#coding conference orlando

[laboratoryrats]

“It can't be a Black man'. But ... but that's the whole point of the story!" Feldstein sputtered.”

Judgement Day (1953)

The story, by writer Al Feldstein and artist Joe Orlando, was a reprint from the pre-Code Weird Fantasy #18 (April 1953), inserted when the Code Authority had rejected an initial, original story, "An Eye For an Eye", drawn by Angelo Torres, but was itself also "objected to" because of "the central character being Black".

The story depicted a human astronaut, a representative of the Galactic Republic, visiting the planet Cybrinia, inhabited by robots. He finds the robots divided into functionally identical orange and blue races, one of which has fewer rights and privileges than the other. The astronaut determines that due to the robots' bigotry, the Galactic Republic should not admit the planet until these problems are resolved. In the final panel, he removes his helmet, revealing himself to be a Black man.

As Diehl recounted in Tales from the Crypt: The Official Archives: This really made 'em go bananas in the Code czar's office. "Judge Murphy was off his nut. He was really out to get us", recalls [EC editor] Feldstein. "I went in there with this story and Murphy says, 'It can't be a Black man'. But ... but that's the whole point of the story!" Feldstein sputtered. When Murphy continued to insist that the Black man had to go, Feldstein put it on the line. "Listen", he told Murphy, "you've been riding us and making it impossible to put out anything at all because you guys just want us out of business". [Feldstein] reported the results of his audience with the czar to Gaines, who was furious [and] immediately picked up the phone and called Murphy. "This is ridiculous!" he bellowed. "I'm going to call a press conference on this. You have no grounds, no basis, to do this. I'll sue you". Murphy made what he surely thought was a gracious concession. "All right. Just take off the beads of sweat". At that, Gaines and Feldstein both went ballistic. "Fuck you!" they shouted into the telephone in unison. Murphy hung up on them, but the story ran in its original form

[mariacallous]

In his polarizing “Techno-Optimist Manifesto” last year, venture capitalist Marc Andreessen listed a number of enemies to technological progress. Among them were “tech ethics” and “trust and safety,” a term used for work on online content moderation, which he said had been used to subject humanity to “a mass demoralization campaign” against new technologies such as artificial intelligence.

Andreessen’s declaration drew both public and quiet criticism from people working in those fields—including at Meta, where Andreessen is a board member. Critics saw his screed as misrepresenting their work to keep internet services safer.

On Wednesday, Andreessen offered some clarification: When it comes to his 9-year-old son’s online life, he’s in favor of guardrails. “I want him to be able to sign up for internet services, and I want him to have like a Disneyland experience,” the investor said in an onstage conversation at a conference for Stanford University’s Human-Centered AI research institute. “I love the internet free-for-all. Someday, he's also going to love the internet free-for-all, but I want him to have walled gardens.”

Contrary to how his manifesto may have read, Andreessen went on to say he welcomes tech companies—and by extension their trust and safety teams—setting and enforcing rules for the type of content allowed on their services.

“There’s a lot of latitude company by company to be able to decide this,” he said. “Disney imposes different behavioral codes in Disneyland than what happens in the streets of Orlando.” Andreessen alluded to how tech companies can face government penalties for allowing child sexual abuse imagery and certain other types of content, so they can’t be without trust and safety teams altogether.

So what kind of content moderation does Andreessen consider an enemy of progress? He explained that he fears two or three companies dominating cyberspace and becoming “conjoined” with the government in a way that makes certain restrictions universal, causing what he called “potent societal consequences” without specifying what those might be. “If you end up in an environment where there is pervasive censorship, pervasive controls, then you have a real problem,” Andreessen said.

The solution as he described it is ensuring competition in the tech industry and a diversity of approaches to content moderation, with some having greater restrictions on speech and actions than others. “What happens on these platforms really matters,” he said. “What happens in these systems really matters. What happens in these companies really matters.”

