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careeralley · 2 years

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What Are Ivy League Universities and Why Should I Care?

If you've seen most movies portraying American college life, you'll notice that most of them are at a well-known, prestigious university. Animal House, Legally Blonde, A Beautiful Mind, and Good Will Hunting depict the odd parties and individuals that dwell behind the walls of these prestigious universities. These famous and highly selective colleges are frequently referred to as the "Ivy League," Their history is quite intriguing and significant in American higher education. If you are considering getting a Master's degree in the United States, here are some things you should know about these Ivy League schools. Which American schools are Ivy League universities? In the United States, Ivy League institutions originated as a collective organisation of eight highly competitive sports colleges, namely: Brown University (Rhode Island) Columbia University (New York) Cornell University (New York) Dartmouth College (New Hampshire) Harvard University (Massachusetts) Princeton University (New Jersey) University of Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania) Yale University (Connecticut) As its athletic teams acquired fame and more financing, student performance and admittance requirements became more arduous and severe. As a result, these Ivy League institutions and universities have earned a broad reputation for generating graduates with substantial academic achievement, social prominence, and good professional prospects since the 1960s. Even now, these colleges have a strong presence among the top-ranked universities in the United States. They are supported in this status by Stanford, M.I.T., and Caltech, which are not strictly Ivy League colleges but have a comparable reputation and social standing. Why should I care about Ivy League universities? For various reasons, these colleges will likely be the first to catch your interest when you begin your search for undergraduate and graduate degrees. If you want to lead a large firm, occupy a public position in government, or obtain a competitive advantage in research and innovation, the Ivy League is your best bet.Click To Tweet They invest much in attracting bright, hardworking, and career-minded students worldwide. Second, it goes without saying that these colleges greatly assist students in their professional pursuits. Ivy League colleges truly dominate a variety of areas, from law and medicine to electrical engineering and business. A degree from one of these colleges will open many possibilities for you in the future. However, these colleges are also among the most costly in the United States, with tuition ranging between 55,000 and 60,000 USD each year. Fortunately, they also provide excellent financial assistance through scholarships to their top students. Perhaps you are one of them! 3 things to know before you apply to an Ivy League school The admissions procedure for these top colleges is challenging; you'll need to meet requirements far higher than those of regular public universities. For example, total admission rates in 2020 were less than 10%. Remember to thoroughly review the entrance standards, which include test results (SAT, GRE, LSAT, GPA), references, extracurricular activities, and other academic accomplishments. They are significant! However, keep in mind that there are hundreds of higher education institutions in the United States, and many of them rank well in university rankings while having lower tuition fees. This is why, when looking for institutions, you should look for the best fit for your specific needs. If you want to lead a large firm, occupy a public position in government, or obtain a competitive advantage in research and innovation, the Ivy League is your best bet. Read the full article

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adminstudentsza · 3 years

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Rhodes Business School Application Status 2021-Check Here

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ericfruits · 6 years

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From Rehabilitation To Judgeship To Consent To Disbarment

A story of rehabilitation from substance abuse led the New Jersey Supreme Court to admit an applicant to practice in 1990.

The pre-admission record

The evidence produced in the course of these proceedings is consistent with the factual summary that follows. Kenneth Strait, Jr., now thirty-nine years old, began using alcohol during high school. During his senior year Strait drank alcohol and smoked marijuana on a daily basis. During that time he also used cocaine, amphetamines, and barbituates.

While in high school, between March and December 1970, he had been arrested and charged on two occasions with possession of a dangerous weapon and larceny, and charged once with defacing property. He was ultimately convicted of those crimes and sentenced to probation.

Despite his substance abuse and criminal convictions, Strait achieved academic success and was awarded a full scholarship to attend Brown University. His academic career at Brown was short-lived, however, lasting only from September 1970 to June 1971. Strait continued to abuse alcohol and drugs while at Brown, drinking alcohol five to seven times a week, smoking marijuana, and using amphetamines, barbituates, and heroin. In order to support his drug habit. Strait stole from fellow University students. He was charged with and later convicted of breaking and entering, assault with a dangerous weapon, and breaking and entering with intent to commit larceny. In December 1970 he was suspended from Brown University.

