#Atlantic Provinces Library Association

[libraryben]

"Registration for Breaking Barriers: APLA Virtual Conference 2025, is now open!

Proposal Submission Deadline is March 14, 2025!

[Virtual]

Click here to visit our website! tinyurl.com/49pkevkb

[atlanticcanada]

Crisis shelters in Halifax 'will be removed' says municipality

A volunteer group that built so-called "crisis shelters" in Halifax to help those in the city who are homeless is upset the municipality plans to take them down.

Halifax Mutual Aid built 13 of the small wooden framed structures throughout the city earlier this year. There are several in front of Halifax's old library on Spring Garden Road, and others scattered on both sides of the bridges.

The group says all of them are now fully occupied and says there are also 21 people on its waiting list. "It was really important to us that people had somewhere safe with a roof over their head with a lock on their door," says group spokesperson Campbell McClintock.

When the first ones were erected in January, the city said Halifax Mutual Aid didn't have permission to build them on municipal land.

But at the time, it also said occupants would not be evicted unless they had somewhere else to go. Now, McClintock says the city has been informing occupants they will soon be provided another place to stay.

"And what the city is offering is a hotel room for no longer than two weeks," says McClintock, "maybe longer, although there's no guarantee it will be longer."

"And there's no promise," he adds, "of housing after the hotel room."

McClintock believes once the crisis shelters are all empty, the city will take them down. He says city officials have never directly communicated with the group about the municipality's plans.

In an email statement provided late Wednesday to CTV News in lieu of a requested interview, the municipality confirmed McClintock's suspicions.

"These shelters cannot remain on-site indefinitely and will be removed" writes city public affairs advisor Maggie-Jane Spray. "A deadline has not yet been finalized."

"Placing anything in a park for the purpose of temporary or permanent accommodation is not permitted under By-Law P-600."

The city says staff have been working with the province and Street Outreach Navigators to find adequate housing for the people living in the temporary shelters.

According to the Affordable Housing Association of Nova Scotia, the city has not made measurable progress on homelessness, with about 400 people in the city still without homes. Half of those people have been homeless for six months or longer.

The association's executive director describes the current situation as "treading water" – in which the number of people who are homeless hasn't changed dramatically one way or the other.

Jim Graham says if the city is planning to move the occupants of the temporary shelters, it needs a long-term solution.

"It's easy to say let's, it's better in a hotel, it's safer, it's warmer," says Graham, "but if you think about how you exit that strategy, it's hard."

Graham says shelters are full, there's a lack of affordable housing, and recent Rapid Housing building projects have barely broken ground, if at all.

McClintock says many occupants using the shelters feel more at home there than they would in other accommodations, such as shelters.

"They're the best possible solution for a number of people who are going to be sleeping in tents or bank lobbies," he says.

Halifax Mutual Aid intends to hold a COVID safe rally at 2 p.m. Sunday at the old Halifax Memorial Library to highlight its concerns.

from CTV News - Atlantic https://ift.tt/3xrtcE7

[picardonhealth]

It’s time to take aim at superspreader events

We must change our response to target the clusters of COVID-19 cases – from spin clubs to nightclubs, weddings to jails – that are driving up pandemic numbers

André Picard, The Globe and Mail

Monday, October 26, 2020

At CHSLD Vigi Mont-Royal nursing home in Mont-Royal, Que., 374 residents and staff were infected with coronavirus, including 70 who died of COVID-19.

The outbreak at the Cargill meatpacking plant in High River, Alta., led to 1,500 infections.

Paying last respects at Caul’s Funeral Home in St. John’s resulted in 143 cases. The outbreak at Mission Institution, a federal correctional facility in British Columbia, was linked to 132 cases, and another at Alberta’s Kearl Lake oil field led to 100 cases.

More recently, 86 cases have been traced to Full Gospel Outreach Centre in Prince Albert, Sask., 85 to SpinCo, a spinning studio in Hamilton, Ont., 68 to a night of karaoke at Bar Kirouac in Quebec City, and 49 to a wedding in Calgary.

That is just a small sampling of the “superspreader” events that have been recorded in Canada and documented by researchers at the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine.

COVID-19 news: Updates and essential resources about the pandemic

Is my city going back into lockdown? A guide to COVID-19 rules across Canada

How many coronavirus cases are there in Canada, by province, and worldwide? The latest maps and charts

All these outbreaks have sporadically made headlines. But after eight months of living with COVID-19 in this country, only now are we starting to focus real attention on superspreading and what it means to controlling the pandemic.

A lot has been learned about the nasty bug SARS-CoV-2 (the virus that causes COVID-19) in a short time, but it continues to surprise and bedevil.

Early on we learned that the coronavirus can be spread by asymptomatic carriers (people who are infected but have no obvious symptoms) and that had a big impact, notably the embrace of masks.

Another intriguing learning is that the novel coronavirus spreads heterogeneously rather than homogeneously; in other words, it spreads in bursts rather than evenly.

That’s why we are seeing clusters of cases (superspreader events) rather than a steady rise in cases across the population, as we tend to see with other viruses such as the flu. In technical scientific language, it overdisperses.

Zeynep Tufekci, an associate professor in the School of Information and Library Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, published a fascinating 5,000-word article in The Atlantic magazine on this phenomenon, and its implications for our public health response.

Traditionally, to get a sense of how infectious a virus is, epidemiologists measure the R0 (pronounced R-naught), the average number of infections caused by a single person. If R0 is 2, a carrier infects two others on average.

But averages can be misleading. Currently, R0 is low, hovering just above 1 in much of Canada. But that doesn’t mean each infected person is infecting only one other.

Studies have repeatedly shown that about 80 per cent to 90 per cent of cases are caused by 10 per cent to 20 per cent of carriers. The flip side of this is that most people who get infected with coronavirus won’t infect anyone else.

Epidemiologists are paying more attention to overdispersion, which is measured by k value. Measured on a scale of 0 to 1, the k value of coronavirus is about 0.1, meaning it spreads highly unevenly; by contrast, the pandemic influenza of 1918 had a k value of almost 1, a steady, predictable spread.

As unpredictable as a person’s infectiousness might be, there is no question the environment facilitates spread.

Superspreading events all have certain characteristics in common: They happen in poorly ventilated indoor areas where people congregate for significant periods of time. Weddings, churches, long-term care facilities, crowded workplaces, prisons, gyms, bars, etc., are the hot spots.

Every superspreader event violates the 3C rule: Avoid crowds in close contact in enclosed spaces. And the problem is exacerbated if other measures such as mask-wearing and handwashing are not practiced, or if people are vulnerable, as in nursing homes.

The good news is that understanding overdispersion can help us refine our pandemic response. Clearly, more must be done to limit indoor gatherings and institutional crowding.

We also need to do testing and contact tracing differently.

As Dr. Tufekci notes in her piece: “In an overdispersed regime, identifying transmission events (someone infected someone else) is more important than identifying infected individuals.” That is best done with rapid tests.

Similarly, we need to shift from prospective contact tracing (trying to find contacts once a person is infected), to backward tracing (figuring out who has infected the subject). That way you will identify many more cases, more quickly.

Our pandemic response is geared to tackling a virus spreads in linear fashion, but coronavirus spreads in a more random fashion.

Paradoxically, that means we have to be far more targeted in our response, cracking down hard on large gatherings and environments that facilitate superspreading, and then focus on cluster-busting.