Andreessen didn’t bring up X, the social platform run by Elon Musk and formerly known as Twitter, in which his firm Andreessen Horowitz invested when the Tesla CEO took over in late 2022. Musk soon laid off much of the company’s trust and safety staff, shut down Twitter’s AI ethics team, relaxed content rules, and reinstated users who had previously been permanently banned.

Those changes paired with Andreessen’s investment and manifesto created some perception that the investor wanted few limits on free expression. His clarifying comments were part of a conversation with Fei-Fei Li, codirector of Stanford’s HAI, titled “Removing Impediments to a Robust AI Innovative Ecosystem.”

During the session, Andreessen also repeated arguments he has made over the past year that slowing down development of AI through regulations or other measures recommended by some AI safety advocates would repeat what he sees as the mistaken US retrenchment from investment in nuclear energy several decades ago.

Nuclear power would be a “silver bullet” to many of today’s concerns about carbon emissions from other electricity sources, Andreessen said. Instead the US pulled back, and climate change hasn’t been contained the way it could have been. “It’s an overwhelmingly negative, risk-aversion frame,” he said. “The presumption in the discussion is, if there are potential harms therefore there should be regulations, controls, limitations, pauses, stops, freezes.”

For similar reasons, Andreessen said, he wants to see greater government investment in AI infrastructure and research and a freer rein given to AI experimentation by, for instance, not restricting open-source AI models in the name of security. If he wants his son to have the Disneyland experience of AI, some rules, whether from governments or trust and safety teams, may be necessary too.

[lawyersdatascraping]

Unlock New Legal Marketing Opportunities with a Verified Texas Attorneys Mailing List

Unlock New Legal Marketing Opportunities with a Verified Texas Attorneys Mailing List

In today’s competitive legal landscape, effective outreach is the cornerstone of successful marketing. Whether you're promoting legal tech tools, educational webinars, law-related services, or networking events, having access to a highly targeted and verified attorney mailing list is essential. At Lawyers Data Lab, we specialize in providing a Verified Texas Attorneys Mailing List that helps you connect with legal professionals across the Lone Star State with precision and confidence.

🎯 Why Focus on Texas Attorneys?

Texas is one of the largest states in the U.S., not only in size but also in the number of practicing attorneys. With thousands of law firms and solo practitioners spread across cities like Houston, Dallas, Austin, San Antonio, and more, Texas offers a broad and diverse legal market. Whether you’re targeting corporate lawyers, criminal defense attorneys, family law practitioners, or public interest legal professionals, having segmented and verified contact data can dramatically increase your marketing efficiency.

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[hayleymedbil]

Leading 5 Medical Billing Conferences You Can't Miss in 2024: Unlock Networking and Industry Insights!

Top 5 Medical‍ Billing Conferences You Can’t‍ Miss in 2024: Unlock Networking and ​Industry Insights!

The landscape of medical billing is rapidly evolving,with constant changes in regulations,technology,and⁢ best practices. Too ‌stay ahead of the curve, attending industry conferences is⁣ a must. In this ‌article, we will explore the ⁢top 5 medical‌ billing conferences in 2024 that promise incredible opportunities for networking and gaining valuable industry insights.Whether you are a seasoned billing professional or new to the field, thes events are‌ designed to equip you with the knowledge you need ⁤to​ excel.

Benefits of Attending Medical Billing​ Conferences

Networking Opportunities: Connect with industry leaders, peers, and potential clients.

In-Depth Learning: ⁢Gain​ insights from expert ‌speakers ‍and​ panel discussions.

Access to Resources: ⁣Discover new​ tools, technologies, and practices that can improve your work.

Certification and ​Training: ​Many⁣ conferences offer‌ workshops and sessions for continuing education credits.

Stay Updated: ‌learn about the latest‌ trends and regulatory changes affecting ‍the medical billing field.

