#antiforeignism

[juliasjapaneselitblog]

Assignment #3: “Five interesting nonfiction books”

Geisha: A Life by Mineko Iwasaki

“ "Many say I was the best geisha of my generation," writes Mineko Iwasaki. "And yet, it was a life that I found too constricting to continue. And one that I ultimately had to leave." Trained to become a geisha from the age of five, Iwasaki would live among the other "women of art" in Kyoto's Gion Kobu district and practice the ancient customs of Japanese entertainment. She was loved by kings, princes, military heroes, and wealthy statesmen alike. But even though she became one of the most prized geishas in Japan's history, Iwasaki wanted more: her own life. And by the time she retired at age twenty-nine, Iwasaki was finally on her way toward a new beginning.”

The Diary of Lady Murasaki by Murasaki Shikibu

“ The title given to a collection of diary fragments written by the 11th-century Japanese Heian era lady-in-waiting and writer Murasaki Shikibu. It is written in kana, then a newly developed writing system for vernacular Japanese, more common among women, who were generally unschooled in Chinese. Unlike modern diaries or journals, 10th-century Heian diaries tend to emphasize important events more than ordinary day-to-day life and do not follow a strict chronological order. The work includes vignettes, waka poems, and an epistolary section written in the form of a long letter.”

I Haven’t Dreamed of Flying for While by Taichi Yamada

“ After accident, illness and the loss of his job and marriage, 48-year-old Taura meets Mutsuko, setting his already derailed life even further off course. Their first encounter is, unseen, in a hospital. It later transpires that the mysterious Mutsuko is in her late sixties, but when they next meet she is in her forties.”

The Wild Geese by Ogai Mori

“ Was first published in serial form in Japan, and tells the story of unfulfilled love set against a background of social change and Westernization.[1] The story is set in 1880 Tokyo. The novel contains commentary on the changing situation between the Edo and Meiji periods. The characters of the novel are diverse, including not only students preparing for a privileged intellectual life and commoners who provide services to them, but also a pair of highly developed female characters. Mori sympathetically portrays the dilemmas and frustrations faced by women in this early period of Japan's modernization.”

Emporer of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852-1912

“ When Emperor Meiji began his rule, in 1867, Japan was a splintered empire, dominated by the shogun and the daimyos, who ruled over the country's more than 250 decentralized domains and who were, in the main, cut off from the outside world, staunchly antiforeign, and committed to the traditions of the past. Before long, the shogun surrendered to the emperor, a new constitution was adopted, and Japan emerged as a modern, industrialized state.”

[dailyfactionprompt]

Antiforeign + Matriarchy + Void + Vermin

VS

Defense + Greed + Sailors + Scavengedpunk

VS

Comedy + Cuba + Love + Selflessness

VS

Decay + Kobolds + Norse Myth + Romani

[letsjanukhan]

China Delays Anti-Sanctions Law for Hong Kong

China Delays Anti-Sanctions Law for Hong Kong

Beijing delayed plans for a new law that could bar banks and companies in Hong Kong from complying with sanctions on China’s people, reflecting caution about a measure that has sent a wave of concern through the city’s business community. China’s legislature had planned to implement new laws in Hong Kong and Macau mirroring the antiforeign sanctions law that was passed on the mainland in June in…

[melitaafterfeather]

The unwritten law

English law apparently consist of lenghty lawful acts because it's discriminatory

Probably like any other law

Magna Carta the will of the people was set to English people, not meant to be purpusful to foreigners.

Since it was sold Magna Carta has no bearing in England.

Other countries took on MC as precedent to rule and govern could practice at their territory.

If you noticed I do not appreciate your unethical laws unethical criminal behaviour and I won't. Politically oriented I am antijewish antiforeigner clean Britain.

Do not expect me to accept what I have been trained to the exactly oposite.

The sooner English nation awaken distinct from primitivism the better curing the economy will be.