[halalvilla-blog]

İzmir is one of the oldest cities of the Mediterranean world and has been of almost continuous historical importance during the last 5,000 years. Excavations indicate settlement contemporary with that of the first city of Troy, dating from the 3rd millennium BCE. Greek settlement is first clearly attested by the presence of pottery dating from about 1000 BCE. According to the Greek historian Herodotus, the Greek city was founded by Aeolians but soon was seized by Ionians. From modest beginnings, it grew into a stately city in the 7th century, with massive fortifications and blocks of two-storied houses.

Captured by Alyattes of Lydia about 600 BCE, it ceased to exist as a city for about 300 years until it was refounded by either Alexander the Great or his lieutenants in the 4th century BCE at a new site on and around Mount Pagus (modern Kadifekale; 540 feet [165 metres]). It soon emerged as one of the principal cities of Asia Minor (Anatolia) and was later the centre of a civil diocese in the Roman province of Asia, vying with Ephesus and Pergamum for the title “first city of Asia.” Roman emperors visited there, and it was celebrated for its wealth, beauty, library, school of medicine, and rhetorical tradition. The stream of Meles is associated in local tradition with Homer, who is reputed to have been born by its banks. Smyrna was one of the early seats of Christianity.

Capital of the naval theme (province) of Samos under the Byzantine emperors, Smyrna was taken by the Turkmen Aydın principality in the early 14th century CE. After being conquered in turn by the Crusaders sponsored by Pope Clement VI and by the Central Asian conqueror Timur (Tamerlane), it was annexed to the Ottoman Empire about 1425. Although severely damaged by earthquakes in 1688 and 1778, it remained a prosperous Ottoman port with a large European population.

İzmir was occupied by Greek forces in May 1919 and recaptured by Turkish forces under Mustafa Kemal (later Kemal Atatürk) on September 9, 1922. The particular troops—be they Greek or Turkish—most responsible for the murder and mayhem that marked those events is open for debate, but the fact remains that İzmir was ravaged by fierce fighting. İzmir was then devastated further when a massive fire broke out three days after the Turks had recaptured the city.

The Contemporary City The modern city, with spacious avenues and buildings constructed since 1924, stands mainly on the small delta plain of the Kızılçullu (ancient Meles) River around the eastern end of the gulf and on the heights and ridges to the south. Karşıyaka (formerly Kordelia) district, once a separate town across the gulf from central İzmir, now constitutes the northwestern extent of the city. Konak district is the commercial centre of İzmir; the city’s residential quarters are concentrated in Karantina and in Güzelyalı to the southwest and in Eşrefpaşa, north of the bazaar. South of the commercial centre lies Kadifekale (Mount Pagus), on which the old citadel of İzmir was built. Alsancak to the north is the site of the recently enlarged harbour, whereas industry is concentrated in suburbs along the gulf to the northeast.

Karşıyaka Karşıyaka district of İzmir, Turkey. Tembelejderha After World War II İzmir grew rapidly, partly because of its location, for which it was selected as the site of the headquarters of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s command for land forces in southeastern Europe. It also has a teacher-training school and the Aegean University, founded in 1955. Second only to the Istanbul region in industry, it produces foods, cement, cotton and woolen textiles and has petrochemical and engineering works. A large international trade fair is held there annually. Exports include agricultural products from its hinterland—chiefly tobacco, figs, cotton, and vegetables—as well as manufactures, carpets, and silk.

İzmir is located in one of Turkey’s most densely populated areas. The coastal region includes the irrigated and fertile valleys and delta plains of the Küçükmenderes and Gediz rivers. https://www.halalvilla.com

[jadorupabosblog]

Joseph Ki-Zerbo

Joseph Ki-Zerbo (June 21, 1922 – December 4, 2006, Burkina Faso) was a Burkinabé historian, politician and writer. He is recognized as one of Africa’s foremost thinkers.

Joseph Ki-Zerbo

Personal details

Born June 21, 1922

Toma

Died December 4, 2006 (aged 84)

Ouagadougou

Occupation Author

Awards Right Livelihood Award

From 1972 to 1978 he was professor of African History at the University of Ouagadougou. In 1983, he was forced into exile, only being able to return in 1992.

Ki-Zerbo founded the Party for Democracy and Progress / Socialist Party. He was its chairman until 2005, and represented it in the Burkina Faso parliament until his death in 2006. A socialist and an advocate of African independence and unity, Ki-Zerbo was also a vocal opponent of Thomas Sankara's revolutionary government.

Early life

Ki-Zerbo was born in Toma in the province of Nayala, in what was, at that time, the French colony of Upper Volta. He was the son of Alfred Diban Ki Zerbo and Thérèse Folo Ki.[1] His father is considered to be the first Burkinabé Christian.[2] In 1915 he intervened during the Volta-Bani War to stop Toma being razed to the ground.[3]

Between 1933 and 1940, Ki-Zerbo was educated at the Catholic primary school in Toma, then completed his secondary school at the preparatory seminaries in Pabré in the Province of Kadiogo and Faladié, a district of Bamako, Mali. He then attended the Grand Séminaire Saint-Pierre Claver at Koumi near Bobo Dioulasso, which trains young men for the Catholic priesthood.

However, Ki-Zerbo dropped out of the Seminary and went to live in Dakar, Senegal for several years. In addition to teaching there, he had a job for several months with the weekly newspaper Afrique nouvelle, and also worked as a railway construction labourer.[1]

Ki-Zerbo continued his education part-time and, when he obtained his Baccalaureate in 1949 at the age of 27, he earned a scholarship to study in Paris. He studied history and law at the Sorbonne and also followed courses in politics at the Sciences Po. On completion of his studies, he became a certified history and geography teacher, the first from Upper Volta.

After his studies, Ki-Zerbo became a French citizen and was employed as a history and geography teacher in Orléans, Paris and Dakar. During a visit to Mali, Ki-Zerbo met his wife Jacqueline Coulibaly, the daughter of a Malian union leader.

Political activities

Ki-Zerbo’s political activities started while he was student. He was the co-founder and president of the Association of Upper Volta Students in France (1950–1956). He was also the president of the Association of African, Caribbean and Malagash Christian Students. In 1954, Ki-Zerbo published an article in the newspaper Tam-Tam with the title “On demande des nationalistes” (“We ask the nationalists”). In Paris, Ki-Zerbo met other intellectuals, such as the Senegalese historian Cheik Anta Diop and Abdoulaye Wade, who was later to become president of Senegal.

The 1950s was a decade of great optimism in Africa, with many leaders demanding independence. Ki-Zerbo was active in this movement for change, and in 1957 he created a political party, the Mouvement de Liberation Nationale (MLN) (National Freedom Movement). He also established contact with Kwame Nkrumah, president of the newly independent neighboring state of Ghana.[4]

The aims of the MLN were immediate independence for Africans, the creation of a United States of Africa, and socialism. The MLN contacted nationalist leaders in many of the other French colonies, to persuade them to reject the referendum on the creation of a Franco-African community presented by the French president Charles de Gaulle. However, in the whole of West Africa at that time, only Guinea voted no to the referendum and, as a result, achieved its independence relatively early in 1958. As a result Sekou Touré, the first president of independent Guinea, invited Ki-Zerbo and his wife along with other volunteers to come to Conakry to replace the French teachers who had left.[4]

In 1960, Ki-Zerbo returned to newly independent Upper Volta, explaining to Sekou Touré that "I have to go back home to pursue the fight for independence in others territories”. In 1965, he was nominated as academy inspector and general director of Youth, Sports and Education.

Ki-Zerbo was professor at the University of Ouagadougou from 1968 to 1973. He was the co-founder and general director (1967 to 1979) of the Conseil africain et malgache pour l'enseignement supérieur (African and Malagasy Council on Higher Education (CAMES) that assures the academic autonomy of Africans countries.