1. the⁢ healthcare Billing and ​Management Association (HBMA) Annual Conference

Date: September 25-27,​ 2024

Location: Seattle, WA

The HBMA ‍Annual Conference is a premier event for ‌medical billing professionals. It⁣ offers an extensive ⁤agenda‍ that includes keynote sessions, ⁣workshops, and ⁤networking‌ opportunities that will help⁤ you ⁢deepen your ⁢understanding of billing and ‍compliance issues.

Key Highlights

Networking with over 600 billing professionals

Workshops on regulatory⁤ compliance

Exhibitor showcase featuring the latest‌ technology

2. American Academy of Professional Coders (AAPC) HealthCon

Date: ‌April 14-17, 2024

Location: Denver, CO

HealthCon ‌is one of the largest gatherings for healthcare professionals focused on coding, billing, and compliance.⁣ The conference provides valuable insights​ and updates on​ coding⁤ regulations ​and healthcare policies.

What’s in Store

More than 200 educational⁢ sessions

Networking⁢ events‍ tailored ⁤for⁣ coding and billing professionals

Certification ‌opportunities available

3. Medical Revenue Cycle Conference (MRCC)

Date: June​ 12-14, ⁣2024

Location: Austin,‌ TX

The⁤ MRCC is designed for those involved in the revenue ‍cycle process, focusing on innovative solutions and strategies‌ to⁢ optimize billing and collections. This year’s theme is ​”Transforming the Revenue Cycle ‍Ecosystem.”

Top Sessions to Attend

Strategies for Enhancing Patient Engagement

Latest Trends ⁣in‍ Artificial Intelligence for Billing

Collaborative Workshops ⁣with ⁢Industry Leaders

4. National Association ⁣of​ Healthcare Access‌ Managers (NAHAM) Annual Conference

Date: May 6-9, 2024

Location: Nashville, TN

This conference provides​ an opportunity to learn about ‍the⁢ intricacies of patient access, which is directly tied to effective billing and revenue management. NAHAM focuses on⁣ the importance⁢ of ​seamless client ​interactions from scheduling to ⁢billing.

Session highlights

Improving Patient Collections‍ Through Technology

Best Practices ⁤for Patient Advocacy

Networking with ​leaders in patient access

5. ‌The ⁣Revenue ​Cycle Conference by the Healthcare Financial Management ⁤Association (HFMA)

Date: October 9-11, 2024

Location: ‍ Orlando, FL

This conference provides⁤ a comprehensive overview of revenue cycle management, focusing ⁤on all aspects of the billing ‍process, including compliance, technology, and patient relationship management. HFMA is renowned for its educational⁣ approach and practical solutions.

Conference Features

Compelling keynote speakers

hands-on workshops covering ⁤specific‍ revenue cycle topics

Peer-to-peer ‍networking sessions

Practical Tips for Maximizing Your Conference experience

Plan Ahead: ‌ Review the agenda before attending ‍and‍ map out the sessions you ‍want to ⁣attend.

Network Strategically: Bring plenty of business ⁢cards and​ use social media to ⁢connect with attendees before the event.

participate Actively: Engage in Q&A sessions and discussions to enhance your learning ⁤experience.

Take Notes: Document key takeaways and new contacts ⁣for⁢ follow-up after the conference.

conclusion

attending medical ⁤billing conferences⁣ in 2024 ​is an​ excellent way⁢ to enhance your career, network ⁣with industry professionals, and stay informed on the latest trends in healthcare billing and management. Whether ‌you choose to attend the HBMA Annual ‌Conference, ⁤AAPC HealthCon, MRCC, NAHAM Annual Conference, or the HFMA Revenue cycle Conference,⁢ you will ‍unlock valuable insights that can drive your professional growth. Mark your calendar, ‌prepare thoroughly, and take full advantage of these​ remarkable opportunities to elevate your⁢ expertise ‌in medical ⁣billing!

https://medicalcodingandbillingclasses.net/leading-5-medical-billing-conferences-you-cant-miss-in-2024-unlock-networking-and-industry-insights/

[brookemedbil]

Leading 10 Must-Attend Medical Billing Conferences in 2023: Unlock Networking and Learning Opportunities!

