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ulisesbarreiro · 2 years

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¿El USDT puede superar en volumen de operaciones al dólar norteamericano en Argentina?

Esta pregunta seguramente usted ya se la hizo en varias oportunidades. Por eso, una respuesta sincera es sí, pero no ahora. Por muchas cuestiones, la principal es que hasta que el Banco Central de la República Argentina (BCRA) no autoriza a los bancos a ofertar este tipo de inversiones. Por Ulises Barreiro.

Tampoco se autoriza a realizar este tipo de operaciones muchos grupos de inversores, como también pequeños ahorristas de la conocida clase media argentina, no quieren comprar este tipo de activos.

Entonces la respuesta al titular de la nota es SI, lo superará. Hay una chance de que no sea así, si los EEUU sacan de acá a dos años el dólar digital… Eso puede hacer que muchos usuarios en dinero declarado quieran comprar el dólar norteamericano digital, pero hay una trampa ahí para los países del tercer mundo.

Dado que el dólar estadounidense será centralizado, las criptomonedas traerán un algoritmo el cual permitirá dejar registrado qué ciudadano es el titular (dueño) de ese activo.

Entonces en países como la argentina, donde los grandes empresarios compran dólares, entre varias cuestiones, para no dejar declarado sus activos y no pagar impuestos, preferirán comprar USDT, que es descentralizado y el tenedor de esos dólares virtuales no queda registrado.

Sólo queda registrada la cuenta y la cantidad, pero es imposible saber a quién pertenece, se puede rastrear el dinero si hubiera una denuncia judicial, pero pocas veces pasa eso.

Entonces, resumiendo, el USDT le ganará mercado al dólar billete en los sectores de clase media y pequeños ahorristas, inclusive la Cámara de Comercio China en argentina está efectuando pagos en esa criptomoneda a importaciones provenientes del gigante asiático.

¿Las ventajas de tener dólares virtuales o stablecoin en lugar de dólar norteamericano del sistema FIAT?

En el caso de la blockchain, es complejo al principio entender toda la tecnología y el ecosistema del criptomundo, pero no es imposible y es más fácil operar en exchange de lo que parece.

Una de las ventajas son las bajas comisiones que se abonan por transferencias, la velocidad de las transacciones que demorar segundos a diferencia del obsoleto sistema de running bancario FIAT, y por último, son bancos digitales que están abiertos las 24 hs del día y los 7 días de la semana.

Una última ventaja en países con inflación descontrolada como Argentina, es que los ciudadanos puedan colocar ese excedente en su propia cuenta digital descentralizada, y cuando necesita sacarlo lo retira.

Un ejemplo de esto es la billetera Metamask para USDT, o Yoroi para ADA de Cardano. En el caso de ADA, te da intereses dolarizados y la variación del precio si baja o sube es mínima y siempre es mejor unos centavos menos de ese activo como sucede ahora en un ciclo bajista, que tener peso argentino en la billetera.

Por otro lado, este activo que vale unos 0.44 centavos de dólar hoy, en un año y meses rondará el dólar. Dado que de esa manera dolariza sus ingresos, y al menos no se le despreciarán ante la inflación reinante en Argentina que es de un 60% anual según consultoras privadas.

De esta manera, vemos lo interesante y seguro que es tener en nuestras propias manos nuestro dinero. Si no sabe qué significa un sistema o ecosistema Blockchain, lo podemos resumir así, internet transmite datos y la tecnología blockchain transmite valores.

Esos valores serán las monedas que conoceremos como criptomonedas o tokens, las cuales serán las modalidades de pago en lo que resta del siglo XXI.

Un ejemplo práctico sobre esto se dio en la zona norte de la provincia de Buenos Aires, desde Abran Paso consultamos a cuatro casas de cambio que operan con la tradicional venta y compra de dólares norteamericanos y recientemente fueron incorporando las criptomonedas para pasarlas al sistema FIAT o del sistema FIAT a USDT o ADA de Cardano, AVAX, DOT, etc.

Todas resumieron que el incremento de compras de USDT fue mucho mayor al del tradicional dólar norteamericano desde enero del 2020 al presente, e inclusive en nuevos sujetos que ingresan al mercado financiero que son jóvenes de 18 años para arriba.

Las ventajas de operar con stablecoin:

Una de las ventajas de la compra de divisas denominadas criptomonedas, es que, como dije, se puede realizar en cualquier momento.