In April 1971 Strait was arrested and charged with possession of a narcotic drug and frequenting a "narcotic nuisance," after police had raided the off-campus apartment of an acquaintance where Strait and others were smoking marijuana. In May 1971 Brown University re-opened Strait's file in order to investigate allegations that he had violated the conditions of his suspension. Specifically, it was alleged that he had attempted to procure monies fraudulently from the University through the improper use of vouchers. Strait was dismissed from Brown in June 1971. Thereafter, he left Rhode Island and moved to Louisiana. Criminal charges were still pending in Rhode Island at the time Strait left the jurisdiction, and bail money posted by his stepfather had been forfeited.

Strait remained a fugitive until March 1977. At that time, he surrendered to authorities in Rhode Island, pleaded nolo contendere on all charges, and received one year unsupervised concurrent terms of probation on each of the outstanding charges. Strait explained that his decision to terminate his fugitive status was prompted by his recent marriage to his long-time girlfriend, who had given birth to their son in 1972. Although Strait had described his alcohol and drug addictions as being "active" throughout the intervening years, he had decided to turn himself in to Rhode Island authorities because he was attempting to accept responsibility for his family and "pull [his] life together as best [he] could."

Strait enrolled at the University of Iowa in 1978, and received a bachelor's degree from that school in 1981. While a student there, he became intoxicated on alcohol four to five times a week and smoked marijuana several times a week. Despite his substance abuse, Strait maintained good grades, worked part-time, was president of the Minority Business Students' Association, and was active in other student and community organizations.

After disclosing fully his criminal history in his application, Strait was accepted to Rutgers University School of Law-Newark and began his studies there in September 1981. Strait's years at law school were marked by drug and alcohol abuse, poor academic performance, and a marriage that became increasingly strained. According to Strait, while attending law school he used alcohol to excess on a daily basis and cocaine "whenever [he] could get the money." He received his Juris Doctor degree from Rutgers in October 1984.

The court granted admission

The record establishes by clear and convincing evidence that Strait has demonstrated personal reform and rehabilitation in connection with his addiction to intoxicating substances. From the time that respondent entered the outpatient recovery program at Fair Oaks Hospital approximately one week after his arrest for possession of cocaine, he exhibited a commitment to recover from substance addiction. He has been steadfast in his attendance at AA and LCL, and assists other alcoholics at AA in their recovery programs. The expert testimony advanced during these proceedings is highly favorable with respect to a prognosis for respondent's continued sobriety. Further, the expert testimony establishes a clear causal connection between Strait's alcohol and drug addictions and his prior criminal conduct, which reflected adversely on his character and fitness to practice law.

We also note Strait's record of community service and employment in the legal profession. He has lectured school children and young adults about the dangers of drugs and alcohol. He has also maintained continuous and satisfactory employment with several firms as a law clerk. Strait's application for admission has prompted an outpouring of support from colleagues and former employers who are aware of his history, his recovery, and his present behavior, and who attest to his legal ability and good moral character. Strait's current employer has submitted a letter offering respondent a position as an associate with his law firm on Strait's admission to the bar, and has also volunteered to serve as his proctor.

Based on the evidence in the record establishing that respondent has overcome his dependency on drugs and alcohol, that the addiction was the primary source of his problems with the law, and that his chances for continued sobriety are favorable, we are satisfied that Strait deserves an opportunity to practice law, subject to the conditions prescribed by the Review Panel. Accordingly, we affirm the decision of the Statewide Panel of the Committee on Character.

Sadly, the story ended with his consent to disbarment. The order does not disclose the basis but northjersey.com reported on a disciplinary complaint.

A Montclair Municipal Court judge has had to deal with legal matters outside his courtroom.

The state’s Office of Attorney Ethics in October of last year filed a formal complaint against Kenneth C. Strait, Jr., who has been the township’s Municipal Court judge since 2013 and is also an attorney with an office in Montclair.

The ethics complaint alleges that Strait in July 2015 double-paid himself $3,000 in fees for a client who he represented in a personal injury matter. The complaint then alleges that the double payment led to him writing a trust account check for $4,060 to another client to try to replace funds taken from that client’s account to make up for the double payment, which Strait claimed to the OAE was done in error.

The complaint goes on to accuse Strait of using the $2,145 to cover “various expenses, including ‘Paychex and a $700 ‘draw made payable to himself.’ ”

The complaint also alleges that in September 2014, Strait took $2,145 from an attorney trust account that he was overseeing for a client, but claimed it was for “fees for a divorce he was to handle.” The complaint notes that Strait was handling a personal injury matter not a divorce for the client in question.