Top 10 Must-Attend Medical Billing Conferences‌ in 2023:⁣ Unlock Networking​ and Learning Opportunities!

The ⁢medical billing industry is rapidly evolving, driven‍ by technological advancements and regulatory changes.⁢ Professionals seeking to stay ahead must seize opportunities for career ‍growth, networking, and‌ learning. Conferences provide unparalleled access to industry experts, innovative practices, and the‍ latest trends. In this article, we present the top 10⁤ must-attend medical billing conferences in ⁤2023 ‍designed to enrich ⁣your knowledge and expand ‍your professional network.

1. ⁢Medical Billing and Coding Conference 2023

Date: March ⁣15-17, 2023

Location: Orlando, FL

This premier event gathers leading experts to discuss essential topics in medical billing and coding, providing attendees with interactive ⁣workshops,⁣ keynote⁢ addresses, and opportunities for certification.

2. Healthcare Financial Management Association Conference

Date: April 10-13, 2023

Location: ​Denver, CO

This ​conference focuses⁢ on healthcare finance, billing, and⁤ reimbursement processes.‍ It’s an excellent place for networking ‌and learning from industry leaders.

3. AAPC HealthCon 2023

Date: ⁣ May 1-4,​ 2023

Location: Nashville, TN

AAPC’s HealthCon is one of the largest medical ‍coding conferences. It features numerous workshops, ​certifications, and ample networking opportunities with​ healthcare professionals.

4. 2023 Revenue Cycle Conference

Date: ⁣June 5-7, 2023

Location: ⁢Las Vegas, NV

This conference emphasizes the ⁤entire revenue cycle from patient registration to ⁢final payment. Attendees will ‌benefit from​ sessions on best practices and emerging technologies.

5. HIMSS Global Health ​Conference & Exhibition 2023

Date: April 17-21, 2023

Location: Chicago, IL

The HIMSS conference ​unites healthcare ‍and information technology. It’s the perfect venue for those⁢ looking to explore the intersection of IT and medical billing.

6. MGMA Medical Practice Excellence Conference

Date: October 9-12, 2023

Location: Nashville, ⁤TN

This conference‌ focuses on the operational‍ aspects of running a medical practice, including‌ billing and revenue management. Educational sessions offer practical solutions.

7. National Association‍ of Healthcare⁢ Access Management Annual Conference

Date: August 20-23, 2023

Location: Boston, ⁤MA

This event⁣ is geared toward healthcare access professionals and includes discussions on billing compliance, patient access, ⁢and related ‌best practices.

8. Revenue ⁣Cycle Summit 2023

Date: July 12-14, 2023

Location: Atlanta, GA

The⁢ Revenue Cycle Summit focuses on revenue ⁤cycle management, coding updates, and effective billing practices, ideal for those⁤ aiming for operational‍ excellence.

9. ⁤The⁢ Coding Summit‌ 2023

Date: September 14-16,⁢ 2023

Location: Seattle, WA

This conference dives deep into coding updates and compliance, equipping attendees with⁤ the latest in coding ‍accuracy‌ and efficiency⁤ methodologies.

10. ‌APIC Annual‌ Conference 2023

Date: June 10-12, 2023

Location: ‌San Antonio, TX

While primarily focused on infection ⁢prevention, this conference offers sessions ‌on billing ⁢pertaining to infection control, making ⁤it valuable‍ for billing professionals in the ⁢healthcare sector.

Benefits of Attending ‌Medical ‍Billing Conferences

Networking: Build relationships​ with industry leaders and peers.

Educational Opportunities: Learn‌ from workshops, ​panels, and keynotes.

