#The unvarnished Walter White

[spockvarietyhour]

Jesus Fucking Christ, Walt.

[berniesrevolution]

JACOBIN MAGAZINE

The American left has never produced a group more self-critical than Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). In the years since the organization’s 1969 collapse, its former members have produced an endless stream of mea culpas.

Some of this has come from self-conscious apostates, like New Republic contributing editor Paul Berman. A Columbia SDSer in 1968, Berman later condemned the group’s “degeneration into violence and irrationality … its final embrace of totalitarian doctrines.” The later SDS should have, he quips, been renamed “Students for a Dictatorial Society.” Even those less gleeful about skewering their former comrades have aired regrets about late-sixties radicalism. James Miller became “profoundly skeptical of the assumptions about human nature and the good society held by many radicals.” Mark Rudd, a member of the Weatherman faction of SDS, muses that “we played into the hands of the FBI.… We might as well have been on their payroll.”

Of course, on one level it’s difficult to argue with these assessments. Picture a convention of students, split between two sides, one chanting “Ho, Ho, Ho Chi Minh!” and the other “Mao, Mao, Mao Zedong!” SDS really did degenerate into a caricature of leftism.

Yet if former SDSers have grasped what went wrong with their organization, they’ve been less successful understanding why. This is especially glaring in accounts like Berman and Miller’s, where stress is placed on the ideas that SDSers held at various moments. Former SDSers still tend to see the story of their organization as one in which the choices made by students determined the movement’s path.

But understanding SDS requires more than understanding students. It requires understanding the dilemmas the American left more broadly faced in the 1960s. In these years, a new radicalization, driven above all by opposition to the slaughter in Vietnam, found itself wholly isolated from a labor movement itself defanged of radicalism by anticommunist purges. The result was a radicalization unmoored from the social forces capable of realizing its ideas. As a result, those ideas themselves were thrown into flux, as SDSers substituted one social force after another for the working class, moving from students to black revolutionaries to Third World guerrillas.

SDS serves as a warning about the fragility of political ideas in the abstract, and how quickly they can be remade when history comes knocking.

The Labor Youth

Students for a Democratic Society was born, with little fanfare, in January 1960, when members of the Student League for Industrial Democracy (SLID) decided to change their name to something more modern. The youth group of the venerable League for Industrial Democracy (LID), SLID had gone through the 1950s as a small part of the larger current of American social democracy. Within it, a certain set of politics were axiomatic: first, opposition to communism in all its forms, both foreign and domestic; second, a commitment to the union movement, whether with enthusiasm, as for Walter Reuther’s beacon of left-liberalism, the United Auto Workers (UAW), or begrudgingly, as for the unvarnished business unionism of AFL-CIO head George Meany; third, seeing the Democratic Party as the political vehicle for reform.

The advance of the Civil Rights Movement in the second half of the 1950s introduced the first cracks into the foundations of SLID’s milieu. Though the social democrats were fervent supporters of the movement from its earliest days, and champions of racial equality within the still-Dixified Democratic Party, the Southern movement, with its dramatic mass civil disobedience, implicitly called into question the faith held in progress through elections and collective bargaining. SLID’s new name, Students for a Democratic Society, was informed by the sensibility so forcibly impressed by the black movement — that the United States was, for all its proclamations, not yet a democracy.

SDS’s first order of business was organizing a spring 1960 conference, held in Ann Arbor, Michigan, in support of the Civil Rights Movement. Titled “Human Rights in the North,” it had the good fortune to come a few weeks after student sit-ins took off in the South. The conference brought in some of the leading lights of the movement — Bayard Rustin from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, James Farmer from the Congress of Racial Equality — to talk with young student activists. Though no concrete initiatives came of it, the conference helped solidify the Civil Rights Movement as SDS’s primary cause.

Coming out of the conference, SDS made a fateful move: it hired as its full-time staffer a young University of Michigan graduate student, Al Haber. Unlike later SDS notables, Haber was neither a charismatic leader nor a creative thinker. But he was an organizer, with a drive and energy that would prove crucial in establishing SDS as a new activist force. Haber embraced the organization’s focus on civil rights, and threw himself into putting its meager resources in service of the struggle. He started a SDS newsletter on civil rights, which within a year had over ten thousand subscribers. He also led the organization in a boycott of Sears, Roebuck & Co. over hiring discrimination. In November, SDS and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) co-edited a special issue of SNCC’s paper, Student Voice, on the election. At student conferences across the country, Haber made contacts with other movement supporters, building up SDS’s name and profile.

In 1961, SDS hired Tom Hayden as its field officer. Hayden had recently graduated from Michigan, and went to work in Atlanta, acting as SDS’s reporter on the ground. His fall arrival in Atlanta coincided with the beginning of a new stage in the movement, as SNCC was beginning its campaign of voter registration in the Deep South. Over the previous summer, SNCC activists had set up shop in McComb County, Mississippi, to attempt to register black voters in the face of white supremacist intimidation.

(Continue Reading)

[kingteeshops]