Por ejemplo, el sábado pasado renunció el ministro de Economía Martín Guzmán en Argentina, no fue casual que renunciara un día sábado que el sistema bancario tradicional obsoleto (FIAT) no funciona, entonces quiso evitar una corrida devaluatoria rápida del peso argentino, dado que hasta el lunes no habría bancos y la gente no podría retirar pesos para comprar dólares.

Pero, según encuestas realizadas en la puerta de 3 colegios de Vicente López, donde los ciudadanos se corresponden a esa clase media que tiene siempre el equivalente a 20.000 a 40.000 pesos en las cuentas de los bancos, el 50% manifestó que el sábado a la noche compro USDT, para no quedarse con pesos argentinos, dado que sabían que el lunes cuando abrieran los mercados el peso se seguirá devaluando, recuerden que “el dólar no sube, baja el peso” en realidad.

Esto nos da una premisa que en la franja socioeconómica de clase media, la compra de USDT se está agigantando a pasos enormes en Argentina, dado que al ser descentralizado, permite tener los ahorros seguros.

Por otro lado, permite utilizar el sistema bancario de DeFi (Finanzas Descentralizadas) las 24 horas del día y los 7 días de la semana. Argentina, si no comienza a manifestarse a favor de la utilización de las criptomonedas y cobrar impuestos por estos actos financieros, se quedará afuera del tren tecnológico financiero que trae el siglo XXI.

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picaresquequotes · 7 years

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Encyclopedia Britannica, 1911

Page 137: Pereda [José María de (1833-1906)] belongs to the native realistic school of Spain, which, founded by the unknown author of ‘Lazarillo de Tories,’ was continued by Meteo Alemán, Cervantes, Quevedo, Castillo Solórzano and many others. With the single exception of Cervantes, however, the picaresque writers are almost entirely wanting in the spirit of generous sympathy and tenderness which constitutes a great part of Pereda’s charm. His realism is purely Spanish, as remove from Zola’s moroseness as from the graceful sentimentality of Pierre Loti. Few 19th century writers possessed the virile temperament of Pereda, and, with the single exception of Tolstoy, none kept a moral end more steadily in view. This didactic tendency unquestionably injures his effects. Moreover, his grim satire occasionally degenerates into somewhat truculent caricature, and the excessive use of dialect and technical terms (which caused him to supply ‘Sotileza’ with a brief vocabulary) is a grave artistic blemish. But he saw, knew, understood character; he created not only types, but living personages, such as Andrés, Cleto and Muergo in ’Sotileza,’ Pedro Juan and Pilara in ‘La Puchera’; and he personified the tumult and calm of the sea with more power than Victor Hugo displays in ‘Les Travailleurs de la mer.’ His descriptive powers were of the highest order, and his style, pure of all affectations and embellishments, is of singular force and suppleness. With all his limitations, he was as original a genius as Spain produced during the 19th century.