Social and political ideas

Ki-Zerbo declared that growing up in a rural area in a big family profoundly influenced his personality and thoughts.

Ki-Zerbo exposed his social and political ideas in many publications on history and culture. He wrote a teaching manual called Le Monde Africain Noire (Black African World), published in 1963. In 1972, Ki-Zerbo published the famous Histoire de l’Afrique Noire (History of Black Africa) that became a reference book in African history. Holenstein (2006) described that, in his book, Ki-Zerbo challenged the common belief of Africa as a black continent without culture and history.[1] He claimed that Africa had reached an upper level of political, social and cultural development before the Atlantic slave trade and colonization. Written only few years after independence, Histoire de l’Afrique Noire represented the hope of many Africans of a brighter future in liberty and self-determination.

Sitchet (2003), an Africultures reporter, argued that from 1972 to 1978 Ki-Zerbo was an executive member of UNESCO (United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organization).[5] From 1976 to 2001, Ki-Zerbo was the president of the African Historian Association and a professor at the University of Ouagadougou.

His conviction on education led him to found in 1980 the Centre for African Development Studies (CEDA) that has this goal “on ne developpe pas, on se developpe” ("we don’t develop, we develop ourselves"). Holenstein (2006) insisted that on the basis of a critic on the relation north-south imperialism, Ki-Zerbo forecast an endogenous development that will take seriously ecological and social skills, and the African cultural identity.[1] His endogenous development is a practice that lets native farmers use their own ideas and traditions alongside new technology. It incorporates the ideas and knowledge of indigenous cultures rather than disregarding them.

Political fights

After scientific research and teaching, Ki-Zerbo continued with his political activities. Under the Burkinabe President Maurice Yameogo’s regime (1960-1966), the creation of any political party was forbidden. Holenstein (2006) explained this in an article on the interview about Ki-Zerbo’s book A quand l’Afrique.[1] Ki-Zerbo got his members in the syndical teachers’ class and villagers. The syndicate and MLN played a big role in the popular movement organization on 3 January 1966 that brought down the President Maurice Yameogo. General Secretary of the MLN, Ki-Zerbo went to the 1970s legislative elections; he got sixth rank.

In February the Burkina Faso parliament was ruined during a military coup. In October, banning was cancelled. Many new parties arose like Union Progressiste Voltaique (UPV) under the control of Ki-Zerbo that replaced MLN. UPV was in opposition to the government party (Union Democratique Voltaique-​Rassemblement Democratique Africain (UDV-RDA).)

Exile

In 1983, a group of young officers took power by a military coup under the control of the Captain Thomas Sankara.[4] A new stage started for Upper Volta which became Burkina Faso (“Land of the upright”). Under the power of the new government, Ki-Zerbo was obliged to go into exile.

In 1985 he was finally arrested with his family for two years of detention and became free only after another military coup organized by Blaise Compaore. Even in exile, he created research centers like the Research Centre for Endogenous Development (CRDE) and taught at Cheikh Anta Diop University in Dakar. He returned to Burkina Faso in 1987 to find that his library of 11,000 books in his hometown Faso had been burned in his absence. He came back and tried to rebuild by getting a place in parliament.

Awards

Ki-Zerbo has received recognition through various international awards.[1]

In 1997 he was honoured with the Right Livelihood Award for his research on development. This prize is given to those who try to find credible solutions to the protection of the environment and nature; it is for people who helped the development of human rights and peace.

In 2000, he received the Al-Gaddafi International Prize for Human Rights.

In 2001, Ki-Zerbo was awarded the title of Doctor Honoris Causa of the University of Padua in Italy.

Ki-Zerbo as an historian has published books with endogenous development as the central theme:

1964: Le Monde africain noir (Paris, Hatier)

1972: Histoire de l’Afrique noire (Paris, Hatier)

1991: Histoire générale de l’Afrique

2003: A quand l'Afrique, co-authored with René Holenstein (Editions de l’Aube)

2005: Afrique Noire, co-authored with Didier Ruef (Infolio éditions)

In 2004, his book "A quand l'Afrique" was awarded the RFI prize "Témoin du monde".

In addition, Ki Zerbo was a committed historian and politician. Ki-Zerbo extended his fights internationally to make people recognize slavery as a crime against humanity and that Africa should get reparations for this.[1] He tried to combine science and political activity. Ki-Zerbo summed his philosophy up in the following quote:

��The Africa which the world needs is a continent able to stand up, to walk on its own feet… it is an Africa conscious of its own past and able to keep on reinvesting this past into its present and future.”

#@orupabo..#twcpoetry..

[calculatefinal9-blog]

What Would My Final Grade Be

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[thefranklinproject-blog]