Disregard everybody else who isn't acting in England and English favour

I live in England I haven't been to neigbouring countries of Britain

Serving UN mustcontain an agreement of immigrants settlment to countries who initiate the war

Previously Britain suffered from other countries war initiatives

Partnering in protection although not taking crusaders migrants as a consequence of someone else's war

Nuclear energy could not be activated

When my biological children have been removed from source of laundering money to feed nuclear energy then I might react to your persuasion

Cause I won't allow activation ever

Christianity wise during joint venture EU as predominantly Christians have not contributed to the English Church

EU christians formed their own churches apart from English Church while residing in Britain

Lots of English British believed importing white Christians will sort the problem of black christians

It didn't happen

The mission would be

Settle your own faith at your territory of worship

England belongs to English Church historically

Someworld countries do not allow any other faith they shouldn't claim elsewhere respect of tgeir faith

[ukridosblog-blog]

South African anti-immigrant protesters clash with migrants in Pretoria

South African anti-immigrant protesters clash with migrants in Pretoria

South African anti-immigrant protesters clash with migrants in Pretoria. South African anti-immigrant protest took a (more…)

[dorcasrempel]

Commerce and coercion

Growing up on the Big Island of Hawaii, Kacie Miura says she felt removed from issues roiling the mainland U.S. and the rest of the world. “We were insulated in our own bubble and I wasn’t that interested in domestic or international politics,” says the fifth-year doctoral candidate. But while serving a two-year Peace Corps mission in China, Miura’s view of the world changed dramatically.

In 2010, she was stationed in Chongqing, teaching English to rural teachers and to students of Yangtze Normal University, when tensions flared around the arrest by Japan of a Chinese fishing boat captain.

“Major anti-Japanese protests erupted throughout China,” she recalls. “It was the first time I was confronted with the history between these nations, and it made me quite interested in the role of nationalism in politics.”

Gripped by this drama, Miura decided to return to academics and study the role and impact of nationalist sentiment in Chinese foreign policy. Today, she is in the midst of writing a dissertation that offers fresh insights on the way economic factors and domestic politics, especially at the local government level, shape China’s international relations.

“Those who study China see nationalism as a sort of narrative that the state actively creates, helping to create legitimacy for the [Communist] party,” says Miura. She set out to learn whether all Chinese politics followed the central government’s nationalist narrative.

In the past decade, several events involving foreign players have served to provoke an official reaction of nationalist outrage in China. For instance, in 2012, Japan procured islands in the East China Sea, a move that China strongly disputed. “There were massive protests throughout China, but not everywhere,” she said. “Certain cities appeared surprisingly quiet, and one of them was Dalian — a place with a long history of Japanese investment, and home to many Japanese enterprises.”

Reducing friction through trade

For her doctoral research, Miura decided to look closely at local responses to this incident, comparing Dalian with its provincial neighbor Shenyang, which shares geography, politics, and administration, but not the tight commercial connection to Japan. Might economic dependency in Dalian soften any local, antiforeign political protests, she wondered, and would Shenyang prove to be more overtly anti-Japanese, in line with the central government’s stance?

To answer these questions, Miura conducted interviews with former officials, local residents and scholars, and scraped data from newspapers in each city to gauge sentiment about Japan during the months-long dispute in 2012. The results reinforced her initial hunch — for the most part.

“At Shenyang, leaders were permissive about anti-Japanese protests, including a huge one outside the Japanese consulate,” says Miura. “Protest organizers, who claimed to have the support of the local government, were allegedly so eager for a successful event that they arranged transportation to bring in more people.”

In Dalian, leaders found understated ways of supporting Japan. “As a Japanese businessperson put it: They were extending fists above the table, but reaching out under the table to shake hands,” she says.

Miura is building an argument that China’s central government is not a monolithic authority in determining political responses to international disputes. To bolster this case, she is also researching retaliation against South Korea in Chinese cities with different commercial ties to Seoul, after that nation installed an antiballistic missile defense system China found objectionable.

She is also teasing out the role of the central government’s anticorruption crusades on local politics, as well as whether growing unemployment and associated social unrest, viewed with great alarm by Beijing, might factor into local government compliance with the central government’s xenophobic policies.

While it’s still early for any conclusions, Miura hopes her work will have implications for people eager to understand China’s growing influence. “My research might encourage policymakers and businesses to seek allies at the local level, perhaps in cities that already have lots of American firms, where they can expect to be relatively protected even when political tensions are high.”

Identity crisis

Miura confesses she is surprised to find herself in the midst of such research, or even pursuing a PhD. In college, she imagined she would remain in Hawaii and become a journalist. But with the 2008 recession, and newsrooms across the state downsizing, she thought her stint in the Peace Corps would buy her some time to figure out next steps.

Her transformative experience in China wasn’t just about living far away from home and learning another language. Miura is a fourth-generation Japanese-American, which complicated her interactions with Chinese hosts and students. “I had a full-blown identity crisis,” she recalls. “People didn’t see me as really American because I didn’t have blonde hair and blue eyes.”  She says she “blended in,” which meant “locals often chose not to acknowledge the Japanese side of me.”

