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Incompetence, Injury & Insult.
Article 355 of the Indian Constitution plays a crucial role in upholding the federal nature of the Indian State. It places the duty on the Union (central government) to safeguard each state from both external aggression and internal disturbances. Additionally, the Union is entrusted with the responsibility to ensure that the government of every state operates in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.
This two significant obligations of the central government:
First, it reinforces the principle that the central government must act as a protector and not as a destabilizing force for the states. By affirming the federal nature, it acknowledges the importance of maintaining a cooperative and harmonious relationship between the Union and the states.
Second, Article 355 reminds the central government that it cannot remain a passive observer when a state is poorly governed or facing unrest. Instead, it must take proactive measures to rectify the situation and ensure proper governance within the state. This ensures that the constitutional rights and welfare of the people in each state are safeguarded.
The concern raised about the recent situation in Manipur, where both obligations of Article 355 seem to have been violated. Since May 3, 2023, Manipur has been witnessing violence and unrest, with over 120 people losing their lives. Surprisingly, the Prime Minister and the central government have remained silent on the matter, failing to address the situation adequately.
Speculations on possible reasons for this negligence.
• It could be that Manipur is governed by the same political party of the Prime Minister, as the central government (BJP), making the central government hesitant to reprimand or dismiss the state government, as it could be seen as harming its own political interests and tamper their image of being firm on their stand.
• It might be that the Prime Minister wants to distance himself from the Chief Minister of Manipur, who has became unpopular. This distancing could be an attempt to protect the image of the central govt and its "double-engine government" rhetoric.
• Or the Prime Minister has set certain hierarchy as, matters like these will not at all be uttered or discussed by him. Either the PM is too big for this matter or this issue is so immaterial against PM’s larger than life image (as he might thinks).
Furthermore, the geographical distance of Manipur from the political center might also contribute to the central government's indifference. Since the repercussions of the situation in Manipur may not have a direct impact on the rest of the country, therefore, the central government doesn’t want to intervene promptly.
The trigger for the recent violence in Manipur, was an ill-advised court order. The court directed the state government to recommend the inclusion of Meiteis (a community in Manipur) in the Scheduled Tribes list. This decision sparked clashes between the Meiteis and Kukis, highlighting the delicate political balance among the three major communities in the state.
Article 355 is significant in maintaining the federal structure of India and protecting the interests of each state. The apparent indifference of Modi government towards the ongoing unrest in Manipur, raises concerns about the potential consequences of neglecting its constitutional obligations.
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Diminishing democracy: Caveats to India’s Parliamentary System.
The declining state of India's parliamentary democracy, as reflected by various international indices and internal observations.
• The U.S.-based Freedom House labeled India as a "partially free democracy,"
• The V-Dem Institute referred to it as an "electoral autocracy," and
• The Economist Intelligence Unit ranked India at 53 in its Democracy Index. The author highlights specific factors contributing to this decline:
▪️Diminished Importance of Urgent Matters:
Rule 267, allowing discussions on urgent public matters, has been repeatedly rejected by the Chair in both Houses of Parliament. This implies that urgent issues of public concern are not being adequately addressed or discussed, reflecting a lack of responsiveness in the parliamentary system.
▪️Presidential Approach of the Prime Minister:
The current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, is rarely present in Parliament and usually lets a minister respond on his behalf. This "presidential" approach deviates from past leaders who actively participated in parliamentary debates. This shift can undermine the core principles of a parliamentary democracy.
▪️Limited Parliamentary Sessions:
The number of parliamentary sittings has decreased. In 2021, Lok Sabha held 59 sittings & the Rajya Sabha 58 sittings. In 2022, there were just 56 sittings each of the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha. Many of the ‘sittings’ were washed out because of disruptions. The use of tactics like obstructionism and disruptions by the ruling party or opposition can render parliamentary sessions irrelevant, leading to the passage of bills without meaningful debates.
▪️Debates Eroded:
Both Houses of Parliament have historically been forums for debate, but the current government shows reluctance to allow debates. Fear of uncomfortable truths being brought to light during debates may be driving this trend, undermining the essence of parliamentary democracy.
▪️Potential for One-Party Rule:
The dominance of a single party in multiple states and the ability to elect a significant number of members i.e. 362 members (NDA) in Lok Sabha & 163 members in Rajya Sabha of Parliament can lead to a shift towards one-party rule. This scenario might erode the essence of a multi-party democracy and, if unchecked, lead to a "People's Republic."