Exposure to New Technologies: Discover the latest tools ‌and‍ practices in billing and coding.

Certification Opportunities: Many​ conferences offer certifications that can enhance your qualifications.

Stay Updated: Keep‌ abreast of changes in regulations and practices.

Practical Tips for Maximizing Your Conference Experience

Plan Ahead: Review the agenda and highlight the sessions you want to attend.

Network Actively: Bring​ business cards and connect with⁢ attendees during​ breaks.

Join⁢ Workshops: Participate in hands-on sessions for deeper learning.

Follow Up: Reach​ out to ‍new contacts after ⁣the​ conference to solidify relationships.

Take Notes: Document key takeaways and insights from speakers.

Conclusion

Attending medical billing conferences in 2023 offers a wealth‍ of opportunities to network, learn, and grow professionally in the ever-changing healthcare landscape. By participating in these events, you can​ enhance your understanding‌ of the industry while building meaningful connections. Whether you’re a ⁣seasoned professional or new to the field, these conferences are invaluable for keeping your skills sharp ⁢and ‍your ​career on the rise. Don’t miss out on these top conferences that could ‌unlock new doors ‍for your professional journey!

https://medicalbillingcodingcourses.net/leading-10-must-attend-medical-billing-conferences-in-2023-unlock-networking-and-learning-opportunities/

[amymedbiller]

Top Medical Billing Conferences 2021: Stay Ahead in Healthcare Revenue Management!

**Title: Top Medical Billing Conferences 2021: Stay Ahead in Healthcare Revenue Management!**

**Introduction:** As the healthcare industry continues to evolve, medical billing professionals must stay up-to-date with the latest trends,⁢ regulations, ‌and technologies ‍to ⁢effectively manage revenue. Attending medical billing conferences is a great way to gain valuable insights, network with industry experts, and stay ahead in ⁢healthcare revenue management. ‌In this article, we will highlight the top medical billing conferences of 2021 that you should consider attending to enhance your knowledge and skills in revenue⁤ cycle⁢ management.

**Benefits of Attending Medical Billing Conferences:** 1. Networking opportunities with industry experts and⁢ peers. 2. Access to the latest information on healthcare billing regulations and compliance standards. 3. Educational sessions on ​revenue cycle management best practices and technology. 4. Resources for professional development and career advancement. 5. Insights on industry trends and future ⁢projections.

**Top Medical Billing Conferences‌ of 2021:** 1. **AAPC HEALTHCON 2021** – Date: April 25-28, 2021 – Location: Orlando, Florida – ​Key Topics: Medical coding, compliance, revenue cycle​ management ‍ ⁣ – Website: [AAPC HEALTHCON](https://www.aapc.com/healthcon/)

2. **HFMA Annual Conference 2021** – Date: June 27-30, 2021 -​ Location: Boston, Massachusetts – Key Topics: Healthcare finance, revenue cycle management,‌ value-based care – Website: [HFMA Annual Conference](https://annual.hfma.org/)

3. **MGMA Annual Conference 2021** – Date: October‌ 24-27, 2021 – Location: San ​Diego, California ‍ – Key Topics: Practice management, ⁢revenue cycle optimization, leadership – Website: ‌ [MGMA Annual Conference](https://www.mgma.com/events/annual-conference)

**Practical Tips for Conference Attendance:** 1. Plan your schedule in advance to maximize your time at the conference. 2. Network with industry​ professionals and exchange contact information for future collaborations. 3. Take ​notes during educational sessions and follow⁣ up on key takeaways. 4. Participate in interactive workshops and hands-on training sessions. 5. Stay informed about schedule changes and updates through the conference app or⁢ website.

**Conclusion:** Attending medical​ billing conferences is essential for healthcare revenue management professionals to stay informed, connected, and​ ahead of industry trends. The top medical billing conferences of 2021 offer a wealth of opportunities for networking, education, and professional development. By⁣ participating in ‌these events, you can enhance your​ skills, expand your knowledge, and contribute to the success of your organization in revenue ⁣cycle management. Don’t​ miss out on⁣ these valuable opportunities to advance your career and make a positive impact in the healthcare industry.

