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Israel launched a new large-scale air offensive against Hamas in the Gaza Strip early in the morning on Friday in an unprecedented intervention since the 2014 war. joined the massive bombings that aviation has been carrying out since Monday afternoon. The magnitude of the attack is unclear and in the early hours there was confusion over whether Israeli troops had penetrated the territory.

An army spokesman initially confirmed the entry of soldiers on the other side of the separation fence with Gaza, but two hours later another military spokesman declared it had been a communication failure. “Clarification: there are currently no ground troops from the IDF [Israeli Defense Forces] within the Gaza Strip. The IDF's ground and air forces are carrying out attacks on targets in the Gaza Strip, ”the army said in a statement. Gaza's media claimed on social media that in just a few minutes more than 150 ground and air strikes were recorded. Hamas had warned in a statement that if Israeli troops invaded any part of Gaza: "The ground offensive will offer an opportunity to increase the number of dead and prisoners among the enemy."

The Security Office, a government agency that makes important decisions in the event of war, met at the Armed Forces headquarters in Tel Aviv to examine the plans for the so-called Operation Guardian of the Walls. "Hamas will pay a high price for its attacks on Israel," Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a statement released after the meeting. "The last word on this operation has not yet been said, which will only end when necessary," he added.

The army chief, General Avi Kochavi, ordered three brigades to be sent to the border, while the South Division's General Staff mobilized more than 9,000 reservists.

Support news production like this.

At least 109 Palestinians - among militiamen and civilians, including 28 children - have been killed in Israeli air raids since the offensive began and more than 500 people have been injured, according to the Palestinian Ministry of Health. In Israel, seven people - including two minors and a soldier - died as a result of rockets launching from the enclave and another 200 were injured.

Hamas officials have signaled that they are ready for a ceasefire on behalf of the Gaza militias, reports Al Jazeera, but Israel maintains its rejection of the truce as long as projectiles continue to fall on its territory. More than 1,700 rockets have been fired since Monday, of which 300 fell within the range, over the south and center of the country. "Now is not the time to speak," said the head of the Shin Bet (internal intelligence service), Nadav Argaman, who directs the strategy of targeted assassinations of dozens of Hamas and Islamic Jihad commanders, according to Israeli media. Until aviation and artillery run out of lists of military objective databases in the Gaza Strip, in order to strengthen Israel's deterrence capacity, the intensity of hostilities is not expected to begin to diminish.

Four apartments occupied by militia chiefs and a six-story building were destroyed in aviation attacks, which concentrated the fire of their missiles against the most emblematic blocks in the city of Gaza.

Media offices

Islamic parties and Islamist militias have offices in many of these blocs, which also house commercial or media offices, 20 of which have lost their headquarters, according to the NGO Reporters Without Borders.

In the midst of this climate of uncertainty, the army announced last night that Hezbollah's pro-Iranian militia threatened to open a new front after launching three rockets from Lebanon to the sea off the coast of Israel.

Prime Minister Netanyahu has decidedly placed himself at the head of the direction of war operations. Amid the escalation of rocket attacks, which once again hit the south and center of the country, the head of government appears to have recovered the political initiative.

Conservative leader Naftali Bennett, who had pledged to join the government coalition with the opposition, broke the deal last night in view of the wave of violence in cities with Arab populations. Bennett announced that he would return to negotiate a Government agreement with Netanyahu's right-wing bloc, along with ultra-Orthodox and the extreme right, which will then approach the majority again. ... Israel lançamento uma nova ofensiva aérea em grande escala contra o Hamas na Faixa de Gaza no início da madrugada desta sexta-feira em uma intervenção sem precedentes desde a guerra de 2014. Os disparos da artilharia e dos tanques concentrados nas últimas horas na fronteira do enclave se juntaram aos bombardeios maciços que a aviação realiza desde a tarde de segunda-feira. A magnitude do ataque não é clara e nas primeiras horas houve confusão sobre se as tropas israelenses estavam penetradas no território.

Um porta-voz do Exército boletim confirmou a entrada de soldados do outro lado da cerca de separação com Gaza, mas duas horas depois outro porta-voz militar devido que havia sido uma falha de comunicação. “Esclarecimento: atualmente não há tropas terrestres das FDI [Forças de Defesa de Israel] dentro da Faixa de Gaza. As cortinas terrestres e aéreas do FDI estão realizando contra alvos na Faixa de Gaza ”, conforme o Exército em nota. A mídia de Gaza assegurou nas redes sociais que em poucos minutos mais de 150 bombardeios terrestres e aéreos foram registrados. O Hamas havia alertado em um comunicado que se como tropas israelenses invadissem qualquer parte de Gaza: “A ofensiva terrestre oferecerá uma oportunidade para aumentar o número de mortos e prisioneiros entre o inimigo.”