If you jingle my bells I’ll give you a white Christmas ugly shirt

After Nichols and May If you jingle my bells I’ll give you a white Christmas ugly shirt. split up in the early Nichols of course went on to become, as a director, a colossus of the stage and screen. May went on to her own career—more wayward but equally legendary—as a film director (The Heartbreak Kid; Mikey and Nicky; Ishtar), screenwriter (Heaven Can Wait; The Birdcage), and script doctor (Tootsie, among many others). But I’m more interested in her here as a performer. If you jingle my bells I’ll give you a white Christmas ugly shirt, hoodie, sweater, longsleeve and ladies t-shirt Classic Ladies Hoodie LongSleeve Sweatshirt Unisex And in the pre-YouTube days, my first chance to see (as opposed to hear) her in action came via a VHS tape of her 1971 black comedy, A New Leaf, which she wrote, directed, and starred in If you jingle my bells I’ll give you a white Christmas ugly shirt . The film costarred Walter Matthau as Henry Graham, a dissolute playboy who, after losing all his money, decides to marry a rich woman—and then kill her. As his target, Henrietta Lowell, a ditzy, bespectacled, awkward, and accident-prone botanist, May gives a quintessentially Elaine May performance—painfully funny and sweetly sincere—playing a woman oblivious to the darker motives of the man she loves. In 1993, more than three decades after their professional breakup as a comedy duo, Nichols and May reunited for two performances on Broadway to benefit Friends in Deed, a nonprofit that Nichols had cofounded with his friend Cynthia O’Neal in response to the AIDS crisis. I was lucky enough to score a ticket to one of those evenings, and it remains one of the greatest nights that I’ve ever spent in a theater, seeing old recordings come to life and watching a pair of comic geniuses give and experience joy in the here and now, inhabiting their urban neurotic characters with meticulous detail, unmatched satirical flair, and unvarnished truthfulness.I’ve never gotten the chance to meet May, though I did get to spend some time with Nichols. Once, when I asked him about what it was like performing with her, he told me, “Elaine loved to improvise, and I just wanted to stick to my lines, so she forced me to always stay awake and alive—and terrified, in the best sense of the word. The other great joy, with the characters we created, was getting to make fun of something and be it at the same time. On the nights when we were really in sync, you didn’t want it to end, you just wanted to stay up there forever.” You Can See More Product: https://kingteeshops.com/product-category/trending/ Read the full article

[tshirtfashiontrend]

If you jingle my bells I’ll give you a white Christmas ugly shirt

After Nichols and May If you jingle my bells I’ll give you a white Christmas ugly shirt. split up in the early Nichols of course went on to become, as a director, a colossus of the stage and screen. May went on to her own career—more wayward but equally legendary—as a film director (The Heartbreak Kid; Mikey and Nicky; Ishtar), screenwriter (Heaven Can Wait; The Birdcage), and script doctor (Tootsie, among many others). But I’m more interested in her here as a performer. If you jingle my bells I’ll give you a white Christmas ugly shirt, hoodie, sweater, longsleeve and ladies t-shirt Classic Ladies Hoodie LongSleeve Sweatshirt Unisex And in the pre-YouTube days, my first chance to see (as opposed to hear) her in action came via a VHS tape of her 1971 black comedy, A New Leaf, which she wrote, directed, and starred in If you jingle my bells I’ll give you a white Christmas ugly shirt . The film costarred Walter Matthau as Henry Graham, a dissolute playboy who, after losing all his money, decides to marry a rich woman—and then kill her. As his target, Henrietta Lowell, a ditzy, bespectacled, awkward, and accident-prone botanist, May gives a quintessentially Elaine May performance—painfully funny and sweetly sincere—playing a woman oblivious to the darker motives of the man she loves. In 1993, more than three decades after their professional breakup as a comedy duo, Nichols and May reunited for two performances on Broadway to benefit Friends in Deed, a nonprofit that Nichols had cofounded with his friend Cynthia O’Neal in response to the AIDS crisis. I was lucky enough to score a ticket to one of those evenings, and it remains one of the greatest nights that I’ve ever spent in a theater, seeing old recordings come to life and watching a pair of comic geniuses give and experience joy in the here and now, inhabiting their urban neurotic characters with meticulous detail, unmatched satirical flair, and unvarnished truthfulness.I’ve never gotten the chance to meet May, though I did get to spend some time with Nichols. Once, when I asked him about what it was like performing with her, he told me, “Elaine loved to improvise, and I just wanted to stick to my lines, so she forced me to always stay awake and alive—and terrified, in the best sense of the word. The other great joy, with the characters we created, was getting to make fun of something and be it at the same time. On the nights when we were really in sync, you didn’t want it to end, you just wanted to stay up there forever.” You Can See More Product: https://kingteeshops.com/product-category/trending/ Read the full article

[lodelss]

ACLU: Why have a forum on reparations in Charleston and why now?

Why have a forum on reparations in Charleston and why now?

This year marks 400 years since enslaved, kidnapped people were purchased by the forefathers and – mothers of America. Are the events that began 400 years ago connected to today? William Faulkner wrote, “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.” 

On June 19, 2019, the National African American Reparations Commission (NAARC) and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) held a forum on H.R. 40 in the historic Metropolitan AME Church in Washington, D.C. As a follow up to that event, NAARC and the ACLU are joining with the ACLU of South Carolina and Ben and Jerry’s Ice Cream to sponsor a second forum on H.R. 40 and reparations entitled: From Enslavement to Reparations: A 400-Year Journey for Justice.  

The event will be held on Saturday, November 2nd at 1 pm at the Gaillard Center in Charleston, South Carolina.

Why Charleston?

The first step to any successful reparations program is a reckoning – acknowledging and addressing the effects of past mistakes. When you attempt to understand America’s 246-year history of enslaving Black people, it is critical to understand that the Civil War didn’t end white supremacy in America. Rather, it heralded in a new era of white supremacy in different forms – Jim Crow Laws and Black Codes, “separate but equal” being affirmed by the Supreme Court, redlining to prevent Blacks from becoming homeowners and the war on drugs ushering in mass incarceration. When trying to understand how these legacies of white supremacy have impacted America in 2019, there is no better place to begin than Charleston.

The American Slave Coast by Ned and Constance Sublette explains how Charleston played a key role in the two primary phases of the slave trade. Charleston’s location was an ideal landing place for ships carrying human cargo during the importation phase, which lasted until around 1808. The domestic breeding stage, which began after America outlawed the importation of enslaved people, helped maintain the slave populations through the mass rape of Black women to produce new slaves. . The American Slave Coast reminds us that many white plantation owners used the term “natural increase” to describe this horrific practice. The International African American Museum estimates that 80 percent of African Americans can trace their roots back to Charleston. 

Founded in 1670, Charleston was the 5th largest city in the country just 30 years later in 1700. By 1708, a census found that South Carolina was 42.5 percent white, 42.5 percent Black, and 15 percent enslaved Native American.