Page 576: The PICARESQUE NOVEL. This special form of the roman d’aventures may be defined as the prose autobiography of a real or fictitious personage who describes his experiences as a social parasite, and who satirizes the society which he has exploited. The picaroon, or rogue type, is represented by Encolpos, Ascyltos and Giton in the ’Satyricon’ which tradition ascribes to Petronius; it persists in Lucian, in the ‘Roman de Renart,’ in the fableaux, and in other works popular during the Middle Ages; and it is incarnated in real life by such men of genius as the Archpriest of Hita and François Villon. But in its final form the picaresque novel may be regarded as a Spanish invention. The word ‘picaro’ is first used, apparently, in a letter written by Eugenio de Salazar at Toledo on the 15th of April 1560; the etymology which derives ‘picaro’ from ‘picar’ (to pick up) is unsatisfactory to philologists, but it suggests the picaroon’s chief business in life. In the ‘Tesoro de la lingua castellana’ (Madrid, 1611) Sebastian Covarrubias y Orozco, the best of Spanish lexicographers, describes a picaro as a man of loose character engaged in menial work and—by extension—a rascal who attains his ins by skillful dissimulation; and the earliest application of the expression ‘picaro’ to a character in fiction occurs in Mateo Alemán’s ‘Guzmán de Alfarache,’ the first part of which was published in 1599. But a genuine ‘novel picaresca’ existed in Spain before the word ‘picaro’ became generally current. Page 577: The next in chronological order of the Spanish picaresque tales is ‘La Picara Justina’ (1605), the history of a woman picaroon, which it has long been customary to ascribe to Andrés Pérez, a Dominican monk; there is, however, no good reason to suppose that the name of Francisco Lópe de Úbeda on the title page is a pseudonym. The ‘Picara Justina’ has wrongly acquired a reputation for indecency; its real defects are an affected diction and a want of originality. The writer frankly admits that he has taken material from the ‘Celestina,’ from ‘Lazarillo de Tories,’ from Guevara, Timoneda and Alemán, and he boastfully asserts that “there is nothing good in ballad, play or Spanish poet, but that its quintessence is given here.” Unluckily he has not the talent to utilize these stolen goods. The ‘Picara Justina’ was thrice reprinted during the 17th century; this is the only basis for the untenable theory that it is the source of the culteranismo which reaches its climax in Gracian’s treatises. The ‘Picara Justina’ is now read solely by philologists in quest of verbal eccentricities. Ginés de Pasamonte, one of the secondary figures in ‘Don Quixote’ (1605-1615), is a singularly vivid sketch of the Spanish rogue, and in the comedy entitled ‘Pedro de Urdemalas’ Cervantes again presents a brilliant panorama of picaresque existence. He returns to the subject in ‘Rinconete y Cortadillo’ and in the ‘Coloquio de los perros,’ two of the best stories in the ‘Novelas ejemplares’ (1613). The attraction of picaresque life was felt by pious and learned critics, and expounded in print. In the ‘Viage del mundo’ (1614) the zealous missionary Pedro de Cevallos interpolates amusing tales of what befell him in the slums of Andalusia before he fled form justice to America, where he lived as a sinful soldier till his spiritual conversion was accomplished. Cristóbal Suárez de Figueroa, a caustic critic of his contemporaries and an arbiter of taste; did not think it beneath his dignity to show a disconcerting acquaintance with the ways of professional rogues, and in ‘El Pasagero’ (1617) he fills in the sketch of the knavish innkeeper already outlined by Cervantes in ‘Don Quixote.’ Evidence of the widely diffused taste for picaresque literature is found in ‘Enriquez de Castro’ (1617), and interminable story written in Spanish by a Frenchman named François Loubayssin de Lamarca, who brought out his book at Paris; two years previously Loubayssin had introduced some clever but risky picaresque episodes in his ‘Engaños deste siglo y historia sucedida en nuestros tiempos.’ But his attempt to fill a larger canvas is a complete failure. The roving instinct of Vicente Martinez Espinel (q.v.) had led him into strange and dangerous company before and after his ordination as a priest, and a great part of his ‘Relaciones de la vida del escudero Marcos de Obregón’ (1618) is manifestly the confession of one who has regretfully outlived his pleasant vices. The baffling compound of fact with fiction and the lucid style of which Espinel was a master would suffice to win for ‘Marcos de Obregón’ a permanent place in the history of Spanish literature; the fact that it was largely utilized by Le Sage in ‘Gil Blas’ has won for it a place in the history of comparative literature. Within five months of its publication at Madrid a fragmentary French version by the Sieur d’Audiguier was issued at Paris, and at Paris also there appeared a Spanish picaresque story entitled ‘La Desordenada codicia de los bienes agenos’ (1619), ascribed conjecturally to a certain Dr. Carlos García, who reports his conversation with a garrulous gaol-bird, and