O Gabinete de Segurança, órgão do Governo que toma as decisões importantes em caso de guerra, reuniu-se no quartel-general das Forças Armadas em Tel Aviv para examinar os planos da chamada Operação Guardião das Muralhas. “O Hamas vai pagar um alto preço por seus exercícios a Israel”, disse o primeiro-ministro israelense, Benjamin Netanyahu, em um comunicado divulgado após a reunião. “Ainda não foi dita a última palavra nesta operação, que só terminará quando for necessário”, acrescentou.

O chefe do Exército, o general Avi Kochavi, ordenou o envio de três brigadas à fronteira, enquanto o Estado-Maior da Divisão Sul mobilizou mais de 9.000 reservistas.

Apoie a produção de notícias como esta.

Pelo menos 109 palestinos —entre milicianos e civis, incluindo 28 crianças— foram mortos nas incursões aéreas israelenses desde o início da ofensiva e mais de 500 pessoas chamadas feridas, de acordo com o Ministério da Saúde palestino. Em Israel, sete pessoas —incluindo dois menores e um soldado— morreram em consequência do lançamento de foguetes a partir do enclave e outras 200 chamadas feridas.

Dirigentes do Hamas sinalizaram que estão dispostos a um cessar-fogo em nome das milícias de Gaza, relacionado à Al Jazeera, mas Israel mantém sua rejeição à trégua enquanto prosseguirem caindo projéteis em seu território. Mais de 1.700 foguetes foram disparados desde segunda-feira, dos quais 300 caíram da faixa, sobre o sul e centro do país. “Agora não é hora de falar”, disse segundo a imprensa israelense o chefe do Shin Bet (serviço de inteligência interno), Nadav Argaman, que dirige uma estratégia de assassinatos seletivos de dezenas de comandantes do Hamas e da Jihad Islâmica. Ate que a aviação e a artilharia esgotem a lista dos bancos de dados de objetivos militares na Faixa de Gaza, com o fim de reforçar a capacidade de dissuasão de Israel, não se espera que a intensidade das hostilidades diminua

Quatro apartamentos ocupados por chefes das milícias e um prédio de seis andares foram destruídos em ataques da aviação, que concentrou o fogo de seus mísseis contra os blocos mais emblemáticos da cidade de Gaza.

Escritórios dos meios de comunicação

Os partidos islâmicos e as milícias islamistas têm escritórios em muitos blocos, que também abrigam escritórios comerciais ou de meios de comunicação, 20 dos quais perderam suas sedes, de acordo com a ONG Repórteres Sem Fronteiras.

Em meio a esse clima de incerteza, o Exército anunciou à noite que a milícia pró-iraniana do Hezbollah ameaçou abrir uma nova frente de lançar três foguetes a partir do Líbano até o mar diante da costa de Israel.

O primeiro-ministro Netanyahu colocou-se de forma decidida à frente da direção das operações bélicas. Em meio à escalada de ofertas com foguetes, que mais uma vez atingindo o sul e o centro do país, o chefe do Governo parece ter recuperado a iniciativa política.

O líder conservador Naftali Bennett, que havia se comprometido a se juntar à coalizão governamental com a recuperação, rompeu o acordo na noite passada em vista da onda de violência nas cidades com população árabe. Bennett anunciou que iria voltar a negociar um acordo de Governo com o bloco da direita de Netanyahu, junto com ultraortodoxos e a extrema direita, que assim volta a se aproximar da maioria.

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Israel launched a new large-scale air offensive against Hamas in the Gaza Strip early in the morning on Friday in an unprecedented intervention since the 2014 war. joined the massive bombings that aviation has been carrying out since Monday afternoon. The magnitude of the attack is unclear and in the early hours there was confusion over whether Israeli troops had penetrated the territory.

An army spokesman initially confirmed the entry of soldiers on the other side of the separation fence with Gaza, but two hours later another military spokesman declared it had been a communication failure. “Clarification: there are currently no ground troops from the IDF [Israeli Defense Forces] within the Gaza Strip. The IDF's ground and air forces are carrying out attacks on targets in the Gaza Strip, ”the army said in a statement. Gaza's media claimed on social media that in just a few minutes more than 150 ground and air strikes were recorded. Hamas had warned in a statement that if Israeli troops invaded any part of Gaza: "The ground offensive will offer an opportunity to increase the number of dead and prisoners among the enemy."