While the existence of slavery was never a question to the new American nation, who was going to profit from slavery was a matter of great concern. The newly ratified United States Constitution guaranteed that the “Migration or Importation of such persons” (enslaved human beings) could not be prohibited by Congress until 1808.

South Carolina was concerned that although a state could not pass a law prohibiting the trade until 1808, the Constitution itself could be amended before then South Carolina was concerned that because a state could not pass a law prohibiting the trade until 1808, the Constitution would be amended before then. South Carolina doubled down to protect its interests and found its answer in Article 5 of the U.S. Constitution which prevented any amendment of Article 1 Section 9 until 1808.  Not surprisingly, in 1807, South Carolina merchants imported the highest volume of enslaved people in any one-year period in the history of the North American slave trade. 

The trade routes and contacts that were used during the international trade continued to create wealth and privilege for white people in Charleston even after the international slave trade ended, via the domestic slave trade.

Charleston’s recent apology for the role it played in the buying and selling of enslaved people in America is a start, but not enough.  If Charleston – and America – is to truly have a reckoning with our past, action must follow the apology. For example, Charleston’s segregated schools and neighborhoods withstood the test of civil rights laws and the Fair Housing Act, and Charleston is still one of the most segregated cities in America. A jury in North Charleston refused to convict the police officer who murdered Walter Scott. Most recently, the murder of nine innocent African American churchgoers at Mother Emanuel AME Church in Charleston are still painfully fresh in our collective consciousness.

Charleston continues to be proud of John C. Calhoun, who was a prominent South Carolina politician for almost three decades. Calhoun also was a proud racist who made it clear that he saw a major difference between white people and Black people being quoted as saying, “with us the two great divisions of society are not the rich and the poor, but white and black; and all the former, the poor as well as the rich, belong to the upper class, and are respected and treated as equals, if honest and industrious; and hence have a position and pride of character of which neither poverty nor misfortune can deprive them.”” Calhoun also believed that the freedom of one race depended on the bondage of the other. “I fearlessly assert that the existing relation between the two races in the South, against which these blind fanatics are waging war, forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions.” 

The Gaillard Center in downtown Charleston, where this forum will be hosted, shares a disturbing commonality with Mother Emanuel AME Church – they are both located on Calhoun Street. The remains of enslaved people were also found in the 2013 structural renovations of the Gaillard Center. It’s clear that in Charleston, the past is not dead – it’s alive and well.

Why Now?

The arguments in favor of reparations have been known and recognized for decades. Individual efforts began immediately following the Civil War. Members of the National African American Reparations Commission have fought for reparations since before Representative John Conyers introduced H.R. 40 for the first time in 1988. This is not a new struggle, so what is different now?

The advocacy of those who have been engaged in the struggle for reparations for decades have worked like water on stone, never letting the potential promise of reparations die. Additionally, new voices have added to the movement for America’s reckoning with its past. Ta-Nehisi Coates article “The Case for Reparations” continues to impact people. Groups like Movement for Black Lives and efforts like The 1619 Project from the New York Times have brought new ideas to the table. H.R. 40 now has 118 cosponsors – before this year it never had more than 52.

Much of the critique of the renewed light shone on the history of enslaved people by projects like the New York Times 1619 Project can be put into two broad categories: 1) Why do you hate America? 2) Reparations would unfairly hold people accountable for something they never did or benefitted from.  Here is why both are wrong.

Some people confuse critiquing America with hating America. True love allows for and encourages criticism, especially when it relates to an issue like racial justice. The refusal to look at our history and our present circumstance in order to find the unvarnished truth is a betrayal of the principles our country claims to hold dear. At the end of the day, you cannot support reparations unless you truly love America. Not a superficial love, but rather the kind of love that demands that we face the truth because we will be better for it.

What about the complaint that the Civil War ended 154 years ago and Blacks in America need to get over it?  Our history is full of proof that demonstrates the legacy of slavery has had a continual impact on criminal law, economic and educational opportunity, access to quality health care, and housing in America. This objection is countered by the provisions of H.R. 40. Before there can be any recommendations about reparations, a committee will have to investigate our history to see if the facts justify a system of reparations and let the truth come out.

In We Were Eight Years in Power: An American Tragedy, Ta-Nehisi Coates spoke to the true reason why a caricature has been made of the movement for reparations. He said, “Mocking of reparations as a harebrained scheme authored by wild-eyed lefties and intellectually unserious black nationalists is fear masquerading as laughter”. It’s time for our country to quit hiding behind that mask of fear and finally reckon with our past.

Published November 1, 2019 at 01:27AM via ACLU https://ift.tt/2BWnHmm from Blogger https://ift.tt/2N7ogjH via IFTTT

[nancydhooper]

Why have a forum on reparations in Charleston and why now?

This year marks 400 years since enslaved, kidnapped people were purchased by the forefathers and – mothers of America. Are the events that began 400 years ago connected to today? William Faulkner wrote, “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.” 

On June 19, 2019, the National African American Reparations Commission (NAARC) and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) held a forum on H.R. 40 in the historic Metropolitan AME Church in Washington, D.C. As a follow up to that event, NAARC and the ACLU are joining with the ACLU of South Carolina and Ben and Jerry’s Ice Cream to sponsor a second forum on H.R. 40 and reparations entitled: From Enslavement to Reparations: A 400-Year Journey for Justice.  

The event will be held on Saturday, November 2nd at 1 pm at the Gaillard Center in Charleston, South Carolina.

Why Charleston?

The first step to any successful reparations program is a reckoning – acknowledging and addressing the effects of past mistakes. When you attempt to understand America’s 246-year history of enslaving Black people, it is critical to understand that the Civil War didn’t end white supremacy in America. Rather, it heralded in a new era of white supremacy in different forms – Jim Crow Laws and Black Codes, “separate but equal” being affirmed by the Supreme Court, redlining to prevent Blacks from becoming homeowners and the war on drugs ushering in mass incarceration. When trying to understand how these legacies of white supremacy have impacted America in 2019, there is no better place to begin than Charleston.