Remember‌ to mark your calendars and register early for these top medical billing conferences of 2021 to stay ahead in healthcare revenue management!

https://schoolsformedicalbilling.org/top-medical-billing-conferences-2021-stay-ahead-in-healthcare-revenue-management/

[medicaldeviceexecutives]

Innovative Staffing: Empowering Talent in Medical Technology

In the fast-changing world of medical technology, recruiting and fostering talent is critical for driving innovation and enhancing patient care. The Medical Device Recruiting Agency specializes in enabling talent in the medical technology industry by bridging the gap between qualified people and cutting-edge advancements. Florida, known for its sunshine and tourists, is quickly becoming a centre for medical technology innovation. With a booming population, a strong healthcare sector, and an emphasis on research and development, the Sunshine State is an ideal location for developing medical technology skills.

An Innovative Medical Technology Ecosystem

An innovative medical technology ecosystem is a dynamic network of interconnected pieces that work together to drive advances in patient care, expedite operations, and improve outcomes. At its foundation, Medical Device Recruiting Firms relies on innovation, collaboration, and cutting-edge research to bring innovative answers to present and future healthcare concerns. Some key points are given below:

 Thriving Startup Scene: Florida has a thriving startup ecosystem, particularly in healthcare and medical technology. Cities such as Miami, Orlando, and Tampa are seeing an influx of inventive startups manufacturing cutting-edge medical gadgets.

Strong Academic Foundations: The state is home to famous universities and research institutes, including the University of Florida, the University of Miami, and Florida International University, all of which are actively involved in medical device research and education. These colleges consistently produce highly skilled graduates who are ready to contribute to the industry.

Industry Collaborations: Florida's MedTech recruiters are forming strong partnerships with healthcare providers, research institutes, and government organizations. These collaborations encourage creativity and speed up the development of innovative medical equipment.

Favorable Business Climate: The state provides a business-friendly climate, including lucrative tax breaks and a streamlined regulatory system. This makes Florida an enticing location for medical technology companies looking to start or expand their operations.

Empowering Talent in Florida's Medical Technology Sector

Talent Attraction and Retention: In order to draw in top talent, medical device recruiting agencies in Florida are emphasizing career progression prospects, competitive pay packages, and supportive work environments.

Focus on Education: Florida is investing in education programs to create a pipeline of skilled workers for the medical technology industry. Initiatives like robotics competitions, coding workshops, and summer camps are encouraging young people to explore professions in science and technology.

Mentorship and Networking Opportunities: Experienced medical technology specialists regularly advise and guide young entrepreneurs and researchers. Networking events and business conferences enable knowledge sharing and collaboration.

Joining the Innovation Journey

Although there are many opportunities on the way to innovation, there are also obstacles to be overcome, including navigating regulatory environments, obtaining money, and overcoming technological barriers. The medical device recruiting agencies in Florida continue to grow due to a number of factors, such as a robust startup ecosystem, reputable universities, industry partnerships, and a welcoming business climate. Florida is establishing itself as a leader in medical technology by making investments in personnel development, encouraging innovation, and building a supportive environment.

The Medical Device Executive is driven by a commitment to excellence in medical technology recruitment. It invites you to join their community. Explore comprehensive services and discover how they can help you achieve your career or organizational goals in the dynamic world of medical technology.

[jeffhirsch]

Buy In October and Get Your Portfolio Sober!

Kick-Off the Best Six Months LIVE and In-Person with Jeff at the MoneyShow/TradersEXPO Orlando October 29-31 and the 2023 New Orleans Investment Conference November 1-4. Ring in the pre-election year Q4 rally with me in the flesh at these two world-class events.