The Security Office, a government agency that makes important decisions in the event of war, met at the Armed Forces headquarters in Tel Aviv to examine the plans for the so-called Operation Guardian of the Walls. "Hamas will pay a high price for its attacks on Israel," Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a statement released after the meeting. "The last word on this operation has not yet been said, which will only end when necessary," he added.

The army chief, General Avi Kochavi, ordered three brigades to be sent to the border, while the South Division's General Staff mobilized more than 9,000 reservists.

Support news production like this.

At least 109 Palestinians - among militiamen and civilians, including 28 children - have been killed in Israeli air raids since the offensive began and more than 500 people have been injured, according to the Palestinian Ministry of Health. In Israel, seven people - including two minors and a soldier - died as a result of rockets launching from the enclave and another 200 were injured.

Hamas officials have signaled that they are ready for a ceasefire on behalf of the Gaza militias, reports Al Jazeera, but Israel maintains its rejection of the truce as long as projectiles continue to fall on its territory. More than 1,700 rockets have been fired since Monday, of which 300 fell within the range, over the south and center of the country. "Now is not the time to speak," said the head of the Shin Bet (internal intelligence service), Nadav Argaman, who directs the strategy of targeted assassinations of dozens of Hamas and Islamic Jihad commanders, according to Israeli media. Until aviation and artillery run out of lists of military objective databases in the Gaza Strip, in order to strengthen Israel's deterrence capacity, the intensity of hostilities is not expected to begin to diminish.

Four apartments occupied by militia chiefs and a six-story building were destroyed in aviation attacks, which concentrated the fire of their missiles against the most emblematic blocks in the city of Gaza.

Media offices

Islamic parties and Islamist militias have offices in many of these blocs, which also house commercial or media offices, 20 of which have lost their headquarters, according to the NGO Reporters Without Borders.

In the midst of this climate of uncertainty, the army announced last night that Hezbollah's pro-Iranian militia threatened to open a new front after launching three rockets from Lebanon to the sea off the coast of Israel.

Prime Minister Netanyahu has decidedly placed himself at the head of the direction of war operations. Amid the escalation of rocket attacks, which once again hit the south and center of the country, the head of government appears to have recovered the political initiative.

Conservative leader Naftali Bennett, who had pledged to join the government coalition with the opposition, broke the deal last night in view of the wave of violence in cities with Arab populations. Bennett announced that he would return to negotiate a Government agreement with Netanyahu's right-wing bloc, along with ultra-Orthodox and the extreme right, which will then approach the majority again. ... Israel lançamento uma nova ofensiva aérea em grande escala contra o Hamas na Faixa de Gaza no início da madrugada desta sexta-feira em uma intervenção sem precedentes desde a guerra de 2014. Os disparos da artilharia e dos tanques concentrados nas últimas horas na fronteira do enclave se juntaram aos bombardeios maciços que a aviação realiza desde a tarde de segunda-feira. A magnitude do ataque não é clara e nas primeiras horas houve confusão sobre se as tropas israelenses estavam penetradas no território.

Um porta-voz do Exército boletim confirmou a entrada de soldados do outro lado da cerca de separação com Gaza, mas duas horas depois outro porta-voz militar devido que havia sido uma falha de comunicação. “Esclarecimento: atualmente não há tropas terrestres das FDI [Forças de Defesa de Israel] dentro da Faixa de Gaza. As cortinas terrestres e aéreas do FDI estão realizando contra alvos na Faixa de Gaza ”, conforme o Exército em nota. A mídia de Gaza assegurou nas redes sociais que em poucos minutos mais de 150 bombardeios terrestres e aéreos foram registrados. O Hamas havia alertado em um comunicado que se como tropas israelenses invadissem qualquer parte de Gaza: “A ofensiva terrestre oferecerá uma oportunidade para aumentar o número de mortos e prisioneiros entre o inimigo.”

O Gabinete de Segurança, órgão do Governo que toma as decisões importantes em caso de guerra, reuniu-se no quartel-general das Forças Armadas em Tel Aviv para examinar os planos da chamada Operação Guardião das Muralhas. “O Hamas vai pagar um alto preço por seus exercícios a Israel”, disse o primeiro-ministro israelense, Benjamin Netanyahu, em um comunicado divulgado após a reunião. “Ainda não foi dita a última palavra nesta operação, que só terminará quando for necessário”, acrescentou.