The American Slave Coast by Ned and Constance Sublette explains how Charleston played a key role in the two primary phases of the slave trade. Charleston’s location was an ideal landing place for ships carrying human cargo during the importation phase, which lasted until around 1808. The domestic breeding stage, which began after America outlawed the importation of enslaved people, helped maintain the slave populations through the mass rape of Black women to produce new slaves. . The American Slave Coast reminds us that many white plantation owners used the term “natural increase” to describe this horrific practice. The International African American Museum estimates that 80 percent of African Americans can trace their roots back to Charleston. 

Founded in 1670, Charleston was the 5th largest city in the country just 30 years later in 1700. By 1708, a census found that South Carolina was 42.5 percent white, 42.5 percent Black, and 15 percent enslaved Native American.

While the existence of slavery was never a question to the new American nation, who was going to profit from slavery was a matter of great concern. The newly ratified United States Constitution guaranteed that the “Migration or Importation of such persons” (enslaved human beings) could not be prohibited by Congress until 1808.

South Carolina was concerned that although a state could not pass a law prohibiting the trade until 1808, the Constitution itself could be amended before then South Carolina was concerned that because a state could not pass a law prohibiting the trade until 1808, the Constitution would be amended before then. South Carolina doubled down to protect its interests and found its answer in Article 5 of the U.S. Constitution which prevented any amendment of Article 1 Section 9 until 1808.  Not surprisingly, in 1807, South Carolina merchants imported the highest volume of enslaved people in any one-year period in the history of the North American slave trade. 

The trade routes and contacts that were used during the international trade continued to create wealth and privilege for white people in Charleston even after the international slave trade ended, via the domestic slave trade.

Charleston’s recent apology for the role it played in the buying and selling of enslaved people in America is a start, but not enough.  If Charleston – and America – is to truly have a reckoning with our past, action must follow the apology. For example, Charleston’s segregated schools and neighborhoods withstood the test of civil rights laws and the Fair Housing Act, and Charleston is still one of the most segregated cities in America. A jury in North Charleston refused to convict the police officer who murdered Walter Scott. Most recently, the murder of nine innocent African American churchgoers at Mother Emanuel AME Church in Charleston are still painfully fresh in our collective consciousness.

Charleston continues to be proud of John C. Calhoun, who was a prominent South Carolina politician for almost three decades. Calhoun also was a proud racist who made it clear that he saw a major difference between white people and Black people being quoted as saying, “with us the two great divisions of society are not the rich and the poor, but white and black; and all the former, the poor as well as the rich, belong to the upper class, and are respected and treated as equals, if honest and industrious; and hence have a position and pride of character of which neither poverty nor misfortune can deprive them.”” Calhoun also believed that the freedom of one race depended on the bondage of the other. “I fearlessly assert that the existing relation between the two races in the South, against which these blind fanatics are waging war, forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions.” 

The Gaillard Center in downtown Charleston, where this forum will be hosted, shares a disturbing commonality with Mother Emanuel AME Church – they are both located on Calhoun Street. The remains of enslaved people were also found in the 2013 structural renovations of the Gaillard Center. It’s clear that in Charleston, the past is not dead – it’s alive and well.

Why Now?

The arguments in favor of reparations have been known and recognized for decades. Individual efforts began immediately following the Civil War. Members of the National African American Reparations Commission have fought for reparations since before Representative John Conyers introduced H.R. 40 for the first time in 1988. This is not a new struggle, so what is different now?

The advocacy of those who have been engaged in the struggle for reparations for decades have worked like water on stone, never letting the potential promise of reparations die. Additionally, new voices have added to the movement for America’s reckoning with its past. Ta-Nehisi Coates article “The Case for Reparations” continues to impact people. Groups like Movement for Black Lives and efforts like The 1619 Project from the New York Times have brought new ideas to the table. H.R. 40 now has 118 cosponsors – before this year it never had more than 52.

Much of the critique of the renewed light shone on the history of enslaved people by projects like the New York Times 1619 Project can be put into two broad categories: 1) Why do you hate America? 2) Reparations would unfairly hold people accountable for something they never did or benefitted from.  Here is why both are wrong.

Some people confuse critiquing America with hating America. True love allows for and encourages criticism, especially when it relates to an issue like racial justice. The refusal to look at our history and our present circumstance in order to find the unvarnished truth is a betrayal of the principles our country claims to hold dear. At the end of the day, you cannot support reparations unless you truly love America. Not a superficial love, but rather the kind of love that demands that we face the truth because we will be better for it.

What about the complaint that the Civil War ended 154 years ago and Blacks in America need to get over it?  Our history is full of proof that demonstrates the legacy of slavery has had a continual impact on criminal law, economic and educational opportunity, access to quality health care, and housing in America. This objection is countered by the provisions of H.R. 40. Before there can be any recommendations about reparations, a committee will have to investigate our history to see if the facts justify a system of reparations and let the truth come out.

In We Were Eight Years in Power: An American Tragedy, Ta-Nehisi Coates spoke to the true reason why a caricature has been made of the movement for reparations. He said, “Mocking of reparations as a harebrained scheme authored by wild-eyed lefties and intellectually unserious black nationalists is fear masquerading as laughter”. It’s time for our country to quit hiding behind that mask of fear and finally reckon with our past.

from RSSMix.com Mix ID 8247012 https://www.aclu.org/news/civil-liberties/why-have-a-forum-on-reparations-in-charleston-and-why-now via http://www.rssmix.com/

[grabey]

Former first lady Barbara Bush, the second woman in U.S. history to be a wife and mother of a U.S. president, died at age 92

Her death was announced by the office of her husband.

She had been in failing health, suffering from congestive heart failure and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. After a series of hospitalizations, including one in early 2017 when she and her husband were both patients at Houston Methodist Hospital, she decided not to seek further medical treatment, the family announced Sunday.