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Strained Federalism: Centre-State Dynamics in India
In recent times, there have been notable incidents that highlight a growing concern over the perceived attack on the federal system by the central government in India. The federal system is a fundamental feature of India's governance structure, which grants significant powers to both the central government and the individual states. However, certain actions and decisions by the central government have raised questions about the proper balance and respect for federal principles. Some of these incidents are as follows:
Disregard for State Governments: One of the key aspects of the federal system is respecting the autonomy of state governments. However, there have been instances where the central government has taken unilateral decisions without consulting or seeking the consent of state governments. This lack of consultation erodes the cooperative and collaborative spirit that is vital for a healthy federal structure.
Imposition of Central Policies: The central government's tendency to impose its policies on states without considering their unique needs and circumstances has been a source of tension. In several instances, states have expressed reservations about certain policies, arguing that they may not be suitable or effective in their specific contexts.
Use of Central Agencies: There have been allegations of the central government misusing central investigative and law enforcement agencies to target political opponents in certain states. This not only undermines the federal spirit but also raises concerns about the misuse of power for political gains.
Financial Squeeze: Some states have accused the central government of withholding or reducing funds that are rightfully due to them, creating financial strain and hindering their ability to undertake development projects and welfare initiatives independently.
Controversial Legislation: The enactment of certain laws by the central government, which encroach upon subjects falling under the domain of states, has been a contentious issue. This has led to legal challenges and debates over the constitutional validity of such legislation.
Centralization of Power: It could be argued that the central government's approach at times appears to concentrate power and decision-making in its hands, diminishing the role and autonomy of state governments in important matters.
Challenges to State Laws: There have been instances where state laws have been challenged or overridden by central authorities, leading to disputes over jurisdiction and the extent of states' legislative powers.
It is essential to maintain a delicate balance between the central government's authority and the autonomy of states within the federal structure. The collaborative spirit between the central government and states is crucial for effective governance and promoting cooperative federalism.
To address these concerns, it is imperative for the central government and states to engage in constructive dialogue, respect each other's jurisdiction, and uphold the principles of federalism. Striking the right balance is not only vital for the stability of India's democracy but also for fostering a cooperative and inclusive system that caters to the diverse needs of the nation.
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What is Mass Formation Psychosis?
Psychosis is when people lose some contact with reality. Mass formation psychosis is when a large part of a society focuses its attention to a leader(s) or a series of events and their attention focuses on one small point or issue. Followers can be hypnotized and be led anywhere, regardless of data proving otherwise. A key aspect of the phenomena is that the people they identify as the leaders the one's that can solve the problem or issue alone — they will follow that leader(s) regardless of any new information or data. Furthermore, anybody who questions the leader's narrative are attacked and disregarded.
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LOVE
A mathematics teacher once came to a class and asked the students a question,
"If A = B and B = C, then A = C. Can you give me a practical example for this?" One boy said, it’s simple ma’am. "I love you, you love your daughter!" Well I don’t think I need to complete that equation.
Often romantic relationships can be like a deck of cards. They begin with diamonds and hearts, and end with clubs and spades. Love at first sight, and divorce at first fight. Ever wondered, what makes a relationship meaningful, genuine, lasting forever? Ever wondered what is true love?
Love is more than the often used three words, I LOVE YOU! Love is more than those sentiments and touchy feelings. Love is not a noun. Love is a verb, it is full of action.
Imagine a guy saying to a girl, “I Love You,” and she says, “Can you give me a lift to go to college?” He says, “No, but I truly love you.” She says, “But can you actually drop me to the college?” He says, “But I actually love you from the core of my heart.” Those three words, I LOVE YOU, in any relationship only have as much depth and meaning as the attitude to serve the beloved. Love is less about romance, more about respect, because remember, romantic feelings are always in a flux, they are today and not tomorrow. Today you are in a great mood, you have those romantic feelings. Tomorrow you are not in a great mood, you don’t feel those romantic feelings. And initial charm in any relationship, goes down with time. But respect for each other and respect for each other’s individuality doesn’t die down with time. Feelings go down with time, respect doesn’t. And it is that respect not romance that becomes the foundation for all of our feelings which can sometimes be like an emotional roller coaster. Love is less about my rights and more about responsibilities for your welfare. It means striving for physical, emotional, spiritual welfare of of the person we truly love. Love is less about knowing the person and more about caring for the person.