O chefe do Exército, o general Avi Kochavi, ordenou o envio de três brigadas à fronteira, enquanto o Estado-Maior da Divisão Sul mobilizou mais de 9.000 reservistas.

Apoie a produção de notícias como esta.

Pelo menos 109 palestinos —entre milicianos e civis, incluindo 28 crianças— foram mortos nas incursões aéreas israelenses desde o início da ofensiva e mais de 500 pessoas chamadas feridas, de acordo com o Ministério da Saúde palestino. Em Israel, sete pessoas —incluindo dois menores e um soldado— morreram em consequência do lançamento de foguetes a partir do enclave e outras 200 chamadas feridas.

Dirigentes do Hamas sinalizaram que estão dispostos a um cessar-fogo em nome das milícias de Gaza, relacionado à Al Jazeera, mas Israel mantém sua rejeição à trégua enquanto prosseguirem caindo projéteis em seu território. Mais de 1.700 foguetes foram disparados desde segunda-feira, dos quais 300 caíram da faixa, sobre o sul e centro do país. “Agora não é hora de falar”, disse segundo a imprensa israelense o chefe do Shin Bet (serviço de inteligência interno), Nadav Argaman, que dirige uma estratégia de assassinatos seletivos de dezenas de comandantes do Hamas e da Jihad Islâmica. Ate que a aviação e a artilharia esgotem a lista dos bancos de dados de objetivos militares na Faixa de Gaza, com o fim de reforçar a capacidade de dissuasão de Israel, não se espera que a intensidade das hostilidades diminua

Quatro apartamentos ocupados por chefes das milícias e um prédio de seis andares foram destruídos em ataques da aviação, que concentrou o fogo de seus mísseis contra os blocos mais emblemáticos da cidade de Gaza.

Escritórios dos meios de comunicação

Os partidos islâmicos e as milícias islamistas têm escritórios em muitos blocos, que também abrigam escritórios comerciais ou de meios de comunicação, 20 dos quais perderam suas sedes, de acordo com a ONG Repórteres Sem Fronteiras.

Em meio a esse clima de incerteza, o Exército anunciou à noite que a milícia pró-iraniana do Hezbollah ameaçou abrir uma nova frente de lançar três foguetes a partir do Líbano até o mar diante da costa de Israel.

O primeiro-ministro Netanyahu colocou-se de forma decidida à frente da direção das operações bélicas. Em meio à escalada de ofertas com foguetes, que mais uma vez atingindo o sul e o centro do país, o chefe do Governo parece ter recuperado a iniciativa política.

O líder conservador Naftali Bennett, que havia se comprometido a se juntar à coalizão governamental com a recuperação, rompeu o acordo na noite passada em vista da onda de violência nas cidades com população árabe. Bennett anunciou que iria voltar a negociar um acordo de Governo com o bloco da direita de Netanyahu, junto com ultraortodoxos e a extrema direita, que assim volta a se aproximar da maioria.

[rightsinexile]

Publications

“How and with what consequences are individuals fleeing the Syrian conflict to Lebanon given various legal, bureaucratic and social labels by humanitarian, state and local government actors? A wide array of labels are imposed; registered refugee, labourer, displaced, foreigner and others. This article argues that each of these modes of ordering has its own set of implications for what a Syrian may do, how her presence is understood by others in the community, and what type of rights and protections she may have access to.” - Modes of Ordering: Labelling, Classification and Categorization in Lebanon's Refugee Response. Maja Janmyr and Lama Mourad, Journal of Refugee Studies, 2018.

“The Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants, Felipe González Morales, conducted an official visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina from 24 September to 1 October 2019, at the invitation of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main objective of the visit was to assess existing laws, policies and practices in relation to migration governance in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their impact on the human rights of migrants of all categories, including asylum seekers and migrants in an irregular situation.” - Report of the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants on his visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Felipe González Morales, Human Rights Council, 12 May 2020.

“The COVID-19 pandemic has magnified existing issues in the child migration context. It illuminates socio-economic challenges, laying bare deep-seated policy inequities and their devastating impact on the millions of children forced to leave their homes across the globe. But the pandemic, and the ensuing pause in some aspects of global migration management, also provides an opportunity to rethink the impact of forced migration practice on affected children.” -  Child Repatriation in the Time of COVID-19. Jacqueline Bhabha and Vasileia Digidiki, Refugee Studies Centre, Oxford University, 5 June 2020.