September seasonal weakness and Octoberphobia are likely to scare the market ahead of this Halloween tour over the next several. Come join me and find out when and if my Best Six Months Tactical Seasonal MACD Buy Signal has triggered, what my next market moves will be and what stocks and ETFs I will be buying and sell this season.

My friends at the MoneyShow organization have assembled a dynamite lineup of world-class market strategists, economists, professional traders, money managers, and newsletter publishers.

You can see from the just-released preliminary agenda that you’re in for an unparalleled investor education experience at the event, which runs from October 29-31, 2023. In addition to my talk, you’ll have the chance to hear and learn from the likes of...

Charles Payne, Host, Fox's Making Money with Charles Payne

George Gilder, Editor, Gilder's Technology Report

Lindsey Piegza, Chief Economist, Stifel Financial Corp.

Barry Ritholtz, Founder and CIO, Ritholtz Wealth Management

Mark Skousen, Editor, Forecasts & Strategies

John Carter, Author, Mastering the Trade

Howard Tullman, General Managing Partner, G2T3V, LLC

And more than 75+ other experts! They’ll cover everything from stocks, bonds, real estate, energy, and precious metals to alternative investments and elite trading tools and strategies. Plus, the conference is being held at the Omni Orlando Resort at ChampionsGate – one of the nation's premier golf, meeting, and leisure retreats.

AND because you’re one of my valued readers, I CAN SAVE YOU 20% on the purchase of a Standard Pass to the event! 

So first, here is my presentation schedule:

2024 Election Year Outlook: Handicapping the Four-Year Cycle

Buy in October and Get Your Portfolio Sober

And second, here is where you can click to secure your Standard Pass to the MoneyShow/TradersEXPO Orlando at a 20% savings! Or if you prefer, call the MoneyShow team at 1-800-970-4355 and reference my discount code SPKR20.

Then get ready. Because I can’t wait to share my insights, strategies, and forecasts with you – not to mention talk markets IN PERSON – in Orlando!

The next cycle in the four-decade-long trend of ever-easier money is about to begin...

...And it’s going to launch another precious metals and commodities bull market like the one that built fortunes in the 2000s.

You need to get ready — and this is where you’ll discover precisely how to do it.

The New Orleans Investment Conference is the one place where the world’s most sophisticated investors gather every year to discover new opportunities and strategies, exchange ideas, plan for the coming year and enjoy the camaraderie of like-minded individuals in America’s most fascinating and entertaining city.

On Thursday November 2 I’ll be moderating the Economy Panel with Adrian Day, Brent Johnson, Peter Schiff, and Mark Skousen. But I will be there on the floor all week so we can chat markets, economics and my favorite  trades and picks.  Save up to $500 from the full registration fee. Just CLICK HERE to learn more…and join me in New Orleans!

My friend Brien Lundin, CEO of the New Orleans Investment Conference, has assembled the perfect roster of experts to not only analyze what’s going on...but also predict what’s about to happen...and give you specific, actionable advice to profit.

Consider who’s coming to talk to you:

Jim Rickards...Danielle DiMartino Booth...Lyn Alden...George Gammon...Rick Rule...Dominic Frisby...Brent Johnson...Dave Collum...Peter Boockvar...James Stack...Peter Schiff...Jim Iuorio...Tavi Costa...Adrian Day...Adam Taggart...The Real Estate Guys...Gwen Preston...Brent Cook...

...Mark Skousen...Nick Hodge...Bob Prechter ...Chris Powell...Economic Ninja...Albert Lu...Gary Alexander...Dana Samuelson...Jeff Hirsch...Steve Hochberg...Mary Anne & Pamela Aden...Bill Murphy...Gerardo Del Real...Omar Ayales...Rich Checkan...Keith Weiner...

New Orleans 2023 Is Going To Be A Blockbuster

Everything is pointing toward a major new bull run in metals and commodities. Interest rates are peaking and gold and bonds are beginning to look past the pause toward the next inevitable turn downward in the rate cycle.