The complaint stemmed from an audit done of Strait’s records.

A disciplinary hearing about the complaint had been scheduled for Sept. 18 but an employee in the Office of Attorney Ethics said that the hearing had been cancelled and was being rescheduled for November.

The OAE's accusations against Strait is not the first time that he has faced disciplinary action from the state. In 2011, when he was then Montclair's municipal prosecutor, Strait was reprimanded by the New Jersey Supreme Court Disciplinary Review Board after he was found to have used the credit card of a client and a longtime friend, and ran it up beyond the $36,000 limit without informing his client.

Strait could be not be reached for comment. A call to Mayor Robert Jackson was not returned for comment.

The court granted the consent on April 2. (Mike Frisch)

http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/legal_profession/2018/04/a-story-of-rehabilitation-led-the-new-jersey-supreme-court-to-admit-sadly-the-story-ended-with-his-consent-to-disbarment.html

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newssplashy · 6 years

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Last fall, when John DiGravio arrived as a freshman at Williams College — a private, liberal arts institution in the Berkshires — the conservative from Central Texas expected to be in the political minority.

He did not expect to be ridiculed. But in the winter, when he returned from an anti-abortion rally with the school’s Catholic student group in Washington, the college’s usually harmonious Instagram account, which featured a photo of the trip, received numerous enraged comments.

Some posters booed the group. One called it “embarrassing.” Another suggested the students should “start a better club.”

At first DiGravio was taken aback. Then he took his outsider status as a calling. A few months earlier he had started a small, conservative club. He decided to make it bigger. He invited a speaker to give an evening talk on “What It Means to Be a Conservative.” Dozens of students showed up.

“I think I really hit a chord,” he said.

These days, elite students like DiGravio, who can financially and/or academically choose from an array of colleges, are often obsessed with “finding the right fit.” Surveys like ones conducted by EAB, an education consulting firm in Washington, routinely indicate that for this group, “fitting in” is one of the top factors when deciding where to go to school.

But some students, like DiGravio, 19, are discovering the pros and cons of being an outsider.

Today, top public universities are accepting out-of-state students in record numbers. Lesser-known schools sometimes referred to as “hidden gems” have made big efforts to lure high-performing students from far away. Some college counselors say they are encouraging students to explore universities in Canada, England and even Abu Dhabi.

But many say they don’t recommend that for every high school senior.

Nikki Bruno, a New Jersey-based admissions coach, says students have to have an “adventurous spirit,” and seem particularly confident before she suggests a college environment that may feel a bit out of their comfort zone.

Yodit Gebretsadik, 20, is that kind of student. At first, being at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina, which has one of the most moneyed student bodies in the country, was isolating for Gebretsadik, a mechanical engineering major from Jacksonville, Florida, who got there by way of a competitive scholarship program.

Gebretsadik, whose father manages a convenience store, said many students arrived with coveted internships their parents had helped them get and had high school engineering experiences inside and out of the classroom that she didn’t know existed.

She was cloaked in doubt during her first semester. But she said an active campus program designed to support first-generation college students helped her connect with professors and other students like her.

Soon she began to excel in her science and math classes, in many cases outperforming the peers who had arrived with more initial exposure. “It was a huge confidence booster,” she said.

Sociologists who study outsiders say it’s no surprise. They say people who can find even a small support group can become more fully engaged with who they are, and what their core values are, by being in a place that feels foreign.

Pietro Geraci, 22, a libertarian who graduated in May from Vassar College, a small liberals arts school in Poughkeepsie, New York, with a degree in astronomy, says being a political outsider requires some courage.

During Geraci’s freshman year, he joined a small campus chapter of the Young Americans for Liberty, a Washington-based libertarian youth group, and reconnected it with the national headquarters.

Making friends became challenging. “People here don’t like it when you go around saying taxation is theft,” he said. Most of his friends are liberal, he said, and some came to the group’s meetings and were eager to engage in “fruitful conversation.” And Geraci, who speaks with gusto about his ideology, did not let the political tension deter him from touring Cuba with the school’s choir and spending time in the school’s observatory.

Tiago Rachelson, 19, is white, and he attends Morehouse College, a historically black school in Atlanta. Rachelson, a sociology major, said he enrolled because the mission of the school “called to him.” His decision, though, caused waves among some students who were interviewed for a documentary released this summer by VICE.