The Original Vote - Philadelphia, July 1776

The following is from Chapter One of "The Franklin Project", titled: Philadelphia, July 1776 On a street called Market in the port of Philadelphia, stood a print shop. Composed of wood, brick, iron, ink, and parchment paper, the institution featured enlightening influences for the many residents of his majesty’s colonies along the Atlantic coast. The Pennsylvania Gazette and Poor Richards Almanac were microcosms of the oil-pressed publications that helped shape the hearts and minds in the notion of always “doing good.” At times, its former proprietor was the chief engineer of submissions published by the Gazette that addressed social issues. Their positions were celebrated by some, antagonized by others, but through it all, the Socratic writer of Philadelphia was never hesitant to provoke his fellow countrymen. At a time of great peril the once printer composed a persuasive argument and associated the article with one of the most illuminating illustrations, which revealed the predominant division amongst the King’s colonies when unity was in desperate need. His work was well received and redistributed with the highest regard, as were many other publications during his tenure. Without an equal, it was the most esteemed print shop in North America. By fortune’s design fifty-three years prior, at seventeen years of age, the destined printer ran away from Boston to arrive at a city trying to mature and be recognized. While its colony, Pennsylvania, remained the middle child between the older and imposing New York and Virginia. The young man was quickly embraced as one of their own and became their leading representative as he went on to form a volunteer fire company, a university, the first hospital, and the first lending library. He redefined the postal system and contributed immensely to the world of science, philosophy, and medicine. He was an avid inventor and his research noted in the manuscript Experiments and Observations on Electricity, led to the lightning rod, which was now protecting homes and saving lives throughout the globe. With so many accomplishments it seemed only fitting that the son of a soap maker, with roughly two years of school as a child, would receive honorary degrees from Harvard and Yale, and an honorary doctorate from the University of St. Andrews, all before the age of forty-seven. From that day on, he would be addressed as “Doctor.” Possessing such an immense portfolio of accomplishments this once-was printer merited the right to retire from the everyday obligations and live out his days in peace and quiet in the home he built near the cherished print shop on Market Street. Only, retirement was not a viable option for the good Doctor. He was a social being, and on this night of the second day in July, this Doctor, this scientist, this philosopher, this politician, and this forever-proud printer was not walking in the city he betrothed. He was five hundred feet away sitting in the assembly chamber at the Pennsylvania State House. The Doctor was an elected delegate, representing his home colony of Pennsylvania for the Second Continental Congress. Having reached twice the age of half of the delegates, he was the most senior representative chosen by any of the thirteen colonies. The State House was the largest structure in the province. The Supreme Court and the Pennsylvania Assembly resided in two chambers separated by a twenty-five-foot hallway. To some, it was a haunting place. Where the echoes of Parliamentary procedure resonated in the belfry, and the English-style of political resolutions saturated the walls. Its remnants lurked in the corners and resided within the shadows like an apparition. But unlike a spirit of the past, faded and dreary, the State House was alive this evening with the passion of liberty spawned from discontented Englishmen. Since the Congress started in May 1775, the elected delegates deliberated on a range of issues that affected the lives of their fellow countrymen under the control of the British Empire. Before this evening, multiple attempts were made in an earnest effort to seek an accord with their adversaries in any division of England’s government, all the way up to King George himself. When the first Congress was held two years earlier, some delegates concluded that Parliament was unwilling to reason and the constituents residing on the land between New Hampshire and Georgia were not considered equal to those living across the Atlantic. After years of failure, combined with the latest engagement outside of Boston between the Massachusetts militia and British Army, it was apparent that a new course of action was of paramount importance if any change in sovereignty was going to be made in their lifetime. As dusk approached outside of the State House, the representatives were seated at their designated table within the chamber. Congressional Secretary Charles Thomson stood to read the motion once more. Resolved! That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved. That it is expedient forthwith to take the most effectual measures for forming foreign Alliances. That a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective colonies for their consideration and approbation. A low cheer, complemented with knocks on the tabletops, rumbled through the assembly from those who were in great favor of the resolution offered by Virginia. The proposal was born in Williamsburg, on May 15, and traveled the long route to Philadelphia, where Richard Henry Lee had the honor of presenting it as the first colony to formally call for Independence. The proud brother of Richard, Francis Lightfoot, along with many of his fellow patriots, had waited long enough to cast their vote after the resolution was first read aloud on June 7, it was a Friday. After Lee’s Resolution was motioned for a vote there were three days of referrals before the delegates could agree on a postponement of twenty days to hold the final call on July 1. Should the proposal have come from any other colony, it would not have carried the weight to reach the floor. Due to the motion coming from the largest colony, the congressional body felt compelled to give it a full up and down vote. The postponement was not to avoid the question of breaking ties with England. Rather, it was to afford some delegates an appropriate amount of time to correspond with their respective legislatures for instructions on how to proceed with the vote for Independence. Some delegates were confident their decisions were objective and sound enough to not require instructions. Dr. Lyman Hall, age fifty-two, a Connecticut-born man who migrated to southern establishments in Georgia to be a physician and a clergyman, was one such representative, along with most of the men from New England. New York Delegates William Floyd, Philip Livingston, both over the age of sixty, and Francis Lewis were primarily merchants and not as secure with casting their vote based solely on their interpretations. Edward Rutledge, a well-schooled lawyer at the age of twenty-seven, was not going to vote without instructions. The same went for his twenty-seven-year-old associate Thomas Lynch, and the other youthful plantation-owning, London-schooled delegates from South Carolina, who also required the deferment. When the postponement was called, the request of an accompanying declaration had also been ordered. It was to outline and affirm all delegates in the room were fully cognizant for the reason behind the call for Independence and the engagement of war with their mother country. Selected to author the declaration was a young, quiet, and tall redhead named Thomas Jefferson. Thomas was already a respected lawyer by thirty-three, and had come a long way since his graduation from William and Mary, a short thirteen years earlier. Always the enthusiastic student, Thomas was renowned for possessing a desire to absorb as much as possible and loved to understand topics from all perspectives before forming his own opinion. As a gifted craftsman of the English language, Thomas could form a rational summation of an argument and take monumental political positions with assuredness. His reputation achieved national attention while representing Samuel Howell, who was a grandson of a black man and a white woman. In that case, Thomas, who owned slaves, became the first public official to defend a person on the grounds of “Natural Law”, stating that “all men are born free and come into the world possessing personal liberty which is bestowed upon him by the author of nature.” Thomas’ enlightening command of the written word, outlined in what he titled A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress Assembled, was firmly adjoined to Virginia’s resolution and, from what he concluded, placed common sense sentiments on the subject of Independence written in language so plainly to command the assent of not just the men the room, but of all people everywhere. After a few long days of deliberation on its composition, Secretary Thomson stood next to the table of the residing president of the Congress, John Hancock, and began the call. For this resolution to pass, all colonies agreed that unanimous acceptance was required, and a single rejection would dismiss the call for Independence. It was July 2, a Tuesday, and it was time to decide who they were: Englishmen or Americans. “New Hampshire?” asked Secretary Thomson. Josiah Bartlett, age forty-seven, stood from his chair, “New Hampshire votes, yay.” The representatives of Massachusetts were by far the most enthusiastic members of Congress, even more so than on June 7, 1776, when their nowdear friends had called for secession from the British Empire. After years of atrocities felt mostly within the New England region, Massachusetts representatives Samuel Adams, Robert Pain, Elbridge Gerry, John Hancock, and Samuel’s cousin, a fiery short-statured lawyer named John Adams, were finally receiving the much-required support from their colonial brethren. The Boston Massacre, the Boston Tea Party, and the marches on Lexington and Concord were the national highlights for the people of Massachusetts. The colony’s stance on Independence was never in doubt. They just had to wait for other colonies to recognize there were no other diplomatic paths to explore. When the words of the Declaration were read aloud, Samuel, at the age of fifty-three, was relieved that the demand for Independence was coming from someone other than a Massachusetts man. That a Virginian constructed an argument that epitomized the emotions he shared within his Committee of Correspondence pamphlets, vindicated all the hard work he put into the call for liberty over the past decade. From the start of the first Congress, the representatives from Massachusetts were calling for proportional action to the civil unrest, violence, and reprehensible discrimination that their parent country incessantly bestowed on them. Massachusetts plead for action was dismissed for acts of petitions to be transcribed and shipped to the King in a desperate attempt to resolve the hostilities without violence. Thomas Jefferson, during the first Congress, listed the grievances against England and the King, which he titled A Summary View of the Rights of British America. In it, he made harsh criticisms and declared that since the colonies were founded, they were independent of each other, and therefore were independent from Great Britain, and British rule. The dispute was warranted and the composition of the argument was most agreeable; however, many delegates were not prepared to allow a document of that tone to represent themselves or their colony. Most, including forty-four-year-old John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, were looking for a moderate approach that offered a compromise and a sensible response to their objections. The summary was dismissed, without Thomas being present for the vote, and as a result, the committees requested a second Congress to reconvene and find an absolute conclusion on the matter. Two years later, the cries from New England were now represented in the Declaration being voted on. “Massachusetts?” asked Secretary Thomson. Samuel Adams, one hand trembling on the knob of his walking stick, pressed down to raise himself from his chair. His heart was beating heavy and his breathing was short but that did not prevent him from looking around the room with a smile of admiration for his fellow delegates and the brave leap they were taking as one. Gazing toward the front of the assembly where his longtime friend John Hancock was sitting, he lifted his chin, inhaled deeply, and boldly proclaimed, “Mr. President, the ‘state’ of Massachusetts says, yay!” Those who were always sympathetic toward the people of Massachusetts were showing gratitude by knocking on the table, some even stood, to show their admiration of Samuel’s courage and endurance, fathering the call for liberty and freedom all these years. “Rhode Island?” Stephen Hopkins, the second oldest man in the chamber at the age of sixty-nine, was a home-schooled student who arose to the seat of chief justice and governor of his proud home. He slowly straightened up from his chair and said, “Mr. Thomson, Rhode Island’s vote is, yay.” “Connecticut?” “Connecticut says, yay,” replied Roger Sherman, a vibrant fifty-five-year-old home-schooled lawyer. The four pages of Thomas’ edited declaration was resting in a clean stack in front of Secretary Thomson as he continued to call on each colony. After the original draft was presented on June 28, there was a great debate over its wording. One order was to remove the phrase “sacred and undeniable” from a passage on rights endowed by a higher order. Another was to remove the section regarding the King’s “cruel war against human nature itself ”, and the principal argument was over the call for the abolishment of slavery. Some delegates considered the indictments on slavery were not just marks against the King but also against the men in the room. For the language to be adopted by some colonies and to fortify their affirmation to the call of Independence from the British Empire through this Declaration, the four members of the declaration committee complied and eliminated any references to the slave trade. After all the posturing and postponements, discussions, and negotiations, and with a total of eighty-six amendments, the members of Congress concluded the now retitled Declaration of Independence represented the universal view of all colonies in America. “New York?” Francis Lewis, a successful merchant at the age of sixty-three, voted to abstain, as New York instructed its delegates to not obstruct its passing, should all colonies vote in its favor. Being the leading merchant port on the Atlantic, New York was always cautious when it came to enacting rulings that could provoke the government, which was in possession of the largest military on Earth. On this particular night, this abstention was even more reasonable given New York’s recent situation. Two days prior, the Minutemen of the Continental Army captured