The official funeral schedule has not yet been announced.

She and her husband, George H.W. Bush, the 41st president, were married longer than any presidential couple in American history, 73 years.

Eight years after they left the White House, Mrs. Bush stood with her husband as their son George W. was sworn in as the 43rd president. Only Abigail Adams, wife of John Adams and mother of John Quincy Adams, holds a similar place in American history.

She had a chance to surpass Abigail Adams by seeing a second son, Jeb, in the Oval Office, but she initially wasn't that supportive. "There are other people out there that are very qualified, and we've had enough Bushes," she told NBC's "TODAY" in 2013, when the former Florida governor was contemplating a run for the Republican presidential nomination. Two years later, she sent out a fundraising request on behalf of his bid, which he lost to Donald Trump.

In addition to supporting her husband throughout his career and helping to raise their large family, Mrs. Bush also was an independent spirit, willing to speak her mind, sometimes bluntly, sometimes with the grace of humor. And she raised millions of dollars to fight illiteracy.

Barbara Pierce Bush was born on June 8, 1925, to Pauline and Marvin Pierce. Her father, a distant relative to President Franklin Pierce, later became president of McCall Corporation, publisher of women's magazines including McCall's and Redbook. She grew up in Rye, New York, a comfortable New York City suburb, with her siblings Martha, James and Scott, before attending boarding school in South Carolina.

'An unvarnished purveyor of the truth' 

Despite her grandmotherly public demeanor, Mrs. Bush's family and close friends were familiar with her sharper side. George W. Bush noted in his post-presidency book, "Decision Points," that he inherited a quick, blunt temper from his mother. His wife, Laura, said her mother-in-law "managed to insult nearly all of my friends with one or another perfectly timed acerbic comment."

On the other hand, her wit could be disarming. In 1990, scores of students at Wellesley College had signed a petition protesting her selection as commencement speaker. They complained that as a housewife, she was a poor role model to be honored by the women's college.

But Mrs. Bush appeared at the commencement, sharing the podium with Soviet first lady Raisa Gorbachev, who had been a college professor.

"Somewhere out in this audience may even be someone who will one day follow in my footsteps, and preside over the White House as the president's spouse," Mrs. Bush told the graduates. "I wish him well!"

Mrs. Bush usually kept her sarcasm under wraps, though one noted slip came in 1984 when her husband was running for re-election as vice president with Reagan. During the heat of the campaign, Democratic challengers Walter Mondale and Geraldine Ferraro questioned whether wealthy people like the Bushes could relate to average Americans. An irritated Mrs. Bush told a reporter that Ferraro was a "$4 million — I can't say it — but it rhymes with rich." Mrs. Bush later said she meant "witch" and apologized, and Ferraro accepted the apology.

"She was an unvarnished purveyor of the truth and motivated us all to be better people," Andrew Card, who was her husband's Transportation secretary and her son's chief of staff, told The New York Times. "And she was also contagious with love."

Indeed. In a brief comment to the spring 2018 Smith Alumnae Quarterly, Mrs. Bush wrote: "I am still old and still in love with the man I married 72 years ago."

from Blogger Barbara Bush, former first lady and first mother, dead at 92

[geekade]

Legion of Spoilers: Chapter 5

Mirror, mirror. Through the looking glass. Bloody Mary, Bloody Mary, Bloody Mary.

Mirrors are uncanny places. They contain our phantom selves, and even their truths are backwards. A glance in the mirror is a dance with your doppelganger, an alternate self who is and is not you. Mirrors reassure, amuse, confront, and mislead us.

Last week, as his past revealed itself to his present, as his friends picked their way through a maze of reflections and echoes, David stepped through the looking glass. He returned unalone, a mirror image of his former self. His is the first reversal of many, and by the end, everyone from Summerland to D3 to Amy find themselves on the far side of the looking glass.

David’s 180 started at the end of Chapter 4, when he teleported out of the astral plane and into his friends’ escape from Dr. Poole’s lighthouse. His ambivalence about the cost of his arrival – Kerry took a bullet from The Eye in the ensuing confusion – is tempered by exhilaration at this taste of power. The first thing he does after they return Kerry to Summerland for treatment is create a room where he and Syd can be together. Having grasped that he can transmit signals directly into people’s brains, David has created a personal Matrix that allows him to deliver…sensory stimuli…directly to Syd’s brain without physical contact. This is equal parts cool and terrifying, but Syd makes the totally understandable decision to roll with it. Unfortunately, she also decides to forego sharing the results of their investigation of Philly and Dr. Poole, and David’s subsequent decisions are made without knowledge of his excised and manipulated memories.

While Cary tends to his wounded counterpart, David and Syd announce to Melanie that they’re going to D3 to retrieve Amy. Melanie objects that such a mission would require thorough reconnaissance and a fully prepped team. She also warns him against habitually creating new worlds for his own amusement, citing her husband’s fate, and David takes this opportunity to change the subject. In another of Chapter 5’s inversions, Melanie is discomposed by the hope of finally retrieving Oliver from his two-decade exile. Meanwhile, David’s nervous stutter has been displaced by a cocky conviction – D3 will be no match for him – which slides into predatory cruelty as he probes at Melanie’s loss. David offers to take her to the astral plane, but perhaps sensing a trap, Melanie musters enough composure to answer that she just wants Oliver back.

There is something new behind David’s eyes, something avid and hungry and heartless, and Melanie seems to be the only one who can see it. Cary is too preoccupied with patching up Kerry to notice much of anything else, and Ptonomy – who gets one good moment but is otherwise woefully underused in this episode – doesn’t budge from his initial distrust of David. Syd notices a change but has opted to consider it a net improvement. In fact, David’s mini-Matrix seems to have some residual effect on her, who is suddenly taking every opportunity to throw Dr. Bird her best mean girl stare. It’s almost as though the parasitic corruption in David’s mind has leached into her, temporarily draining her of compassion.