“This report is motivated by recent changes in policy and practice in respect of immigration detention in South Africa, as well as legislative and jurisprudential development over the past few years. In broad terms, since 2013, shifts have occurred in the following areas: jurisprudence, legislation, practical barriers to accessing the asylum system, and information access regarding designation of places of detention.” - Monitoring Policy, Litigious and Legislative Shifts in Immigration Detention in South Africa. Wayne Ncube and Charné Tracey, Lawyers for Human Rights, May 2020.

“The number of refugees in need of protection has climbed to an all-time high, while at the same time, many countries have reduced their commitments to refugee resettlement. To meet these challenges, governments and civil-society groups in a growing number of countries have begun to explore refugee sponsorship (also called community or private sponsorship), either as a complement or alternative to traditional protection pathways. This MPI Europe policy brief takes stock of sponsorship programs worldwide.” - Refugee Sponsorship Programs: A Global State of Play and Opportunities for Investment. Lena Kainz, Migration Policy Institute, 2019.

“This fact sheet provides an overview of the asylum system in the United States, including how asylum is defined, eligibility requirements, and the application process.” - Asylum in the United States, American Immigration Council, 11 July 2020.

“This article analyses the international migrations and statuses of people who left Syria after the outbreak of the civil war. In addition to exploring the dynamics of Syrian refugee migrations since 2011, we also discuss future prospects and possibilities of return.” - Syrian Refugee Migration, Transitions in Migrant Statuses and Future Scenarios of Syrian Mobility. Hariz Halilovich, Refugee Survey Quarterly, 2020.

“The fourth volume of Refugee Review, an open access, multidisciplinary, multimedia, and peer-reviewed journal of the ESPMI Network. The journal features varied and challenging articles, opinion pieces and practitioner reports from emerging scholars and practitioners around the world.” - Emerging Issues in Forced Migration - Perspectives from Research and Practice. Refugee Review, 1 May 2020.

“As the corona virus sweeps rapidly across the globe, it is undoubtedly having immense psychological impacts on communities. There are legitimate concerns that an epidemic of mental illness could actually occur in the midst of the current environment.” - Mental health and psychological well-being during COVID-19 pandemic: the invisible elephant in the room. Akaninyene Otu, Carlo Handy Charles and Sanni Yaya, International Journal of Mental Health Systems, 2020.

“Parents are an essential source of constancy and support, and effectively promote children’s resilience even in adversity. To build on this potential, however, more information is needed about the realities of refugee parents in situations of extreme adversity such as war and displacement.” - Parental suffering and resilience among recently displaced Syrian refugees in Lebanon. Bree Akesson and Cindy Sousa, Journal of Child and Family Studies, 30 November 2019.

“Around the world, the COVID-19 pandemic has created dramatic new levels of humanitarian need. Marginalized groups—including the world’s more than 70 million forcibly displaced people—are being particularly hard hit. For Venezuelan refugees and migrants in Colombia, the pandemic has hardened barriers to social and economic integration.” - Searching for Home: How COVID-19 threatens progress for Venezuelan integration in Columbia. Daphne Panayotatos and Rachel Schmidtke, Refugees International, 26 May 2020.

“Canada has been one of the world’s top destinations for immigrants, and this year was supposed to be no exception. However, concerns about the spread of COVID-19 led Canada to implement travel restrictions that for all intents and purposes shutdown immigration. Amid ongoing border restrictions, travel-related health fears, and the global economic downturn, we expect immigration levels to be down sharply in 2020.” COVID-19 derails Canadian immigration. Andrew Agopsowicz, RBC Economics, 29 May 2020.

“The Pacific Islands are a group of 20 small island developing nations scattered across the Pacific Ocean that are especially vulnerable to large-scale disasters, such as cyclones. In 2020, the Pacific Islands had to face a new challenge: weathering a Category 5 cyclone, the highest measurement on the cyclone intensity scale, while facing the paralyzing conditions and economic uncertainty brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic.” - A New Vulnerability: COVID-19 and tropical cyclone Harold create the perfect storm in the Pacific. Refugees International, Kayly Ober and Stefan Bakumenko, 3 June 2020.

“This Impact Report pulls together and synthesises the information we have collated to date on the impact of COVID-19 on stateless persons and those whose nationality is under threat around the world.” - Statelessness in a global pandemic. Institute on Statelessness and Inclusion, June 2020.