One young man, commenting in the documentary about the central role historically black colleges and universities have played for black Americans, said the idea that a lot of white students would inundate his school made him feel disrespected.

Rachelson acknowledged those feelings, but he said that navigating the experience had been “transformational.”

And he is not alone in feeling that the outsider role can have a profound impact on one’s sense of self.

Amir Goldberg, an associate professor of organizational behavior at Stanford University Graduate School of Business, who studies outsiders inside the workplace, says being an outsider can cause culture shock. But that doesn’t have to be a bad thing.

“If you have support, that shock can be translated into an advantage,” he said.

That was the case for Jonah Shainberg, a fencer from Rye, New York, who is Jewish. When he was accepted to Notre Dame, a football-heavy Catholic university in Indiana, his mother balked at the idea.

“I’m not sending my Jewish son to Notre Dame,” Shainberg recalled her saying. He was also skeptical.

But once he was there, Shainberg, who graduated this year with a bachelor’s degree in business administration, discovered something about himself he had not totally understood before: His faith was central to his identity.

“I think Notre Dame made me more Jewish,” he said.

For Elyse Hutcheson, 21, the opposite was true. Her time at Hillsdale College, a Christian college in Hillsdale, Michigan, helped her get in touch with her views on reproductive rights, immigration and social welfare programs.

When she arrived, she said, “I knew I wasn’t a conservative, but I didn’t know I was a liberal.” By her junior year, she had re-energized a defunct club for campus Democrats and realized she was agnostic.

She graduated this year with a degree in psychology and art and took a job as a research assistant at Brown University, a liberal-leaning college in Providence, Rhode Island.

While Hutcheson admits it’s a relief to now be around like-minded thinkers, she says fitting in comes with its own pitfalls.

“I don’t want to become complacent because the ideas I have aren’t being questioned anymore,” she said.

This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

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sallysklar · 6 years

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Janresseger: Education Savings Accounts: Proponents Claim Educational Choice Beats Mere School Choice

The National Education Policy Center’s new brief, The State of Education Savings Account Programs in the United States, traces the history of school vouchers, explains how Education Savings Account vouchers work, identifies their problems and injustices; and accomplishes all this in a readable and interesting way.

The authors, for example, help us learn about Education Savings Accounts (ESAs) from this quote taken from published promotional materials from supporters who glorify ESAs and adore school choice. The sales pitch is notable for distinguishing “educational” choice from mere, old-fashioned “school” choice: “For more than two decades, school choice had been just that—school choice. In a potentially profound development, ESAs focus on educational choice and upend many assumptions that have framed education policy issues… ESAs give families almost unfettered control over the public funds allocated for their child’s education. With an ESA, parents are able to customize their child’s education by combining traditional schools, homeschooling, and different education providers, including tutors, therapists, online and blended models.” The only thing parents cannot do with an Education Savings Account is have their child enrolled in a public school at the same time they are using their publicly funded debit card to shop for all these other services.

You may have noticed that the blurb’s pitch for Education Savings Accounts includes a one-sentence definition of how educational school choice conflicts with the very notion of public education: “ESAs give families almost unfettered control over the public funds allocated for their child’s education.” After all, public schools have been defined historically not merely as enhancing the preferences of individuals but also as serving the public good. The most serious problem with educational choice and privatization is that individuals who choose the best education they can get for their own children too frequently forget about the needs and rights of other people’s children. History tells us this is so.

NEPC’s brief summarizes the history of Education Savings Account programs, along with problems of accountability, misuse of funds, issues of access, and ESAs’ effects on education more broadly—segregation and stratification, and the financial implications for public schools and for the poorest families.

While U.S. Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos has relentlessly promoted the privatization of schools, she has not, so far, been able to accomplish her goal with any large federal program. The movement to privatize public education centers in state government, where Education Savings Accounts get around the problem of separation of church and state in a number of states whose constitutions were amended in the nineteenth century to prohibit using state funds to support religious activities.

What is the current status of Education Savings Accounts? “As of December 2017, a total of six states have passed ESA legislation. The first program was adopted in Arizona in 2011. Florida followed in 2014, and then three states—Mississippi, Tennessee, and Nevada—passed legislation in 2015. The newest ESA program was adopted by North Carolina in 2017. Efforts to expand ESAs continue. In addition to North Carolina, 13 states introduced legislation proposing ESA programs within the past two years (2016 and 2017): Arkansas, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Virginia, and Texas.”