However, considering how little physical contact she gets to enjoy, it’s hard to blame her too much for her impatience to return to the white room with David before they leave for D3. David obliges, and in the post-Matrix-coital haze Syd tells him how she had sex for the first time, by hijacking her mother’s body and seducing her mother’s boyfriend. Hours later Syd awakes to hear David arguing with Lenny in the bathroom, but when she gets out of bed to investigate, the bathroom is empty. David has left for D3 without her.

Syd rushes to the war room where Melanie, Rudy, and Ptonomy are planning Amy’s rescue. Melanie’s face tightens as Syd delivers the news. They have to follow him. For the first time, we see Ptonomy openly question Melanie’s judgment and motives, but she’s right: If David fails and falls into D3’s hands, Summerland will be well and truly fucked. They have to go in blind and they have to do it now. Melanie takes one last opportunity to warn Syd about the possible implications of this suddenly un-fragile David. Be careful, she says, without rancor, just before they climb into the car.

David and Amy are long gone by the time they arrive, and the Summerland team’s operation goes from search and rescue to post-mortem. They split into two teams to sweep the ravaged complex. Rudy and Dr. Bird review surveillance footage of David's one-man assault, and viewers get their first unvarnished glimpse of apparently boundless power unrestrained by moral considerations. Thanks to some kind of psychic camera, they also get their first (remembered) glimpse of The Devil with Yellow Eyes. While Rudy and Dr. Bird consider this apparition that is standing where David should be, Syd and Ptonomy find Brubaker embedded in the concrete floor of the interrogation room. His last breath is a croaked warning: “Be careful…it wears…a…human…face.” Too late Brubaker realized David would never have been D3’s to use or control: something else got there first. Something with access to David’s nearly limitless power. Something that is now wearing his face.

This is what Cary tries to tell them shortly afterward (via hologram communicator watch!). He reviewed footage of David’s MRI, which captured flashes of young David and the Devil with Yellow Eyes and may have included bonus auditory hallucinations. Cary tells Melanie that David is schizophrenic, in that his mind is under hostile occupation by a consciousness other than his own. This consciousness has been “riding” David for nearly his entire life, manipulating his memories to camouflage itself. While the rest of the Summerland team assimilates the implications of this revelation, David calls Syd into the white room. He seems suddenly subdued, more like the shaky and uncertain David of previous episodes. He plucks out Rainbow Connection on a banjo, pointing to the bathroom door with frightened and tearful eyes. Syd closes the door against the persistent gazes of King and The Angriest Boy and then follows David’s gaze to a telescope that shows his childhood home.

I know I say "poor Amy" at least once a recap, but still: Poor Amy. No sooner is she rescued from D3 than she’s enduring another interrogation from David. Confronted with a terrifying psychokinetic projection that is, by turns, Lenny, Benny, King, and The World’s Angriest Boy, Amy admits that he was adopted, and that she and their parents had feared telling him would only exacerbate the symptoms of what they assumed – or perhaps hoped – was a mental illness. Before they died, their parents did not disclose the identities of David’s biological parents or whether they knew who they were at all. David does not appear to take this news well, but comics fans are surely pleased by this hint at his biological parentage.

The Summerland team reaches David’s childhood home after nightfall, unaware that The Eye has followed them. A high-pitched noise (a weapon? A mutant power?) suddenly kills their ability to produce or hear sound, and they proceed into the house under an eerie silence. Recognizing the house from the terrifying events of Chapter 3, Syd lingers behind. Then the Angriest Boy runs past her and up the stairs, and Syd masters her fear enough to follow. Downstairs, Cary has caught up with Melanie and Ptonomy, bearing a headset that he hopes will disable the parasitic consciousness long enough for them to speak with David alone. Kerry’s here too, against Cary’s objections. Fully healed and brandishing a bat studded with nails, she leads the four of them upstairs. In the soundless chaos, Rudy's whereabouts have gone unaccounted for, and "Rudy" (now The Eye in his switch-disguise) follows them.

Syd finds Amy catatonic in front of a mirror, trying and failing to rouse her before Lenny pounces. After a brief, sadistic display of her power over Syd and David, the rest of the Summerland group burst into the room. “Rudy” reverts to the Eye as he charges past them, plucking the tommy gun out of Ptonomy’s hands and firing. Syd leaps in front of David, who takes them back to the white room and confesses that he can’t overpower the thing that has taken over. The parasite emerges, cornering Syd, and David – seemingly paralyzed and utterly cowed – lets out a primal scream.

Syd pops back into consciousness at a Clockworks group therapy session. Somewhere, a ping pong ball is bouncing, its hollow, spherical FWOP the muffled rhythm of a clock underwater. She surveys the circle of fellow inmates: Rudy, Kerry, Cary, Melanie, Walter (The Eye), Ptonomy, an elderly man, and David. Everyone except Syd, David and the elderly man seem dazed and glazed over. Syd looks as though she might be remembering something, or forgetting it. A bespectacled Lenny holds a clipboard: Time to begin.

QUOTES 

“Who teaches you to be normal when you’re one of a kind?”

“It’s all an illusion. I see that now. Why did I fight so hard?”

“They made it sound like you were part of a team. With, like, a headquarters.”

“Don’t kid yourself, old man. There’s always a fight.”

“He’s not crazy. This is much, much wo—“

“Did you have to let them kick you in the crotch so many times?”

ODDS & ENDS 

Melanie made it sound like Oliver got stuck in the astral plane, but Oliver said he was waiting for something. Is he really still waiting, and if so, for what?

Really? Nobody’s gonna mention the frozen human on the other side of the cracked D3 window? The one hunched under what look like MRI scans?

It looks like Cary yelled “motherfuuuu” during the silent sequence.

Cary absorbs Kerry’s injuries, and also seems to function as a human Bag of Holding for her weapons of choice.

Beetles. Strawberries. Gloriously understated nightmare fuel.