Staten Island and were now stretched along the southern tip of Manhattan. They, along with their forty-four-year-old commander-in-chief, General George Washington, a Virginian, were awaiting the arrival of the British Navy into New York harbor. “New Jersey?” The fifty-three-year-old clergyman and president of the distinguished College of New Jersey in Princeton, John Witherspoon stood and said, “yay.” As each vote was recorded, a sentiment of alliance was growing in the room. Although a disproportioned scale of disputes existed within each colony, a strong youthful unified movement of liberty was still spreading, which was eroding any remaining allegiance to the royal government. This move for liberty was the by-product of an abuse of authority, which in turn empowered individuals to feel they possessed rights that did not require an ordinance from a King. The young men began to sense that liberty was given to them by nature, by God. Following the absence of empathy for their grievances, support in favor of liberation from that government spawned. As each colony pledged their devotion, they could hear a new nation was being declared. Secretary Thomson paused in his role call, “Pennsylvania is not ready to cast a vote and has requested to be the last called upon,” he said. “Delaware?” The tough forty-eight-year-old former sheriff and respected veteran of the Delaware militia during the French and Indian war, Captain Caesar Rodney, who returned to Philadelphia in time to split the quarrel between the divided delegates, George Read and Thomas McKean, stood over his antagonist, Read, and said, “Mr. President, Delaware affirms a vote as yay.” When the committee was assembled to compose the Declaration three weeks earlier, Thomas Jefferson’s previous body of work made him the obvious choice to act as the primary engineer to design the dissertation. The committee also included the young thirty-year-old, Robert Livingston of New York, Roger Sherman of Connecticut, and John Adams of Massachusetts. It was important from John Adams’s perspective, that a Virginian took the lead since the resolution originated from that colony and because more delegates would approve the composition should someone author it other than the hot-tempered man from Massachusetts. Half-way through the call the count stood at six yay votes, with no opposed, New York abstaining, and Pennsylvania requesting to be called last. Five southern colonies remained, including South Carolina. Who, since the debate was forced upon the Congress a month ago, argued more for the sovereignty of the Empire than the unity of the Colonies. Some of South Carolina’s objections were adhered to and some were dismissed. As Secretary Thomson was close to calling upon that colony, the tension in the hearts and minds of the some of the delegates was reaching their apex. Without being aware on how Rutledge was instructed to vote, South Carolina still posed to be the firewall for Independence. “Maryland?” shouted Secretary Thomson. Thomas Stone, a lawyer who personally favored compromise but was acting on instructions, arose from his seat, “The people of Maryland,” he said, “proudly vote, yay.” Of all the lawyers in the chamber, arguably no one was more nationally recognized than the gentleman sitting with the Massachusetts Delegation, Boston’s resilient John Adams, who had been a respected lawyer of the English court since he passed the bar at age nineteen in 1754. He firmly believed in the rule of law and that, from those laws, all citizens were protected and all citizens were required to oblige them—only from that unspoken agreement was prosperity even possible. Although his cousin Sam, as John and most people addressed him, was the more outspoken political figure and arguably the more favored and famous Adams. John complemented his cousin’s passion with his own unapologetic zeal for liberty. Being only forty-two, John’s unsought fame was achieved for having the courage to represent the British soldiers involved in the infamous Boston Massacre proceedings six years prior. Although his allegiance to the crown had grown weary over the years, John was proud of his actions on that day. He successfully defended the argument that the unruly protesters provoked and antagonized the young men wearing the red coats of the British military to fire on them, which left five dead and six injured on March 5, 1770. John defended the eight soldiers after many anti-British lawyers refused and some Loyalist lawyers passed on taking the case out of fear of reprisal. John rationally argued on the facts of the case and deflected the emotions of the citizens of Boston. Based on these facts, which John labeled as “stubborn things,” he said that due to the actions of the mob, the men of the British Army were in the right to fight back and could not be convicted as murderers. In the end, six soldiers were acquitted and two were charged with manslaughter, and John Adams became a national figure. “Virginia?” Francis Lightfoot placed his hand on the table and was about to spring out of his chair to cast Virginia’s vote, but he paused to look at Thomas Jefferson who equally deserved the moment to cast the colony’s vote, as it was his masterpiece being used to weigh Lee’s resolution. Thomas gestured with his right hand that it was appropriate for Francis to take the lead. Francis stood up, tugged the base of his coat to straighten out any wrinkles, and with his head held high said, “On behalf of my brother, Mr. Jefferson, General Washington, Patrick Henry, and all Virginians the vote is, yay.” “North Carolina?” “Yay,” stated the forty-six-year-old Quaker, Joseph Hewes. As much as he was a man about the law, John Adams knew in his heart that the statutes and actions from England were crimes against humanity. John felt America was a new country, inspiring new ideas, and cultivating a new nationality that spawned from modern European decent, which became rugged when they conquered the new world and self-reliant after the Wampanoag’s helped the initial New England settlers survive the first winter. During the first Congress, John was part of a small fraction of delegates that included the esteemed patriot Patrick Henry, who called for others to rise to their level of commitment. When addressing the House of Burgesses in Richmond on March 20, 1775, Patrick was noted as saying, “Give me liberty, or give me death!” Although Patrick’s leadership was no longer associated with the Virginia delegation in Philadelphia as he tended to matters away from the Congress, his spirit for liberty remained present but his influence on the southern delegates was greatly missed. “South Carolina?” The chamber went silent, nobody breathed, and any movement came to an abrupt halt. All eyes now focused on the young steadfast Edward Rutledge. He looked around and gave each person a moment of acknowledgement before he rose to his feet. He looked towards the ceiling and took one last deep breath before he said, “Mr. President, Mr. Secretary, and esteemed colleagues. It is with tremendous pride, that the good people of South Carolina happily votes, yay.” Heavy cheers burst from all corners towards Edward and the South Carolina Delegation. Some, who were too excited to wait until the roll call finished, walked over, and shook the hands of the young men. Some patted Edward on his back, to affirm he made the right decision. Others, like the members of the Massachusetts Delegation, refused to show any sign of jubilation since two votes were still yet to be counted. John Hancock gave a few smacks with his gavel to regain order and asked that everyone remain seated until all votes were cast. As the men returned to the chairs and softly whispered to each other, John Adams remained still, reflecting on those who bravely took the lead on the path all delegates now found themselves on. John adored Patrick Henry’s passion and missed his counsel during the recent events. A few months into the second Congress, the Virginia legislature voted to place Patrick as the commander of the Virginia regiment right after the Royal governor ordered the British troops to raid and seize all the ammunition from the magazine holding in Williamsburg. This did not stop John from corresponding with the patriarch of the great cause, for with the many cries of liberation, it was the necessity to foresee the aftermath from declaring Independence, which was the establishment of the next government. Not only outlining the structure of the national government but local as well. To his credit, John was truly committed to the call of this Congress, and he devoted his entire being to its purpose. John was a marvelous manager of his time and was involved in a multitude of committees, and even though he may have had adversaries in the Congress, many respected his devotion and sought his counsel. This included the design of new state governments emerging from the new constitutions the current legislatures were ambitiously drafting. To ease the demand for his valued time, John published a pamphlet called Thoughts on Government, defining a representative republic composed of three branches, including a legislative branch with two bodies. The driving force behind the design was to instill a system of checks and balances, while, at the same time, removing the possibility of corruption by not having a single body of government. This outline was inspired by a proposed national government for the colonies offered twenty years ago, during the first national congress held at a major trading post on the Hudson River, in upstate New York. “Georgia?” Dr. Lyman Hall arose from his seat and said, “Mr. President, the good people of Georgia vote yay.” After reaching the bottom of the call sheet, Secretary Thomson returned to the colony yet to cast their vote. “Second call, Pennsylvania,” asked Secretary Thomson. Several days earlier, John Adams wrote to Patrick Henry about the subject of the new government design while Thomas Jefferson was locked in his writing room two blocks from the Statehouse. John was pontificating to his ally regarding the misconceptions about the reveal of the Declaration. John noted that the Declaration would encourage the creation of new governments and that these new governments in their infancy would serve the greater purpose of supporting our war with ammunition, clothes, food, and “everything necessary for the support of life.” Another fear among some representatives was that this Declaration of Independence would alienate the Americans from the world, and they would be isolated in the war against Great Britain. John told Patrick that fortification of the American cause, represented in the Declaration, would send a signal that this rising nation had a new governing body and enemies of the British monarch would support that body monetarily and militarily. John also noted that after the passing of this Declaration, another committee was completing the Confederation of the Colonies, which was going to outline the national government and was to be presented to the Congress in a few days. But for tonight, John relished in his triumph and spent the evening reflecting on years of dedication and hard work. He was by all accounts, happy, and was unselfishly looking forward to the dawn of a new nation. “Nay” As John was poised in deep reflective thought, he was startled when Robert Paine grabbed his arm. “Dear God,” Robert said. John leaned in, “What?” Robert was stoned face. John asked again, “For God sakes, Robert, what?” On John’s right side, Sam Adams jumped out of his chair and shouted, “Traitor!” His head snapped right to Sam, then back again to Robert. “Robert, what the hell just happened?” John asked. A grumbling began to grow within the chamber as more men stood and were shouting. The incoherent outbursts engulfed John Adams. Remaining in his seat, John tried to look around the room to sense where and to whom the streams of accusations were being fired upon. “How can you do that to us?” one voice shouted. “Traitor,” cried another. John Hancock was trying to restore order to the room by hammering his gavel, but it was to no avail. “I thought you were with us!” Sam Adams shouted. Sam was standing beside John and yelling something incoherent while he continued to sit and look around the room. He pulled on Sam’s arm to bring him down, below the sea of aggression two feet above his head. As Sam was returning to his chair, he cried, “You sir, are no American; God will forever look down upon you with shame, and so too, will the true patriots of this land whom you have turned your back on.” “What, John?” Sam asked of his cousin. “What just happened, Sam?” “Weren’t you listening, cousin?” Sam sprung to his feet to again resume his participation in the barrage of anger being directed toward someone John was still trying to identify. Reaching up again to grab hold of Sam’s sleeve, John heard faintly, “Why, Ben?” “Why now?” John Adams was troubled; he whispered to himself “Ben?” as he slowly stood and looked toward the location of the Pennsylvania delegates. He finally understood to whom all the epithets and anger were being focused on. As John heard all sorts of names and labels being shouted, sitting, and looking straight toward the front of the room was the senior representative of Pennsylvania, Dr. Benjamin Franklin. Chaos was erupting among the shouts of anger and the banging of the gavel. One could not hear the person beside them. John Hancock was shouting for a call to order, but no order was coming. John Adams reached behind him to find the arm of his chair; the shock made his legs weak. Sam Adams no longer had the energy to stand as well, his hand brushed back his tricorn cap and he collapsed awkwardly with a look of despair toward John Hancock who himself had ceased the use of his gavel and returned to his seat. Sam looked to John and said, “Pennsylvania killed the resolution. All this time we were worried about South Carolina and those that endorsed slavery.” Thomas Jefferson made his way to the Massachusetts table. Exasperated from the events unfolding he sought out John for his support. With tears in his eyes, he asked, “How could Franklin do this to us?” Sam Adams looked up towards Jefferson, “One word Thomas; Albany.” All feelings of hope and triumph were now turning to despair for John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, Sam Adams, and many others in the Pennsylvania State House. Despair for there was no adoption of the Declaration, there was no unity, and there was no recognition of a new, prosperous nation called America. It all vanished after the vote was casted by the printer from Market Street. - The Franklin Project is a new story with an old friend that tells how Dr. Benjamin Franklin turned from compromise to independence, one year before the Declaration was signed, and the 21st-century friend who sacrificed everything to make it happen. Rated 5-stars by Readers' Favorite, The Franklin Project is available now in paperback and e-book. Follow The Franklin Project. On Tumblr and on Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter.