Didn’t someone say - “I don’t care how much you know until I actually know how much you care. A caring heart walks more than the extra mile to offer the service to the beloved. Love is a great blend of caring and daring. Daring to accept the person completely regardless of their faults and short comings. Daring to practice the virtue of forgiveness and to be able to let go of the mistakes and the blunders, small and big in that relationship. Yes, it’s like the beautiful colourful, fragrant rose, those emotional feelings. But it is also like accepting the thorn that come along with the rose, those weaknesses, those short comings, those faults. Yes, love is about complete acceptance, a package deal like a rose, beautiful in its colour and fragrance but also coming along with the thorn.
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It’s an emotionally dead generation, we live in!
Welcome to the new age of relationships in which people don't even know what they are feeling. People are screwing with lives because they are not sure what they want in a relationship. Love becomes a want, and soon it becomes a burden. The lips convince the other, but the heart beats in emptiness. It is all about the body, but they fool the other into souls. Loyalty becomes suffocating, and care feels like a chore. Everyone is hurt, but nobody was at fault. The hearts that have the purity for love are just too shattered to love again. And the souls that are black to their core roam around spitting those three magical words. We have lost the meaning of love because we don't have the depth for anything. We have been reduced to meme-laughing, empty-headed, half-depressed clowns who are living a dark comedy as a lifestyle. We have become walking zombies, infecting the next person with the disease called, no heart. We are a lost generation wandering around dead inside.
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The Yaqoob-Amrit story could have healed us.
Quite often it’s the little things we say or do that make a difference. The cheering smile, the comforting pat on the shoulder, the collusive wink, the carefully-chosen word of praise. Each of them speaks more than words can. Whether you’re friends or strangers, separated by language and culture, adult or adolescent, we grasp their meaning immediately. And this is something politicians understand better than most of us. It’s part of the bag of ‘tricks’ they so effectively use.
This is why I’m amazed, no one in government and not a single person in the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has chosen to applaud the incredible — in fact, almost unbelievable — behaviour of Mohammed Yaqoob. He and his childhood friend Amrit Kumar were returning on top of a truck from Surat to their village Banpati in Bihar 2,254 kilometres away when Amrit started feeling unwell. Yaqoob pleaded with the driver to stop and let Amrit see a doctor, but the driver and their fellow travellers refused. Instead, they insisted Amrit get off. Unwilling to leave his friend, Yaqoob got off as well.
Alone and deserted on the highway, far away from help, Amrit’s condition deteriorated. Yaqoob placed his head on his lap, sprinkled water from a half- empty bottle on Amrit’s face and wiped his forehead to bring down his temperature. I find the picture of this heartbreaking moment hard to see without tears filling my eyes. “I realised Amrit might not survive,” Yaqoob later recalled. “He was trying to speak but could only make some sounds.” Yaqoob’s fears proved correct. Though a passing ambulance took him to hospital, Amrit died that night. Yaqoob ended up in an isolation facility at a district hospital where he waits to find out if he’s coronavirus disease-positive.
Questioned by journalists as to why he had risked his life, Yaqoob’s answer was without artifice. “Just as my parents are waiting to see me, uske bhi mummy papa ruke the.” Amrit was 24, Yaqoob is 23. Their story has lessons for people decades older but filled with prejudice and hatred. If only they could be told about it.
This is where our ruling politicians could have made a huge difference. There’s so much else they tweet and talk about, yet, of this uplifting story, they had nothing to say. It can’t be that they did not know, because it was in several papers. And it’s not that it wasn’t in our country’s bigger interest — as well as their own narrow advantage — that it be publicised. After the divisions we’ve seen over the C(A)A and NRC, the Delhi riots and the Tablighi Jammat — which have shamed us in international eyes and, particularly, those of West Asia — highlighting this story and praising Yaqoob could have sent a forceful message of Hindu-Muslim fraternity. One that would speak more convincingly than pompous diplomatic demarches and verbose (over-spoked) comments by official spokespersons.
When I first read about Yaqoob and Amrit, I felt this was a moment for the government, but most of all, the Prime Minister (PM) to respond to the charge that they’re contrary to Muslims. Imagine the impact, if the PM had praised Yaqoob and spoken of his affection for Amrit as an example of the love that binds India’s people together? It would have reverberated in every Muslim home in India and right through the countries of West Asia where the belief that India — and this government— is not fond of Muslims is gaining credibility. It could also have made PM Modi look like a secular statesman.