Trees have been a recurring motif – in and out of David’s childhood home, in the nature tableaus at Summerland and Clockworks (the latter with bonus camouflaged inmate), and in the many upward shots looking through the treetops. The bathroom in the white room even has a tree growing over the tub. I have no theories about their significance, but there have been too many to be just set dressing.

The comic fan scuttlebutt is that the Devil with Yellow Eyes is the Shadow King. This may turn out to be true, but as it did with “mutant,” this column will only use names as the show introduces them.

“Who teaches you to be normal when you’re one of a kind?” would be a great question about learning to live as a mutant if it wasn’t deployed precisely at a narrative moment that seriously demanded pointed questions about consent.

This week in music: Radiohead’s “The Daily Mail,” the Muppets’ “Rainbow Connection,” and – be reference if not by soundtrack – Cream’s “White Room.”

FAN THEORIES, or WHAT THE HELL I THINK IS GOING ON 

I’m probably just embarrassing myself, but I’m still not entirely convinced that what we’ve seen so far is real. David is obviously capable of creating nested realities and I maintain that a Brazil-ception scenario remains a possibility. My (admittedly flimsy) evidence continues to be suspiciously consistent recurrences, like the trees, the ping-pong balls, and the taciturn elderly dude with the hand puppet.

Either everyone in that final shot has been an inmate at Clockworks all along, or the parasite has simulated a version of Clockworks to contain all their consciousnesses. Or Clockworks was always an invented place the parasite tried to use to contain David, and we’re looking at a Groundhog Day-esque series of entrapments and escapes.

Colorwatch: David wears yellow, black, and gray, suggesting his capitulation to the Devil with Yellow Eyes. He also tends to be wearing gray when he loses control. This is the first time since he was still wearing the Clockworks tracksuit that he has worn any yellow, and definitely the first time it’s been so prominent. Syd starts in her usual colors. She ditches the orange briefly while in defiant mean-girl mode but is wearing it again by the time they leave for D3. Walter/The Eye is still in the same olive green suit. This is also the first week we see Summerland’s campus in daytime without its golden forest-canopy sunlight. All the Clockworks inmates wear the same variations of the tracksuit used in Chapter 1. Lenny is dapper in black and white, with a red collar bar and wild socks. The white room’s pristine sophistication illustrates David’s new control over his power (which makes it fitting that the beetles show up in the strawberries, the one pop of red against the smooth neutrals of white and gold).

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Time to dump the last 5 seasons on Flynn

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After Nichols and May If you jingle my bells I’ll give you a white Christmas ugly shirt. split up in the early Nichols of course went on to become, as a director, a colossus of the stage and screen. May went on to her own career—more wayward but equally legendary—as a film director (The Heartbreak Kid; Mikey and Nicky; Ishtar), screenwriter (Heaven Can Wait; The Birdcage), and script doctor (Tootsie, among many others). But I’m more interested in her here as a performer. If you jingle my bells I’ll give you a white Christmas ugly shirt, hoodie, sweater, longsleeve and ladies t-shirt Classic Ladies Hoodie LongSleeve Sweatshirt Unisex And in the pre-YouTube days, my first chance to see (as opposed to hear) her in action came via a VHS tape of her 1971 black comedy, A New Leaf, which she wrote, directed, and starred in If you jingle my bells I’ll give you a white Christmas ugly shirt . The film costarred Walter Matthau as Henry Graham, a dissolute playboy who, after losing all his money, decides to marry a rich woman—and then kill her. As his target, Henrietta Lowell, a ditzy, bespectacled, awkward, and accident-prone botanist, May gives a quintessentially Elaine May performance—painfully funny and sweetly sincere—playing a woman oblivious to the darker motives of the man she loves. In 1993, more than three decades after their professional breakup as a comedy duo, Nichols and May reunited for two performances on Broadway to benefit Friends in Deed, a nonprofit that Nichols had cofounded with his friend Cynthia O’Neal in response to the AIDS crisis. I was lucky enough to score a ticket to one of those evenings, and it remains one of the greatest nights that I’ve ever spent in a theater, seeing old recordings come to life and watching a pair of comic geniuses give and experience joy in the here and now, inhabiting their urban neurotic characters with meticulous detail, unmatched satirical flair, and unvarnished truthfulness.I’ve never gotten the chance to meet May, though I did get to spend some time with Nichols. Once, when I asked him about what it was like performing with her, he told me, “Elaine loved to improvise, and I just wanted to stick to my lines, so she forced me to always stay awake and alive—and terrified, in the best sense of the word. The other great joy, with the characters we created, was getting to make fun of something and be it at the same time. On the nights when we were really in sync, you didn’t want it to end, you just wanted to stay up there forever.” You Can See More Product: https://kingteeshops.com/product-category/trending/ Read the full article

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ACLU: Why have a forum on reparations in Charleston and why now?

Why have a forum on reparations in Charleston and why now?

This year marks 400 years since enslaved, kidnapped people were purchased by the forefathers and – mothers of America. Are the events that began 400 years ago connected to today? William Faulkner wrote, “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.” 

On June 19, 2019, the National African American Reparations Commission (NAARC) and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) held a forum on H.R. 40 in the historic Metropolitan AME Church in Washington, D.C. As a follow up to that event, NAARC and the ACLU are joining with the ACLU of South Carolina and Ben and Jerry’s Ice Cream to sponsor a second forum on H.R. 40 and reparations entitled: From Enslavement to Reparations: A 400-Year Journey for Justice.  

The event will be held on Saturday, November 2nd at 1 pm at the Gaillard Center in Charleston, South Carolina.

Why Charleston?

The first step to any successful reparations program is a reckoning – acknowledging and addressing the effects of past mistakes. When you attempt to understand America’s 246-year history of enslaving Black people, it is critical to understand that the Civil War didn’t end white supremacy in America. Rather, it heralded in a new era of white supremacy in different forms – Jim Crow Laws and Black Codes, “separate but equal” being affirmed by the Supreme Court, redlining to prevent Blacks from becoming homeowners and the war on drugs ushering in mass incarceration. When trying to understand how these legacies of white supremacy have impacted America in 2019, there is no better place to begin than Charleston.