[libraryben]

Honoured to announce that I have been invited to be a keynote speaker at the Atlantic Provinces Library Association's annual conference: Breaking Barriers.

The working title is: Rainbows at Night: Neurodiverging Literacy and Librarianship in “the Darkest Timeline”

[atlanticcanada]

Nova Scotia libraries to provide access to more radon detectors for the public

HALIFAX -- Nova Scotia libraries are getting $30,000 from the provincial government to help boost a program that provides access to digital radon detectors to members of the public.

The funding will add 100 more of the devices, bringing the total in libraries across the province to more than 250.

The Radon Detector Library Loan Program is in partnership with the Lung Association of Nova Scotia, and enables people to borrow a detector to get a radon level reading in their home.

Radon is an odourless, colourless radioactive gas that is linked to an increased risk of developing lung cancer.

It forms naturally throughout the province and is released slowly by the breakdown of uranium in soil, rock, water and some building materials.

In some library locations, the waiting list to borrow a detector is up to eight months. Energy and Mines Minister Derek Mombourquette says the new funding is expected to cut that wait time in half.

"This investment will make sure more people have the ability to protect themselves and their families," Mombourquette said in a news release.

According to the province, radon is believed to be responsible for killing more than 3,200 Canadians each year.

"Radon exposure is the second leading risk factor for lung cancer behind smoking," Dr. Robert Strang, Nova Scotia's chief medical officer of health, said in the government news release.

"It is important that homeowners know the level of radon in their home and the way to do this is to test. The library loan program makes it easier for Nova Scotians to do that."

Four other provinces have radon detector programs based on Nova Scotia's: British Columbia, Prince Edward Island, Manitoba and Ontario.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 21, 2019.

from CTV News - Atlantic https://ift.tt/2OBKjyr

[atlanticcanada]

Nova Scotia to spend $15M on 11 arts, community projects across province

The Nova Scotia government is spending more than $15 million on 11 arts and community projects around the province, including a new community centre in Oxford and upgrades to Neptune Theatre in Halifax.

Matthew Bragg, vice-president of the Oxford Community Centre Association, says the new centre will bring services to the community that are currently missing.

“This is about building a sustainable community centre that will retain and attract residents from across Nova Scotia, Canada and around the world,” said Bragg in a Monday news release.