appends a glossary of slang terms used by the confraternity of thieves; he was not, however, the first worker in this field, for a key to their gross jargon had been given ten years previously by Juan Hidalgo in his ‘Romances de germania’ (1609), a series of gipsy ballads. Every kind of picaroon is portrayed with intelligent sympathy by Alonso Jerónimo de Salas Barbadillo, who is always described as a picaresque novelist; yet he so constantly neglects the recognize conventions of the Spanish school that his right to the title is disputable. ……. At about this time there lived in Spain an ex-nun named Catalina de Erauso, who fled from her convent, dressed herself in men’s clothes, enlisted, was promoted ensign, and saw more of life than any other nun in history. Broadsides relating the story of this picaresque amazon were circulated during her lifetime, and the details of her adventures arrested the attention of Dr. Quincey, who would seem to have read them in a Spanish original which has been admirably translated since then by the French poet José Maria de Heredia. The Spanish original, in its existing form, was issued no earlier than 1829 by Joaquín María de Ferrer, whose character is not a satisfactory guarantee of the work’s authenticity; but its interest is unquestionable. Page 578: No such suspicion attaches to the ‘Vida’ of Alonso de Contreras, first published in 1899; this out-at-elbows soldier faithfully records how he became a knight of the Order of Santiago, how he broke all the Commandments, how he found himself stranded in Madrid, how his fine air captivated Lope de Vega, who housed him for eight months and dedicated to him a play entitled ‘Rey sin reino,’ and how the ex-captain ended by “resolving to retire to a lonely spot and there serve God as a hermit.” Every convention of the picaresque novel is faithfully observed, and the incidents are no doubt substantially true, though Contreras, like most converts, judges his own past with unnecessary harshness. This subtle form of vanity also pervades the ‘Comentarios de el desengañado de si mismo’ of Diego duque de Estrada, a rakish soldier and inferior dramatist whose autobiography (begun in 1614 and continued at intervals during many years) was not printed till 1860. A far higher order of talent distinguishes the ‘Capitulaciones de la vida de la Corte y oficios entretenidos en ella,’ a bitterly unsparing review of picaresque life written by the great satirist Francisco Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas (q.v.). These thumbnail sketches were the preparatory studies worked up into the more elaborate ‘Vida del buscón Don Pablos’ (1626), the cleverest and most revolting book of its class. There is no attempt to scare the wicked by means of awful examples; the moral lesson is contemptuously thrown aside; the veil of romance is rent in twain, and the picaro—the nephew of the public executioner—is revealed as he is, glaring in cruelty and revealing in the conscious enjoyment of crime. But though Quevedo detests mankind, his morose vision of existence rarely degenerates into caricature. In his repugnant, misanthropic masterpiece the sordid genius of the Spanish picaroon finds absolute expression. Nothing further remained to be done in the matter of realism; henceforth the taste for picaresque novels grew less keen, and later writers unconsciously began to humanize their personages. The ‘Varia fortuna del soldado Pindaro’ (1626) added nothing to the established reputation of Gonzalo Císpedes y Meneses. A clever anonymous story, ‘Don Raimundo el Entretenido’ (1627), missed fire, even though it was attributed to Quevedo; yet the author, Diego Tovar y Valderrama, compiled a sprightly diary of the events which make up a picaroon’s crowded day, and failed solely because the interest in rogues was waning. Other writers of undoubted gifts were slow to see that the fashion had changed. Alonso de Castillo Solórzano (q.v.) tempted the public with three picaresque stories published in quick succession: ‘La Niña de los embustes, Teresa de Manzanares’ (1634), the ‘Aventuras del Bachiller Trapaza’ (1637) and a sequel to the latter entitled ‘La Garduña de Sevilla’ (1642). Clever as Castillo Solórzano’s stories are, their tricky heroes and heroines were no longer welcomed with the old enthusiasm in Spain; the ‘Bachiller Trapaza’ was destined to be continued by Mateo da Silva Cabral in Portugal and to be exploited by Le Sage in France, and to these two accidents it owes its survival. Le Sage likewise utilized in ‘Gil Blas’ episodes taken from ‘El Siglo pitagórico’ (1644), the work of Antonio Enríquez Gómez (q.v.); but most of ‘El Siglo pitagórico’ is in verse, and as it was published at Paris by an exiled Portuguese Jew, its circulation in Spanish must have been limited. The normal primitive rogue returns to the scene in ‘La vida y hechos de Estebanillo González’ (1646), which is no doubt the genuine autobiography that it purports to be. If he is still occasionally read by students he owes it to the fact that Le Sage drew upon him in the ‘Histoire d’Estevanille Gonzáles.’ By the general public he is completely forgotten, and the same may be said of many subsequent Spanish writers who adopted the picaresque formula. The ‘Buscón’ is the last great book of its kind. Meanwhile, the rogue had forced his way into other European literatures. The Antwerp continuation (1555) of ‘Lazarillo de Tories’ brought the original to the notice of northern readers, and this first part was translated into French by Jean Saugrain in 1561. A Dutch version was issued anonymously in 1579, and it seems extremely likely that the book had been translated into English before this date. This follows from a manuscript note written by Gabriel Harvey in a copy of the ‘Howleglass’ given him by Edmund Spenser; Harvey here mentions that he had received the ‘Howleglass,’ Skoggin, Skelton and ‘Lazarillo’ from Spenser on the 20th of December 1578. The earliest known edition of David Rowland’s version of ‘Lazarillo de Tories’ is dated 1586, but as a license to print a translation of this tale was granted on the 22nd of July 1568/1569, it is probable that a 1576 edition which appears in the Harleian Catalogue really existed. Numerous reprints (1599, 1639, 1669-1670, 1672, 1677) go to prove that ‘Lazarillo de Tormes’ was very popular, and that Shakespeare had read it seems to follow from an allusion in ‘Much Ado about Nothing’ (Act II., sc. i.): “Now you strike like the blind man; ‘twins the boy that stole your meat, and you will beat the post.” To Thomas Nash belongs the credit, such as it is, of being the first to write a picaresque novel in English: ‘The Unfortunate Traveller; or the Life of Jack Wilton’ (1594). Nash carefully points out that his work is a new experiment, “being a clean different vein from other my former courses of writing”; the only possible Spanish model that he can have had was ‘Lazarillo de Tories,’ but he has nothing of his predecessor’s sardonic brevity, and he anticipates later Spanish writers by his emphatic insistence on the pleasures of eating and drinking to repletion. Nash led the way, and a reference to “Spanish pickaroes” in Middleton’s ’Spanish Gipsie’ indicates that the picaroon type had speedily become familiar enough for London playgoers to understand the reference. Interest in picaresque literature was kept alive in England by a translation (1622) of a sexual to ‘Lazarillo de Tormes’ published at Paris two years earlier by Juan de Luna, who came to London to supervise the English rendering; by james Mabbe’s admirable version (1622) of ‘Guzmán de Alfarache’; by ‘The Son of the Rogue or the Politic Thief’ (1638), an anonymous translation, done through the French, of ‘La desordenada codicia;’ and by another anonymous translation (1657), likewise done through the French, of Quevedo’s ‘Buscón.’ The result of this campaign was ‘The English Rogue descried in the Life of Meriton Latroon, a witty Extravagant’ (1665), by Richard Head and Francis Kirkman. The authors of this farrago insist on the English nationality of their chief character, and repudiate the idea that they are in any way indebted to Alemán and Quevedo. It is no exaggeration, however, to say that almost all the material in the text is taken from Spanish sources, and even the thieves’ vocabulary is stolen from John Awdeley’s ‘Fraternity of Vacabondes’ or Thomas Harman’s ‘Caveat, or Warning for Common Cursetors.’ It is not till Defoe’s time that the English picaresque novel acquires any real importance, and the picaresque intention informs much of his work that contravenes the accepted rules of composition. There is a female picaroon in ‘Moll Flanders,’ and, as Defoe read Spanish, it is conceivable that Moll Flanders was suggested by the ‘Picara Justina;’ but this resemblance does not make a picaresque novel of ‘Moll Flanders.’ The satirical spirit which is lacking in ‘Moll Flanders’ is abundantly present in ‘Colonel Jack,’ which bravely aims at exhibiting “vice and all kinds of wickedness attended with misery.” Henceforward the picaroon is naturalized in English literature, and is gloriously reincarnated in Fielding’s ‘Jonathan Wild’ and in Smollett’s ‘Ferdinand, Count Fathom.’ The classification of Sterne’s ‘Tristram Shandy’ and Morier’s ‘Hajji Baba’ as picaresque novels is not strictly accurate; like ‘Pickwick’ and ‘Oliver Twist’ and ‘Barry Lyndon,’ they are rather varieties of the peripatetic novel, but many incidents in all five recall the pleasing wiles of the Spanish picaroons. The Dutch translation of ‘Lazarillo de Tories’ (1579) did not enable the picaresque novel to strike root in Holland, yet from it is derived one of the best Dutch comedies, ‘De Spaenscke Brabander Jorolimo’ (1616) of Gerbrand Bredero. A German translation of ‘Guzmán de Alfarache’ was published by Aegigius Alberitnus in 1615; both ‘Lazarillo’ and ‘Rinconete y Cortadillo’ were translated by Nioclas Ulenhart in 116, and in 1627 there appeared an anonymous version of the ‘Picara Justina.’ The Spanish tradition was followed by Martin Frewden in a continuation (1626) of ‘Guzmán de Alfarache,’ but the only original picaresque novel of real value in German is Grimmelhausen’s ‘Simplicissimus.’ The attempt to acclimatize the picaresque novel in Italy failed completely.

