson, Louis XIV France and Europe 1661-1715, 2002

Stephen J. Lee, Aspects of European History 1494-1789, 1978

R. J. Knecht, Richelieu Profiles in Power, 1991

Derrick Murphy, Michael Tillbrook, Patrick Walsh-Atkins, Europe 1450-1661, 2000

R.J. Knecht, Glen Richardson, The development of the Nation State: France 1498-1610, 2009

Peter Robert Campbell, Louis XIV 1661-1715, 1993

Leonard W. Cowie, Louis XIV, 1975

G.R.R Treasure, Cardinal Richelieu and the development of Absolutism, 1972

Robin Briggs, Early Modern France 1560-1715, 1977

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