We need to repair our image, not just in the eyes of the world, but even more in our own. Yaqoob gave the government a chance to do so. A single tweet, a carefully-crafted reference, a deliberately leaked letter of praise is all that was needed, But that little gesture would’ve proved too much. However, I’m optimistic. Often foolishly so. There’s still “Mann ki Baat”. I’ll be listening it next Sunday with my fingers crossed.
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Counting the zeros of 2,00,00,00,00,00,000 in 2020.
The ‘fiscal stimulus’ package of nearly ₹20 lakh crore that was announced on May 12th, by our honourable Prime Minister, is not actually as relieving as it sounds. There will be nothing wrong if I say that the package is transcendent for the ‘Headline Management’ rather than crisis management and it was all about marginalising the screen time of migrant labour distress. It should be kept in mind that the Union budget for year 2020-21 was ₹30.4 lakh crores (to be very precise ₹30,42,230 crores), which is approx. 15% of the GDP of the country. Total GDP of India is ₹190.54 lakh crores (US$ 3.2 trillion)
Last year central government announced a package of ₹100 lakh crores for infrastructure development projects. Now the question arises that if the last years budget of the government was ₹30.4 lakh crore, then how can it announce a package of worth ₹100 lakh crores? Well, “la risposta si trova qui!” (the answer is here!)
In that package the total budget expenditure of the government (in simple term — engagement of govt. money) was only about ₹7,000-8,000 crores and the remaining amount was to be financed to infrastructure companies by banks as loans. The banks didn’t financed the infrastructure projects because they found that many of the infrastructure companies were already running in huge losses and were turning into NPA’s. As a result, that package halted there only.
Structure of the so-called 20 lakh crores package (as per announced by govt.) —
March 26th, 2020 - ₹1.92 lakh crores
May 06th, 2020 - ₹8.1 lakh crores (by RBI)
May 13th, 2020 - ₹5.94 lakh crores
May 14th, 2020 - ₹3.10 lakh crores
May 15th, 2020 - ₹1.5 lakh crores
May 16th, 2020 - ₹81,000 crores
May 17th, 2020 - ₹40,000 crores
The fact here to be remembered is that - ‘currently we need to restart our economy, not to stimulate it.’ Stimulation is provided when a running economy is going through a slowdown. Presently, we are at 0% growth where all the business enterprises were fully shut since more than 50 days. A slowdown could be stimulated, but not breakdown.
There are three kinds of packages —
Fiscal package - expenditures from the government's earnings for public in form of tax subsidies, direct transfers and injecting funds directly in the economy.
Financial package - government asks banks to provide finance to citizens for boosting economy by liberalising rules for loans or sometimes acting as a guarantor to banks.
Monetary package - RBI decides to infuse liquidity in the economy by reducing repo rate**, so banks can provide loans to public at lower interest rates.
A ‘financial package’ can’t be termed as ‘stimulus’ package because the process of granting a loan entirely depends upon the bank, it is a transaction between a bank and the applicant. Government here, can only be a facilitator among both. Whether bank will sanction/provide a loan or not, depends fully upon the credibility of that applicant.
On May 13th, finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman announced that ₹3.7 lakh crores from the total package of ₹20 lakh crores, would be provided to MSME (Micro, Small and Medium Enterprise) sector as debt finance (loans), guaranteed by the central government. She also added that a 12 month moratorium period will be provided to Small Enterprises.
It must be committed to the memory that — ‘moratorium’ will only be for the principal amount but the interest calculated by banks would be on a ‘compounding’ basis. Compounded calculations of interest for 12 months for a Small Enterprise is not an easy play, where interest rates would be decided by the banks. This package was entirely dependent on the sole discretion of banks, whether to provide loans or not and also upon the enterprise’s willingness to take up a loan. The entire focus of this package is only upon — loan, loan, cheap loan, MSME loan and loan. People are being pushed to a system which is entirely based upon the ‘debt/credit finance’.
Post 9 to 12 months scenario due to this package :
After the period of about one year, we might experience that a majority of depositors will be seen, whose deposits will get eroded in terms of interest. They will not even be getting as much returns as their cost of living or inflation would have been. SBI had reduced its interest rates on the fixed deposits thrice, in the last 4 months.