This sharpened Miura’s sensitivity to the rise of anti-Japanese anger, feeding her concern about nationalism. She pursued a master’s degree at Yale in international relations, and interned at the International Crisis Group in Beijing, where she helped draft a report on regional responses to China’s actions in the South China Sea. Through this work, she connected with Taylor Fravel, the Arthur and Ruth Sloan Professor of Political Science and an authority on China and international security. When she decided that her depth of interest required an advanced degree, MIT and work with Fravel seemed a natural fit.

She is deeply committed to contributing as a scholar to US-China relations.

“There is so little debate in policy circles, and I worry about the rhetoric — that people have concluded China is a threat,” she says. “I would like to provide a voice of reason to persuade decision makers not to overreact to every single thing China does, and to realize that oftentimes what China does is in response to what we do.”

Commerce and coercion syndicated from https://osmowaterfilters.blogspot.com/

[benrleeusa]

[Ilya Somin] Things I Hate About the Constitution

Legal scholars are often accused of claiming that the Constitution fits their political views. Here are several important issues where it doesn't fit mine.

In a recent Twitter thread, well-known originalist legal scholar Larry Solum addresses claims that originalists largely endorse the theory primarily because they like its political outcomes. Although Solum himself is more on the left, he recognizes that it is not an accident that originalists are disproportionately libertarian or conservative. Similar charges, of course, are often made against living constitutionalists, who have long been accused of just coming up with ways to constitutionalize their (mostly liberal) political views.

In my view, constitutional theory is unavoidably normative, and no interpretive approach can be justified completely independent of its outcomes. For reasons I outlined here and here, I am skeptical of nonconsequentialist justifications for originalism (which I labeled "intrinsic"), and my qualified support for the theory is based in large part on instrumental considerations. I also think there is no way to justify living constitutionalism without at least some consideration of consequences. At the same time, I do not believe that judges should simply try to reach the best policy outcome in any given case, or that even the best possible methodology can come close to achieving that result indirectly. And my support for originalism is combined with severe reservations about the effects of following that approach with respect to some parts of the Constitution.

Solum also points out that impression of congruence between legal theorists' views of the Constitution and their political views is artificially heightened by the fact that most scholars spend far more time writing about areas where they think there is such congruence than areas where they believe the two are at odds. That is true of much of my work, as well. Given limited time and energy, it makes sense to devote more of it to issues where stronger enforcement of the Constitution will make the world a better place than those where it is likely to make things worse. That said, however, here's a list of several areas where I think the Constitution gets important issues badly wrong. By that I mean that we get bad outcomes if we follow what I think is the correct interpretation of the document. I have a much longer list of cases where bad outcomes occur because the courts (and other branches of government) have deviated from the correct interpretation in some way.

1. Nearly Unconstrained Power to Restrict International Trade.

Article I of the Constitution gives Congress nearly unlimited power to impose tariffs and otherwise restrict international trade. Economists across the political spectrum agree that trade barriers are bad for the economy. They are also severe restrictions on liberty. Moreover, we often cannot count on the political system to police itself in this area. International trade is one of the areas where research shows that voter ignorance and "antiforeign bias" are particularly severe, thereby incentivizing politicians to promote protectionism. The protectionism peddled by Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders is just the latest iteration of this longstanding problem. Moreover, public ignorance also helps the government and special-interest groups hide the true extent of the negative impact of protectionism. A well-designed Constitution would at the very least make it far more difficult to enact trade barriers than ours does.

2. Too Much Use of Juries.

Thanks in large part to the Bill of Rights, the US uses juries for a much wider range of cases than virtually any other nation. If the Supreme Court were to fully enforce the original meaning, I think they would have to "incorporate" the Seventh Amendment (which requires the use of juries in most civil cases) against state governments, thereby mandating even more widespread use of juries.

For reasons I summarized in this article, I think such extensive reliance on juries is problematic, at least in cases involving large-scale policy issues and complex scientific evidence. Ignorance and bias on the part of lay jurors can lead to serious errors in such situations.

But my biggest reservation about the jury system arises from the fact that jury service is mandatory, and thereby has become a system of forced labor. I am less convinced than I used to be that the Constitution requires jury service to be mandatory, as opposed to merely permitting it to be so. But even in the latter scenario, the fact that a large-scale system of forced labor is even permitted, still qualifies as a serious injustice. The benefits of jury service, such as they are, can be realized even in a voluntary system.