The province says the centre will have a walking track, gymnasium, meeting and community rooms, child care, a library, commercial rental spaces and a full-service kitchen.

The province is spending $7 million on the centre, and $886,000 for digital and infrastructure upgrades to Neptune Theatre.

“As we begin to round the corner on recovery from the challenges of the last few years, this funding is a real game-changer,” said Paul Laberge, board chair at the Neptune Theatre Foundation. “We are very, very appreciative of the support.”

Other projects receiving money include:

Pictou Cultural Hub – $4.7 million toward project costs

Unama’ki Institute of Natural Resources, Eskasoni – $1.2 million toward environmental learning centre

Nova Scotia Sport Hall of Fame, Halifax – $500,000 toward a new home in the Scotiabank Centre

Chester Playhouse — $400,000 toward repairs from fire damage

Gaelic College Beinn Mhabu — $300,000 toward the Mabou satellite campus

Turret Arts Society, Halifax — $200,000 for Khyber building remediation and design

Ross Creek Centre for the Arts, Canning — $150,000 for solar energy project

Portapique Community Hall — $150,000 to complete the community hall project

Inverness Centre for the Arts — $100,000 for an HVAC system

The 2023/2024 provincial budget, released Thursday, added $5.1 million more in operating grants for arts and culture organizations and community-owned museums. It also included $2.6 million more for provincial museums and the operation of the iconic Bluenose II, the province said.

from CTV News - Atlantic https://ift.tt/H8zfC0A

[atlanticcanada]

127 new cases of COVID-19 reported in Nova Scotia

The number of COVID-19 cases in Nova Scotia continues to climb as the province reported 127 new cases of the virus on Tuesday.

The province says, of those cases, 68 are in the Eastern Zone, 42 are in the Central Zone, 11 cases are in the Northern Zone and six are in the Western Zone.

Six people are in hospital with the virus, including two in intensive care. 

Because of an increase in testing and positive cases, public health says they are experiencing some delays in follow-up and will try to contact anyone confirmed positive by the lab within 24 hours.

The province says all close contacts, including individuals who are fully vaccinated, now need to isolate for 72 hours after the exposure and get a lab-based PCR test.

None of Tuesday’s reported cases are associated with Parkland Antigonish, after an outbreak was declared at the seniors’ living community on Monday.

On Monday, five schools in the province were notified of an exposure at their school. A full list of school exposures is available online.

VACCINE UPDATE

Public health says as of Tuesday, 1,688,836 vaccines have been administered, which includes 791,044 individuals who have received their second dose, and 51,518 eligible Nova Scotians who have received a third dose.

RAPID TEST KITS HANDED OUT

Tuesday was the first day rapid test kits were available at public libraries in Nova Scotia, but some people had trouble getting one.

"I'm running to an appointment so I thought I would be able to run in and get them but they're all out,” said Annette Pepper.

The Woodlawn Public Library in Dartmouth ran out of rapid test kits not long after opening its doors.

"I came out to get COVID tests and I was not successful. I came to Woodlawn library, I should have come at 10 this morning and I'm here at like 11:30, and they're all gone,” said Anne Woods.

Woodlawn Public Library is restocking its supply.

More than 10,000 kits were handed out Tuesday by the Halifax Public Libraries, which covers 15 locations, from Sheet Harbour to Hubbards.

"We are definitely at risk of running out because there are only so many tests and although we request more tests, sometimes that takes a while. That makes people nervous but my way of thinking about it is we've run out because all these tests are out to so many people and that's what we wanted,” said Dr. Lisa Barrett, an infectious disease specialist and scientist.

from CTV News - Atlantic https://ift.tt/3IQ14RS

[atlanticcanada]

Halifax gives group one week to remove temporary shelters from city property

The Halifax Regional Municipality have issued a notice that occupants of temporary shelters located on municipal property have one week to vacate the structures before they are removed.

In a statement issued Tuesday morning, the municipality says the group that installed the temporary shelters must remove them from city property by July 13. If they are not removed by that date, the municipality will remove them.

“Housing as a human right does not mean that this right can encroach upon the rights of others. With the safety of all residents as a top priority, encroachment must be acted upon by appropriate enforcement of existing laws and regulations,” says the release. "Placing anything in a park for the purpose of temporary or permanent accommodation is not permitted under By-Law P-600 Section 8(2)”.

Halifax Mutual Aid built 13 of the small wooden framed structures throughout the city earlier this year. There are several in front of Halifax's old library on Spring Garden Road, and others scattered on both sides of the bridges.

In an interview with CTV News last month, a group spokesperson said all 13 of the shelters were fully occupied, and there were also 21 people on its waiting list.

"It was really important to us that people had somewhere safe with a roof over their head with a lock on their door," said Halifax Mutual Aid spokesperson Campbell McClintock.

According to the HRM, the province has been working to ensure all current occupants of the temporary shelters will be offered a temporary accommodation option that can bridge to permanent housing.

The municipality says to date, five individuals who had previously been occupying a temporary shelter have accepted a housing solution.

“The municipality’s approach to homeless encampments centres on treating people experiencing homelessness in our public spaces with dignity while working to find ways to best support them within our capacity and scope as a municipality. From the outset, the approach has been to allow occupants of homeless encampments to remain until adequate housing has been identified and offered, or until the health and safety of the occupants or public are at risk. This approach does not condone or support the installation of infrastructure associated with encampments,” says the release.

The city says they allowed the shelters to remain on municipal property for several months while the province, and community partners offered support to those experiencing homelessness, and removal of the shelters was further postponed until COVID-19 related public health restrictions were eased.

“Moving forward, upon being made aware of the installation of temporary shelters on municipal property, the municipality will take steps to facilitate removal or stop installation in a timely manner. It is important to remember that those experiencing homelessness can choose to accept or decline housing options and offers of support,” says the release.

The municipality says more information on their approach to homelessessness and initiatives to support affordable housing can be found on the Halifax website.

from CTV News - Atlantic https://ift.tt/3dQaPRU

[atlanticcanada]

Eased COVID-19 restrictions provide bittersweet consolation for N.S. sports parents and theatre-goers

Throughout the Maritimes, COVID-19 has put limits on how (or even if) events proceed. While the easing of some restrictions is helping restore some sense of normalcy, not everyone is satisfied or even sure of a beneficial outcome.

In Nova Scotia, it's been over two months since hockey players have been able to play competitively amid COVID-19 restrictions. However, on Monday, players will be able to hit the ice once again as the province has announced the easing of some restrictions. Unfortunately for some, namely parents and spectators, watching the beloved game won't be an option – a shutout upsetting many people.

For hockey parents, like Robyn Barrett of Glace Bay, getting back in the game has been a long time coming.

"My son, Zachery, was injured in his very first game this season, so today [Saturday] marks 78 days since my son has been on the ice," says Barrett. "Now, not only does he get to practice with his teammates, but he gets to play, so it's pretty exciting in our house."

But not everyone is cheering as parents won't be allowed into the arenas to watch their children play.

Nick Bonnar, a coach who runs a learn-to-skate program, is in support of COVID-19 rules in place but says one parent should be allowed in the stands.

"My main problem is – and I'm not going to pull any punches – I think it's a safety issue, especially for children between the ages of four and nine," says Bonnar. "You can be the best coach in the world, but you can't replace a parent. I think we need them in the rink. It's a big rink, and you can stand six feet apart."

In the world of arts and culture, performances have also been given the green light to take the stage – but without an in-person audience. All shows will have to be viewed virtually.