“This article discusses the challenges of conducting interviews about human rights matters with refugees and displaced people. It examines aspects of the practice of conducting interviews, particularly the ethical, psychosocial and cultural in which these issues might be approached. The article aims to be of particular value to emerging scholars and practitioners familiar with the principles of research methods but with less practical experience of conducting interviews with refugees and displaced people.” - Refugee Testimony and Human Rights Advocacy: The challenges of interviewing refugees in the field Matt Oliver Kinsella, Refugee Review Emerging Issues in Forced Migration, 2020.

“This collection and review of evidence aims to illustrate how the COVID-19 crisis triggers disproportionate risks and barriers for men, women, boys and girls with disabilities living in humanitarian settings. It highlights recommendations for humanitarian actors, to enhance inclusive action, aligned with existing guidance and learnings on disability inclusion.” -  COVID-19 in humanitarian contexts: no excuses to leave persons with disabilities behind. Humanity and Inclusion, June 2020.

“IDMC’s Global Report on Internal Displacement is the official repository of data and analysis on internal displacement. This year's GRID breaks down data by conflict, violence and disasters across 145 countries. This edition looks at policy and operational practice from across the world and shows what is being done by countries to prevent, respond to and resolve internal displacement.” - Global Report on Internal Displacement 2020. Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, 2020.

“Statistics on asylum matters have become a central part of political debate in Europe in recent years, in particular, statistics on protection rates or recognition rates – the percentage of the people seeking asylum who are recognised (or declared) to be entitled to international protection – are often used in arguments about the reasons for migration and the appropriate policy responses. ECRE has analysed the use of asylum statistics and has also contributed the gathering and dissemination of asylum statistics through its Asylum Information Database (AIDA). Here, ECRE sounds a note of caution in regard to the presentation and use of statistics.” - Asylum statistics in Europe: Briefing. European Council on Refugees and Exiles, 2019.

“The EU has (re)-built the so-called Libyan Coast Guard by financing, equipping, training and politically legitimizing them. Despite the fact that the Libyan Coast Guard is effectively a militia with documented involvement in systemic human rights violations and human smuggling, EU institutions and Member States provide technical, logistical, and political support, and often even direct operational coordination.” - The EU-Libya collaboration in mass interceptions of migrants in the Central Mediterranean. Remote Control, 17 June 2020. 

“From 2015 intensification of the Syrian conflict, the number of asylum applications significantly increased in the EU Member States. This situation has led to political tensions in and between some countries – particularly those on the "front line" such as Greece and Italy – regarding the suitable responses in terms of reception and integration of exiled persons. How have national asylum systems in Europe adapted? Is the reaction of the European institutions – in a fragmented Union on the issue of asylum – appropriate? What evolution of asylum policies in European countries since 2015?. European Insights, June 2020.

“FRA’s Fundamental Rights Report 2020 reviews major developments in the field, identifying both achievements and remaining areas of concern. This publication presents FRA’s opinions on the main developments in the thematic areas covered, and a synopsis of the evidence supporting these opinions. In so doing, it provides a compact but informative overview of the main fundamental rights challenges confronting the EU and its Member States.” - Fundamental Rights Report. European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2020.

“The EMN Annual Report provides a comprehensive overview of the migration and asylum situation and developments in the EU (Member) States as well as statistical data for the year 2019, which were available at the time of the publication of the report.” - Annual Report on Migration and Asylum 2019. European Migration Network, June 2020.

“The UK Home Office’s Asylum Policy Instruction on Asylum Interviews (Asylum Policy Instruction) provides guidance to Home Office caseworkers on how to conduct asylum interviews and obtain information to establish whether or not protection should be granted. Despite this guidance, independent inspection bodies and other organisations working directly with asylum claimants have expressed significant concerns over many years about the quality of asylum interviews, highlighting the link between poor quality interviews and flawed, unsustainable decisions.” - How the Home Office fails survivors of torture at the asylum interview. Freedom from Torture, 2020.

“As of June 2020 the world is well into a global health crisis, with over 5 million COVID-19 cases worldwide and over 330,000 related deaths. There remains great uncertainty about what comes next. We do not know how many people will be infected or how long the pandemic will last. However, we do know that those who are most marginalized will be disproportionately impacted by the pandemic, including members of the LGBTQI community” - The Impact of COVID-19 on displaced LGBTQI persons. Paul Dillane and Kimahli Powell, Rainbow Railroad, June 2020.

[edisonashley]

Christopher McCrudden: Democracy, protests, and Covid-19: the challenge of (and for) human rights

Two excellent databases enable us to track the effect of Covid-19 on political protests and demonstrations. Both the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project tell a similar story: that the effect of the virus has been mixed. Some protest movements that were active before the pandemic are now much less in evidence (the yellow vests in France). Other demonstrations continue as before (Lebanon) but sometimes develop innovative methods of getting their message out (Israel). Increasingly, however, we are also seeing the emergence of protests directly related to the virus, and to government actions taken (or not taken) to address it.