Another reason to get rid of mandatory jury service is that it is often used to justify other forms of forced labor, such as mandatory voting (an analogy I criticized here) and the restoration of a military raft.

Longtime readers may wonder whether my criticism of the jury system can be reconciled with my qualified support for jury nullification. The answer is that I think juries should be used or a narrower range of cases than at present, and service on them should be voluntary. But in the types of cases where the use of (voluntary) juries is desirable (which includes a wide range of criminal law cases, among others), they should have the power to nullify, at least so long as the scope of criminal law is as egregiously large as is true today.

3. It is too Hard to Remove a Malevolent or Incompetent President.

The Constitution only allows removal of a president before his term is over through the cumbersome impeachment process. That requires a majority vote of the House of Representatives to impeach, and two-thirds of senators to convict. Even then, removal is only permissible if the president has committed a "high crime or misdemeanor" (though many scholars argue that does not necessarily require a violation of criminal law). Given the vast power of the modern presidency and enormous harm that a malicious or even merely incompetent president can do, I think removal should be easier. The risk of leaving a malign president in office too long is, at least a the margin, greater than that of improperly removing a "good" one. That judgment is reinforced by the reality that few politicians are actually all that good, or all that worthy of being entrusted with vast power. I would not want to allow Congress to remove the president by a simple majority vote, like a parliamentary prime minister. But we would do well to reduce the size of the necessary supermajority in the Senate, and to eliminate the requirement that the president can only be removed for a "high crime or misdemeanor."

Admittedly, this issue would be a less serious problem if the power of the executive branch were cut back to its original, far more limited scope. But that does not appear likely to happen anytime soon.

4. Breaking Up States Should be Easier to Do.

Breaking up big states such as California and Texas could help facilitate beneficial competition and open up new opportunities for people to "vote with their feet." Currently, states can only be divided with the consent of both the state government (which has an obvious incentive to avoid diminution of its own power) and Congress. I am not sure about what the optimal approach is, since it would be a mistake to give the federal government unconstrained power to break up states at will. But dividing up states should be easier than it is now.

5. The Presidency Should not be Reserved to "Natural Born" Citizens.

I explained the reasons for my opposition to this form of discrimination against immigrants here. This provision causes far less tangible harm than the other items on this list. It is nonetheless an egregious example of indefensible discrimination, and its elimination would have considerable moral and symbolic value.

6. The Constitution is too Hard to Amend.

Article V makes our Constitution one of the most difficult to amend in the whole world, possibly even the most difficult.While there are, technically, three different methods of amendment, only one of them has ever been effectively used, and it requires the approval of two-thirds of both houses of Congress, and three-fourths of state legislatures. Since all but one state legislature is bicameral, the three-fourths requirement (which also applies to the other two amendment methods) is even more onerous than it looks. The difficulty of the amendment process exacerbates all the other flaws of the Constitution, by making them almost impossible to remove by legal means. It also incentivizes the political parties to pursue constitutional change by surreptitious methods, such as appointing sympathetic judges. It would be a mistake to make the Constitution too easy to amend, as in the case of some state constitutions, which can be amended by a simple majority vote in a referendum. But the federal Constitution errs in the opposite direction.

The above is not an exhaustive list of flaws in the Constitution. It just includes what I think are currently particularly egregious flaws. There are others which are comparatively minor, and also some that could potentially cause more trouble in the future than they have so far. For example, the Founders made a mistake in failing to fix the number of Supreme Court justices, thereby opening the door to court-packing. Fortunately, political norms have prevented the parties from exploiting this flaw, over the last 150 years. But those norms may well break down in the near future. There are also some issues that may well be serious flaws, but on which I am uncertain in my own mind. For example, I am uncertain about whether we would be better off with a proportional representation system of voting, than the status quo. Finally, I have omitted harmful parts of the Constitution that have been eliminated or superseded by later amendments, such as the Fugitive Slave Clause.

The flaws described here are, I believe, ultimately outweighed by the many virtues of the Constitution (correctly interpreted). But they are significant, nonetheless.

[baoxiaoyuea-blog]

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Adidas ACE 16+ Purecontrol still words saying 's

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[thenewviewerdaily]

South Africa urges restraint amid anti-foreigner protests

http://rssfeeds.usatoday.com/~/274402272/0/usatoday-newstopstories~South-Africa-urges-restraint-amid-antiforeigner-protests/?utm_source=dlvr.it&utm_medium=tumblr