Here is a worrisome trend: Once Education Savings Accounts have been approved by a state, future legislators have tended pass laws to ease the original limits on the program’s size: “Arizona initially adopted a targeted model, but the legislature in 2017 expanded the model to create a universal program by 2020, although enrollment is initially capped at about 30,000. This ‘foot in the door’ expansion approach is common with voucher legislation, which tends to start off with enrollment caps and with benefits directed toward a sympathetic subgroup of students.” In Arizona, however, “The 2017 expansion into a universal program… faced immediate and significant public resistance. The Save Our Schools grassroots campaign has apparently collected enough signatures to put the issue on the November 2018 ballot.”

NEPC’s brief summarizes legal cases that have been filed to protect public school funding and prohibit Education Savings Account programs. Litigation has stopped Nevada’s program for now. The state’s supreme court found the funding of the program (not the idea of ESAs itself) unconstitutional: “The court determined that since the legislature did not appropriate any funds for the education savings accounts, the funneling of money appropriated for K-12 public education to the education savings accounts is unconstitutional. In other words, the monies appropriated for public education cannot be used to fund the ESA program.”

Among the other problems the brief addresses is that Education Savings Accounts exacerbate educational inequality, because the publicly funded debit card is usually not enough to cover the educational services children may need. “These concerns are supported by an analysis of Nevada applicant zip codes, aggregated by school district and matched to median income, (which) shows most students applying for ESAs are from more affluent families. Applications from households with incomes above $100,000 were far more likely to enroll in an ESA program than households with incomes below $25,000.”

The authors of NEPC’s brief worry about the financial implications for the public schools: “During the 2015-16 school year, for example, the relatively small Arizona program drew $20.6 million from the public schools.” The authors also lament the overall absence of public accountability in any of the existing Education Savings Account programs: “For example, the laws contain no requirements regarding curriculum, teacher qualifications, or admission. Instead, parents are placed in the role of consumers who are authorized to purchase whatever educational programming they wish within broad parameters and with virtually no legislative restrictions to safeguard educational quality… This situation reflects proponents’ arguments for a free-market definition of accountability. That is, parents can hold schools accountable by ‘voting with their feet’—by declining to work with poor-quality vendors; market forces will thereby ensure quality and eliminate poor programs.” The brief’s authors are skeptical: “With so few restrictions on spending, it is perhaps not surprising that Arizona’s first audit uncovered examples of ESA funds being used to purchase big-screen televisions, snow globes, and sock monkeys. Parents also failed to turn in required accounting… To their credit, some pro-ESA advocacy organizations have acknowledged the problem and called for stricter accountability.”

Placing parents in the role of liberated consumers of educational services perfectly describes the educational philosophy of U.S. Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos, who scoffs at the importance of an education system and instead speaks of wanting parents to shop for schools. It is therefore not surprising that, as the brief’s authors explain, “The most vocal advocates of ESAs include conservative and libertarian organizations such as the Cato Institute, the American Federation for Children (founded and formerly chaired by Betsy DeVos), the American Legislative Exchange Council, and EdChoice (formerly the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice.”

One of these organizations deserves to be highlighted here: The American Legislative Exchange Council has model bills for Education Savings Accounts on the shelf, ready to be adapted for introduction in any state legislature. In his recent book, The One Percent Solution, economist Gordon Lafer warns about the reach of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) as it promotes the proliferation of programs like Education Savings Accounts across the 50 state legislatures: “ALEC, the most important national organization advancing the corporate agenda at the state level, brings together two thousand member legislators (one-quarter of all state lawmakers, including many senate presidents and House Speakers) and the country’s largest corporations to formulate and promote business-friendly legislation… According to the group’s promotional materials, it convenes bill-drafting committees—often at posh resorts—in which ‘both corporations and legislators have a voice and a vote in shaping policy.’ Thus, state legislators with little time, staff, or expertise are able to introduce fully formed and professionally supported bills. The organization claims to introduce eight hundred to one thousand bills each year in the fifty state legislatures, with 20 percent becoming law.” (p. 13)

Here, posted at ALEC’s website, is a 2016 bill, the Education Savings Account Act. If your own legislature is considering Education Savings Accounts, the bill may resemble ALEC’s off-the-shelf model.

elaine January 25, 2018

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Janresseger

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