Each of these developments has significant implications for how we should view the future of non-violent activism in the ‘new normal’. First, the decline of some protest movements may be the result of sensible decisions by these movements themselves to cut back during the pandemic, but in other cases the reduction in such protests may result from more sinister developments. Unfortunately, this pandemic comes on the back of democratic decline over the past 10 years. Protests grew as democracy shrank. 2019 has sometimes been called ‘the year of the street protest,’ and it seems clear that the Covid-19 crisis has been seen as an excuse by some governments to introduce authoritarian measures restricting embarrassing or threatening political dissent. Authoritarian governments in Hong Kong and Hungary have frequently been seen by commentators as having done just that. How to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate restrictions on protests will remain highly problematic.

Second, the continuation of demonstrations and protests, particularly those that involve politics on the streets give rise to the significant possibility that they will contribute to spreading the disease itself. How to protest in public, whilst maintaining social distancing is no easy matter, and has required some ingenuity. The practice of Israeli demonstrators maintaining social distancing during protests in Rabin Square in Tel Aviv may or may not be adopted elsewhere. Recent protests arising from the death of George Floyd, whether in the United States or in Britain, do not appear to have maintained social distancing, if the coverage of these events is anything to go by. Whether the R-number is increased as a result remains to be seen.

Alternative methods of protesting that do not rely on mass gatherings may develop, including online protests and, possibly, legal mobilization, but each of these brings with it particular problems. On the one hand, the greater diversity of forms of protests may increase the diversity of those participating, with women and younger people more in evidence. On the other hand, these changes in tactics are likely to lead states to engage in even more monitoring of social media, with obvious implications for privacy. The relationship between states and Internet platforms will, as a result, require rethinking. How far should we empower the state to regulate these platforms in order to protect us from manipulation? And to those who immediately answer ‘bring it on’, we need to be aware that government is not above manipulation itself, as the government’s commissioning of ‘scientific’ advice appears to demonstrate. Unfortunately, there appears to be evidence, patchy so far, of attempts to influence behaviour through non-transparent manipulation, or ‘nudging’. Fortunately, the behavioural psychology advice that governments now appear to be relying on for these purposes is rudimentary. So far.

It is the third development that, perhaps, has the most profound implications for democracy, however, namely the increasing frequency of protests arising directly from governmental responses to the pandemic itself. Protests against the way governments have responded to Covid-19 may, of course, be legitimate. I suspect we have all found ourselves (or members of our families) shouting at the latest idiocy that we see being announced, or the most recent searching question by well-informed journalists being dodged. The Black Lives Matters protests are driven, at least in part, by a justified outrage at the obvious disparity in Covid-19 death rates, with BAME communities apparently much harder hit. In the absence of transparent communication of policy and robust accountability mechanisms, legitimate protests will increase, particularly if (when?) the pandemic returns with even greater virulence.

Demonstrations about the government response to Covid-19 appear to have the potential, however, of combining with earlier movements to create a toxic brand of protesting. There seems to be a risk of the capture or infiltration of such movements by (what I’ll call) populist forces that redirect the anger of the demonstrators against the most vulnerable in the society. Germany and the United States both provide recent evidence of the coming together of disparate ideologies that latch onto Covid-19 protests: anti-immigrant groups, neo-Nazis, gun-advocates, anti-globalization groups, conspiracy theorists, anti-vax activists, 5-G protesters, and the inevitable anti-Semites. 

Such groups, sometimes egged on by irresponsible political leaders, appear to be united by their anti-intellectual, anti-institutional, and anti-scientific biases in ways that may yet prove a significant threat to democracy. The likelihood of these developments being exacerbated by economic depression is, unfortunately, considerable. In this respect at least, the current crisis is not as unprecedented as is often alleged. We can benefit from history, although which period provides useful lessons is a huge question. Unfortunately, aspects of the current crisis raise disturbing parallels with 1930s Europe.

What will be crucial in heading off the more disturbing of these developments is the degree of trust that resides in political, economic and scientific leadership, nationally and internationally. Such trust will only be retained (or restored) if the leaders in these fields exhibit appropriate levels of transparency, accountability, modesty, fairness and competence. Suddenly, we seem to discover that values matter after all. It is hard to escape the conclusion that more democracy is necessary, and with that will come more protests.