The American Slave Coast by Ned and Constance Sublette explains how Charleston played a key role in the two primary phases of the slave trade. Charleston’s location was an ideal landing place for ships carrying human cargo during the importation phase, which lasted until around 1808. The domestic breeding stage, which began after America outlawed the importation of enslaved people, helped maintain the slave populations through the mass rape of Black women to produce new slaves. . The American Slave Coast reminds us that many white plantation owners used the term “natural increase” to describe this horrific practice. The International African American Museum estimates that 80 percent of African Americans can trace their roots back to Charleston. 

Founded in 1670, Charleston was the 5th largest city in the country just 30 years later in 1700. By 1708, a census found that South Carolina was 42.5 percent white, 42.5 percent Black, and 15 percent enslaved Native American.

While the existence of slavery was never a question to the new American nation, who was going to profit from slavery was a matter of great concern. The newly ratified United States Constitution guaranteed that the “Migration or Importation of such persons” (enslaved human beings) could not be prohibited by Congress until 1808.

South Carolina was concerned that although a state could not pass a law prohibiting the trade until 1808, the Constitution itself could be amended before then South Carolina was concerned that because a state could not pass a law prohibiting the trade until 1808, the Constitution would be amended before then. South Carolina doubled down to protect its interests and found its answer in Article 5 of the U.S. Constitution which prevented any amendment of Article 1 Section 9 until 1808.  Not surprisingly, in 1807, South Carolina merchants imported the highest volume of enslaved people in any one-year period in the history of the North American slave trade. 

The trade routes and contacts that were used during the international trade continued to create wealth and privilege for white people in Charleston even after the international slave trade ended, via the domestic slave trade.

Charleston’s recent apology for the role it played in the buying and selling of enslaved people in America is a start, but not enough.  If Charleston – and America – is to truly have a reckoning with our past, action must follow the apology. For example, Charleston’s segregated schools and neighborhoods withstood the test of civil rights laws and the Fair Housing Act, and Charleston is still one of the most segregated cities in America. A jury in North Charleston refused to convict the police officer who murdered Walter Scott. Most recently, the murder of nine innocent African American churchgoers at Mother Emanuel AME Church in Charleston are still painfully fresh in our collective consciousness.

Charleston continues to be proud of John C. Calhoun, who was a prominent South Carolina politician for almost three decades. Calhoun also was a proud racist who made it clear that he saw a major difference between white people and Black people being quoted as saying, “with us the two great divisions of society are not the rich and the poor, but white and black; and all the former, the poor as well as the rich, belong to the upper class, and are respected and treated as equals, if honest and industrious; and hence have a position and pride of character of which neither poverty nor misfortune can deprive them.”” Calhoun also believed that the freedom of one race depended on the bondage of the other. “I fearlessly assert that the existing relation between the two races in the South, against which these blind fanatics are waging war, forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions.” 

The Gaillard Center in downtown Charleston, where this forum will be hosted, shares a disturbing commonality with Mother Emanuel AME Church – they are both located on Calhoun Street. The remains of enslaved people were also found in the 2013 structural renovations of the Gaillard Center. It’s clear that in Charleston, the past is not dead – it’s alive and well.

Why Now?

The arguments in favor of reparations have been known and recognized for decades. Individual efforts began immediately following the Civil War. Members of the National African American Reparations Commission have fought for reparations since before Representative John Conyers introduced H.R. 40 for the first time in 1988. This is not a new struggle, so what is different now?

The advocacy of those who have been engaged in the struggle for reparations for decades have worked like water on stone, never letting the potential promise of reparations die. Additionally, new voices have added to the movement for America’s reckoning with its past. Ta-Nehisi Coates article “The Case for Reparations” continues to impact people. Groups like Movement for Black Lives and efforts like The 1619 Project from the New York Times have brought new ideas to the table. H.R. 40 now has 118 cosponsors – before this year it never had more than 52.

Much of the critique of the renewed light shone on the history of enslaved people by projects like the New York Times 1619 Project can be put into two broad categories: 1) Why do you hate America? 2) Reparations would unfairly hold people accountable for something they never did or benefitted from.  Here is why both are wrong.

Some people confuse critiquing America with hating America. True love allows for and encourages criticism, especially when it relates to an issue like racial justice. The refusal to look at our history and our present circumstance in order to find the unvarnished truth is a betrayal of the principles our country claims to hold dear. At the end of the day, you cannot support reparations unless you truly love America. Not a superficial love, but rather the kind of love that demands that we face the truth because we will be better for it.

What about the complaint that the Civil War ended 154 years ago and Blacks in America need to get over it?  Our history is full of proof that demonstrates the legacy of slavery has had a continual impact on criminal law, economic and educational opportunity, access to quality health care, and housing in America. This objection is countered by the provisions of H.R. 40. Before there can be any recommendations about reparations, a committee will have to investigate our history to see if the facts justify a system of reparations and let the truth come out.

In We Were Eight Years in Power: An American Tragedy, Ta-Nehisi Coates spoke to the true reason why a caricature has been made of the movement for reparations. He said, “Mocking of reparations as a harebrained scheme authored by wild-eyed lefties and intellectually unserious black nationalists is fear masquerading as laughter”. It’s time for our country to quit hiding behind that mask of fear and finally reckon with our past.

Published October 31, 2019 at 07:57PM via ACLU https://ift.tt/2BWnHmm from Blogger https://ift.tt/2WwY5WC via IFTTT

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After Nichols and May Red White And Brew American Pride 4th Of July Independence Cheer shirt . split up in the early Nichols of course went on to become, as a director, a colossus of the stage and screen. May went on to her own career—more wayward but equally legendary—as a film director (The Heartbreak Kid; Mikey and Nicky; Ishtar), screenwriter (Heaven Can Wait; The Birdcage), and script doctor (Tootsie, among many others). But I’m more interested in her here as a performer.

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