Page 579: Barezo Barezzi translated ‘Guzmán de Alfarache, Lazarillo de Tormes’ and the ‘Picara Justina’ in 1606, 1622 and 1624 respectively, and Giovanni Pietro Franco did the ‘Buscón’ into Italian in 1634; but there was no important native development. The same may be said of Portugal; for though Silva Cabral’s continuation of the ‘Bachiller Trapaza’ is called the most remarkable of Portuguese picaresque romances, it is significant that ‘O peralvilho de Cordova’ remains in manuscript. The case was very different in France, where pictures of low life had always found admirers. The first translation of ‘Lazarillo de Tories’ appeared, as already noted, at Paris in 1561; the first translation of the first part of ‘Guzmán de Alfarache’ was issued there by Gabriel Chappuis in 1600, and the dictator Chapelain deigned to translate both parts in 1619-1620; the first translation of the ’Novelos ejemplares’ was published at Paris in 1618 by Rosset and d’Audiguier; and French translations of ‘Marcos de Obregón,’ of ‘La Desordenada codicia,’ of the ‘Buscón’ and of the ‘Picara Justina’ were printed in 1618, 1621, 1633 and 1635 respectively. Before this series of translations was completed Charles Sorel recounted in ‘Francion’ (1622) “the comic mishaps which befall evildoers,” invoking the common excuse that it is “lawful to find pleasure at their expense.” Many of the episodes in ‘Francion’ are picaresque in tone, but unfortunately Sorel wanders from his subject, and devotes no small part of his book to satirizing literary men who, though fribbles or paupers, are in no sense picaroons. The legitimate Spanish tradition is followed more closely and with much more ability by Paul Scarron in the ‘Roman comique’ (1651), in which horseplay is predominant. The framework may have been suggested by Agustín de Rojas or Quevedo, both of whom introduce a strolling company, and such characters as Liandre, Angélique de l’toile and Ragotin might be found in any average ‘novela picaresca.’ Scarron frankly mentions Castillo Solórzano’s ‘Garduña de Sevilla’ in his text, and his ‘Precuation inutile’ and ‘Les Hypocrites’ are convincing proofs of close study of Spanish picaresque stories: the ‘Précaution inutile’ is taken from ‘Guzmán de Alfarache,’ and ‘Les Hypocrites’ is merely a translation of Salas Barbadillo’s ‘Hija de Celestina.’ The ‘Roman bourgeois’ (1666) of Antoine Furetière is generally described as a picaresque novel, but this involves a new definition of the adjective; the ‘Roman bourgeois’ includes some portraits and more satire which seem suggested by picaresque reading, but it is concerned with the foibles of the middle class rather than with the sly devices of common vagabonds. The Spanish picaroon lives again in ‘Gil Blas,’ where, with a dexterity almost rarer than original genius, a master of literary manipulation fuses materials unearthed from forgotten and seemingly worthless Spanish quarries. Gil Blas is a creation of the gentler, sunnier French spirit; like Beaumarchais’ Figaro he is a Spaniard born, reared and humanized in Paris, and these two are the only picaroons whose relative refinement has not been gained at the cost of verisimilitude. But the old original scoundrel was not yet extinct; in the interval between the appearance of the ‘Barbier de Séville’ and the ‘Mariage de Figaro’ Restif de la Bretonne produced a sequel (1776) to the ‘Buscón’—a sequel so dull as to be well-nigh unreadable. The untamed Spanish rogue had become impossible towards the end of the 18th century: in the 19th he was deliberately rejected when Théophile Gautier wrote his ‘Capitaine Fracasse.’ Yet Gautier conscientiously provides a Spanish atmosphere; the personages have Spanish names; the knife has a Spanish inscription; the host speaks French with a Spanish accent; Vallombreuse parts from the marquis with a Spanish formula: “beso á vuestra merced la mano, caballero.” ‘Capitaine Fracasse’ is the last important book which continues the picaresque tradition. The possibilities of picaresque fiction can never be exhausted while human nature is unchanged. Pereda (q.v.) in ‘Pedro Sanchez’ (1884) touches the old theme with the accent of modernity. It may be that instead of one continuous tale, interrupted by episodical digressions, the picaresque fiction of the future will take the form of short stories independent of one another; but this would be nothing more than a convenient mechanical device, a readjustment of means to ends.

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