"I'm still waiting for a clarification on the things that were announced on Friday," says Savoy Theatre executive director Pam Leader, whose theatre in Glace Bay has been one of many impacted by the pandemic. "Without an audience, there's no point in doing a big show because, financially, it would just not make sense."

In Prince Edward Island, some public health restrictions have been eased as well, with worship services able to have up to three additional groupings of fifty people in attendance – only with an approved plan. The same is true for restaurants, which can also stay open until midnight. Weddings and funerals can have up to fifty people present. Additionally, gyms, museums, libraries, and retail locations can operate at capacity, using physical distancing.

For minor hockey associations, like Glace Bay Minor Hockey, the goal is to get back on the ice, playing games – with or without parents in the building.

"Glace Bay Minor Hockey's position is that Dr. Strang has done a great job, and Hockey Nova Scotia has done a great job keeping everyone safe and focused," says Glace Bay Minor Hockey president, James Edwards. "And we're going to continue to follow the rebound plan put in place with the approval of Dr. Strang and the Premier."

Meanwhile, Dr. Strang recently announced that most public restrictions would be extended until at least Feb.7.

from CTV News - Atlantic https://ift.tt/2YaokDK

[atlanticcanada]

N.L. moves to close schools and daycare centres to prevent COVID-19 spread

Schools and regulated daycare centres will close indefinitely in Newfoundland and Labrador starting this week as the province takes further measures to slow the spread of COVID-19.

Premier Dwight Ball says the government changed course on school closures after observing trends in other provinces.

The group representing the province's teachers had criticized the government for leaving schools open, saying it was inconsistent with other preventive measures aimed at avoiding large gatherings.

The province has one presumptive case of the illness, reported Saturday.

Nova Scotia announced two additional presumptive cases on Monday, bringing the total to five, while New Brunswick has announced six presumptive or confirmed cases and Prince Edward Island has confirmed one case.

The region is preparing for more COVID-19 cases to hit its health care systems.

Nova Scotia Premier Stephen McNeil says his province has ordered 140 additional ventilators, a 60 per cent increase to the existing supply of 240.

Newfoundland and Labrador has placed a number of restrictions at hospitals and health facilities, postponing all elective surgeries after today and suspending appointments at outpatient clinics.

Ball says teachers will have a planning day Tuesday and students will be permitted to pick up their materials Wednesday and Thursday

Dean Ingram, president of the Newfoundland and Labrador Teachers' Association, had raised concerns about the health of students and teachers during the developing public health crisis.

Before Monday's announcement, the Newfoundland and Labrador Federation of School Councils posted a statement to Facebook calling on the government to close schools, saying parents and council members are worried.

In P.E.I., chief public health officer Dr. Heather Morrison said Monday that any Islander who returned to Canada on March 8 or later should self-isolate for two weeks, regardless of whether they are showing any symptoms of COVID-19.

Morrison said the Island still has one confirmed case of the disease -- a woman in her 50s from the Queens County area who recently returned from travelling on a cruise ship. There have been over 120 tests conducted for the virus in the province.

She said three other Islanders were on the same Celebrity Summit cruise from Feb. 29 to March 7.

"They have all been given direction to self-isolate," Morrison said.

She also said all library events have been cancelled provincewide, and libraries in Montague, Georgetown, Murray Harbour and O'Leary would be closed until further notice.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 16, 2020.

from CTV News - Atlantic https://ift.tt/2QnZlJU

[atlanticcanada]

Lots of finger-pointing in blame game over stalled Sydney library

The future of a new library in downtown Sydney is unclear and it's not clear who's responsible for the confusion.

The mayor of the Cape Breton Regional Municipality says the project's dead, but the provincial and federal governments say the municipality's dropped the ball.

Regardless of who’s to blame, the project is at a standstill.

“I think this time has shown us that we really need to work together and all get on the same page as to where this project stands and find a solution as to how we can advance this project forward,” said Kathleen Yurchesyn, the executive director of the Cape Breton Regional Chamber of Commerce.

Yurchesyn is also part of a committee that has called a public meeting over the funding confusion.

“I don't believe that the project will not happen,” said Michelle Wilson of the Downtown Development Association. “I guess, worst-case scenario, it's prolonged. I don't see it not happening because there's too much need for it to not happen.”

But at a council meeting last week, Mayor Cecil Clarke called the project dead. After he says the application for federal money can't be submitted before Ottawa stops making announcements ahead of this fall's election.

Both Cape Breton Liberal MPs disagreed and in an email statement said the application has to come from the province.

“I think that comment was a little dramatic,” said CBRM Coun. Amanda McDougall. “The project is clearly not dead. Is it going in the direction that we want in this moment? No. There's work to be done. I don't see the need to add any extra flare to an already chaotic process.”

The new facility could cost up to $31 million. The CBRM has offered to put up $7 million in cash and land in an effort to leverage provincial and federal funding. The Liberal MLA for the area says CBRM submitted a proposal in December, but funding for the project didn't quality under the province's green environmental projects.

“So, the issue is nobody seems to know whether applications were submitted correctly or if there's even funding streams available,” McDougall says.

So far, neither the feds nor the province has committed to cost-sharing the project.

With files from CTV Atlantic’s Kyle Moore.

from CTV News - Atlantic http://bit.ly/2Q7TFlW

[atlanticcanada]

Advance polls indicate higher turnout in N.B. election

Advance polls in New Brunswick have produced a much larger turnout than in 2014 and there are varying opinions about what that might mean for the general election on Monday.

Election advertisements are everywhere.

You've likely noticed them on the Tim Horton's TVs getting your morning coffee, or at the library, and all over social media.

Elections NB is trying to ensure everyone knows there's an election going on, and it appears to be working.

Advanced polls were open for two days, and more than 87,000 people cast their ballot compared to 67,317 four years ago.

“In the 2014 election for youth between 18 and 24, only 14 per cent of eligible electors showed up to vote,” said Kimberly Poffenroth, New Brunswick’s chief electoral officer.“We're just trying to make it as easy and accessible for them to get out and vote.”

There are more campus voting stations, too, giving students the opportunity to vote in either their campus or hometown riding.

Political scientist J.P. Lewis says the higher turnout could mean there is better advertising on behalf of Elections NB, and that parties themselves are encouraging people to get out and vote.

“Normally we associate higher turnout with a desire for change,” said Lewis. “The polls haven't necessarily shown that and also it's been somewhat of a sleepy campaign.”

Elections NB says they see it as voter convenience, for the people who already know who's got their vote.

But in the meantime, parties are still all over the province this week pitching the last of their promises.

The Liberals were at the Oromocto Public Library promising more money to improve literary in the province.

The Progressive Conservatives were three minutes away promising to eliminate the front licence plate on vehicles, charge HST on the actual purchase price of a vehicle instead of the blue book value, and allow vehicle registrations to last for two years.

Something that sounded like a People's Alliance promise.

“Good policies are good policies,” said Tory leader Blaine Higgs. “We've had these on the docket now for a long time. So I would guess one would say ‘why would you take a chance on the People's Alliance?’ which can effectively (cause) another four years of Brian Gallant by splitting the vote.”

People’s Alliance leader Kris Austin was campaigning in his own riding today -- a riding he lost by 26 votes four years ago.

The Greens were on the Universite de Moncton campus before launching their plan for rural New Brunswick, which includes a local food strategy to increase production here at home, and reduce imports.

And the only female party leader, Jennifer McKenzie, promised to continue working for women's equality well after the election

wraps up, a wrap that's only six days away.

Whatever the reason for a strong voter turnout in the advanced polls, Elections NB is hoping that continues on Monday so that it the province can improve on 2014's voter turnout.

With files from CTV Atlantic’s Laura Brown.

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