Indian banks who were already trapped in a web of bad debts will be groaning, because of distribution of these new loans. It is also possible that we may experience a completely new explosive form of debt crisis.
There is also a possibility of bank loan scams making a comeback in the Indian economy on an extensive scale because of political interference for compelling banks to provide loans to the dear ones or relatives of the politicians.
Till February 2020, Indian banks were already burdened with NPA’s of ₹9.9 lakh crores, and government was pressurising them for not sanctioning any more loans because of the growing numbers of NPA’s & frauds. Government was telling banks to clear their balance sheets by various means — bankruptcy code, writing off loans, putting provision funds for bad debts, creating bad banks etc. India’s major pre COVID economic highlights were only about ‘troubles of the banking sector’.
Just with the outbreak of COVID-19, the very first steps took by the RBI were — releasing liquidity of ₹4 lakh crores to banks to provide economic stimulus to various sectors as loans and, reducing the repo rate from 5.15% to 4.40% (cutting it by 75bps), it was the lowest in the history of the Reserve Bank of India. As a result, all the retail loans also hit the record low (in rates and demand), ever since 2009. Finance Minister admitted that banks are sanctioning loans but consumers are not willing to take them. Even one-third amount of the funds that RBI released for various sectors (Mutual Funds, NBFC’s, DISCOMs) were not used by the banks.
On May 4th, 2020, banks returned ₹8.54 lakh crores to the RBI via ‘reverse repo’ window. So, the RBI slashed reverse repo rate window because of this. On this event, FM Nirmala Sitharaman told that banks are not distributing loans and are keeping funds with the RBI. The banks were provisioning funds for future balancing for NPA’s and moratoriums, amid this, the RBI announced that it will not provide any dividends for the current year. Banks were calculating the losses that they had to bear in the coming year due to bad loans & NPA’s.
Suddenly, out of the way, May 12th, 2020 on 20:20hrs, a relief package of ₹20 lakh crores descended, and was announced with idea of “AatmaNirbhar Bharat” (Self-reliant India) by the PM Narendra Modi and was quoted as — “20 lakh crore in 2020”.
The basic default rate in India is close to 15%. So, if we calculate the maximum risk on the government for MSME sector package of ₹3.70 lakh crores, it will be around ₹15,000 - ₹20,000 crores. That also on a condition — ‘if’ these loans will get disbursed and get default, then only these would be repaid from the government treasury. The intent of government was not clear on emphasis to provide new loans to the bad MSME’s which are already in default and running in losses.
The contradiction and ridiculousness —
Just before a month from now (in April 2020), the government was directing banks to pause recoveries/provide moratoriums for a period of 3 months to the people and industries because they hadn’t performed any business operations as everything was completely closed due to the nationwide lockdown. And now (May 2020), the government is telling for those same industries, to take up a new loan to restart their business operations. It is quite obvious in nature that any enterprise will primarily focus to repay the existing/ongoing loans rather than taking up a new one.
The total amount of loans distributed in the Indian Banking System (IBS) is nearly ₹93.8 lakh crores, in this, ₹56 lakh crores is distributed to large industries, ₹11.8 lakh crores to agriculture industry and ₹26 lakh crores are personal/other retail loans including loans to small industries. The small industries for whom the package of ₹3.7 lakh crores was announced, are the industries that are already in debts of ₹10 lakh crores.
Till February 2020, these small industries were requesting the governments for restructuring of their loans and stop recoveries as they were going through a very bad phase due to the slowdown, since 2 years. Now the question is, Why the enterprises who were unable to repay their existing loans and demanding for restructuring of their loans in normal days, would take a new loan in a juncture when there is total ‘uncertainty’ for demands and supplies? Many industrial reports had caveated that a large number of defaults in retail loans will take place in the coming 6-9 months because of the unemployment occurred and occurring during & after the lockdown. The major problem of the Indian economy before the COVID-19 was only the debt-crisis — the debts in company’s accounts, debts in bank’s accounts, debts in state and central government’s accounts, and when the people were already struggling hard to get rid of the debt cycle; they suddenly are being sent back to a system where they should be going to take up another new debt, due to COVID-19 crisis. At last, I would conclude myself with the famous lines of the scholar ‘Nassim Nicholas Taleb’, — “The solution for a debt-crisis in any economy, cannot be a new debt”.
- M. YASHPAL
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