We will still be faced, however, with attempting to distinguish between ‘legitimate’ and ‘illegitimate’ protests, and between ‘legitimate’ and ‘illegitimate’ restrictions on protests. On what basis can we do this, and who should be responsible? There are several practical dimensions to this, but I’ll mention only two here. First, the print and broadcasting media have a very difficult line to tread, between reporting these protests and legitimating them. How can the media avoid making misinformation (bleach, anyone?) appear as legitimate as evidence-based policy? There is a particular issue for broadcast media in countries where there is an obligation of ‘neutrality’ imposed by regulators. Sometimes ‘neutrality’ seems to boil down to having a confrontation between the crackpot and the expert, with the broadcaster being a ‘neutral’ moderator – the same problem as in the climate change debate. Should we aim for a more responsible broadcasting ethic that calls out fake news for what it is?

There is a second danger, however, which concerns me particularly. The danger is that ‘human rights’ are seen as supporting, indeed as encompassing, only the wilder claims of the libertarian right. The emphasis on human rights as justifying protests that complain that we can no longer go to the pub or to a football match, will pose a considerable risk for the legitimacy of the human rights project after the pandemic, furthering the skepticism that human rights advocates are losing touch with reality. For me, at least, the image of the British Prime Minister claiming the ‘ancient, inalienable right of free-born people in the United Kingdom to go to the pub’ as the basis for his unease in imposing lock-down earlier, and thus saving more lives, left me wishing that his conversion to rights-discourse had been somewhat more informed, and somewhat less irresponsible.

There is a place for human rights in discussing the appropriate response to the Covid-19 crisis, but it is a nuanced and problematic one, and one that requires a deeper appreciation of the thinking on which human rights are based. The issue of freedom of speech and assembly in these difficult days is both topical and illustrative of the need for this deeper understanding. Why, exactly, are these appropriately regarded as important rights, and what are the appropriate limits to these rights? Restrictions based on manner, place and time are commonly accepted as reasonable; more controversial are restrictions based on the content of the message. Should we criminalize hate speech? Should we ban ‘no-platforming’?  

Traditionally, three answers were offered to why freedom of expression, to use an umbrella term that includes both speech and assembly, should be protected. First, it is considered valuable because it is said to contribute to the truth emerging from the clash of ideas, and truth is intrinsically valuable. Second, freedom of expression is considered valuable because, in a democracy, the citizenry needs the full range of expression available in order to be able to act in a fully-informed way. Third, freedom of expression is important to the speaker as an important vehicle for self-expression.

So far, so good, but a little more thought shows that there are problems. We can see immediately that different forms of expression, taking place in different forums, and at different times are likely to be prioritized depending on which of these justifications is considered to be most important. Indeed, in some contexts, these justifications point in opposite directions. We need to have a serious conversation as to the future of protest in the ‘new normal’ based around what is and is not protected by freedom of expression, and why. Sloganeering will not help; it will simply exacerbate the problem.

In no country that I’m aware of, for example, is freedom of expression, protected for any of the reasons sketched out, regarded as an absolute human right. Nearly every single human right (apart from freedom from torture and the prohibition on slavery) is to be seen in relationship with other rights and values. Seeing issues arising from Covid-19 through a human rights lens should, instead of focusing on one right to the exclusion of others, take in the full range of human rights protections, including the right to life and to health, the right to an adequate standard of living, and the right to work, with the consequence that we locate human rights appropriately, often on both sides of major political disputes. The majority of the United States Supreme Court were clearly right, in my view, to refuse to allow a challenge, based on freedom of religion grounds, to California’s eminently sensible decision to restrict church services based on the need to lower the rate of Covid-19 infection.

Undoubtedly correct, but still troubling. We should not duck the difficult problems that arise from cases such as this. Covid-19 exacerbates an already well-known problem in human rights ideology: how to balance conflicting rights, and how to do so without descending into merely utilitarianism and pragmatism. Whether human rights advocates are able to manage this difficult task may well prove vital in securing its future in the ‘new normal’.

Christopher McCrudden FBA MRIA is Professor of Human Rights and Equality Law, Queen’s University Belfast, and L Bates Lee Global Law Professor, University of Michigan Law School.

This blog was stimulated by a British Academy seminar on ‘Democracy and Protests in Light of Covid’ held on 19 May 2020. I am grateful to Simon Goldhill FBA for comments on an earlier draft.

Christopher McCrudden: Democracy, protests, and Covid-19: the challenge of (and for) human rights published first on https://immigrationlawyerto.weebly.com/