When that happens, the metals are going to soar...and the strategies and picks you’ll get at New Orleans ’23 should multiply those gains.

Now consider this: By registering now, you’ll not only guarantee your place at New Orleans ’23...you’ll also save up to $500 from the full registration fee. Just CLICK HERE to learn more…and join me in New Orleans!

[loadingguard645]

AMX Network & Wireless Cards Driver

Download 7 Amx Network Router PDF manuals. User manuals, Amx Network router Operating guides and Service manuals.

Watch your favorite AMC shows ad-free, anytime. Binge or stream new shows & movies from IFC, Shudder, and Sundance Now. Award-winning series, popular movies, horror, sci-fi, true crime, and more. AMC+ is your destination for epic storytelling, ad-free and On Demand.

Amx Network & Wireless Cards Drivers

AMX Network & Wireless Cards Drivers

Throwing it Back: When AMX Touch Panels Controlled The Matrix

http://blog.amx.com/2015/08/27/throwing-it-back-when-amx-touch-panels-controlled-the-matrix/

Does anyone remember way back when in 1999 when a little movie called The Matrix decided to feature AMX touch panels as the ship’s control interface? Of course the producers knew that the only interface anyone would consider standard equipment to navigate a ship through a dystopian underworld would be a touch panel – right?

·Reply

Why do we need video switching and distribution systems anyway?

HBO Max is a stand-alone streaming platform that bundles all of HBO together with even more TV favorites, blockbuster movies, and new Max Originals for everyone in the family.

Check out our blog post about challenges and solutions in managing Audio and Video in the contemporary workspace!

·Reply

Window Processing from Any H.264 Source with SVSI

Check out our N-Series Windowing Processors here:

Any window – anywhere. Select from any number of default or user-defined presets with audio. Slide windows around on command for attention-grabbing displays while switching video streams in and out, seamlessly as needed. Create touch-panels to control the N-Series windowing processors with the N-Command software.

For answers to any of your AV questions, contact me at Solutions.Advisor@Harman.com

·Reply

Questions about networked Audio/Video?

The newest AMX network media product family includes AV over IP video encoders, decoders, audio transceiver, network video recorders, IP windowing/wall processors, and video management systems, as well as video over IP application system solutions. The SVSI networked AV products are easy to install and use. They support point-to-multipoint streaming and distributed matrix switching for small/large and symmetric/asymmetric configurations. It’s as simple as knowing how many sources you want to distribute over the network and where you want to distribute them.

Find out more information here or contact me at Solutions.Advisor@harman.com if you have any questions

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Amx Network & Wireless Cards Drivers

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Planning to attend InfoComm this June in Orlando? Simply follow this link for event details including a VIP code for a free exhibit pass courtesy of AMX. Be sure to stop by our booth #2218 to see the latest products from AMX, JBL, Crown and other Harman Professional brands.

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Where to start when buying an audio-video system

Have you ever been asked to help with planning or recommending audio-video systems for your organization? It can be a challenge, but we can help. Check out our newest blog post here to find out how: http://blog.amx.com/2015/04/10/a-closer-look-at-the-best-ways-to-buy-an-av-system/

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Do you have challenges supporting AV?

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About AMX

AMX is dedicated to providing integrated Audio and Video solutions for an IT World. We solve the complexity of managing AV technology with reliable, consistent and scalable systems comprising control and automation, system-wide switching and AV signal distribution, digital signage and technology management. AMX systems are deployed worldwide in conference rooms, homes, classrooms, network operation/command centers, hotels, entertainment venues and broadcast facilities, among others. AMX is part of the HARMAN Professional Division.

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[blogstudio50]

Visual Studio Code Live

Join the Visual Studio Code team and our community in our livestream series! Every month, we host a release party to highlight what's new in the latest version of VS Code. We also host other live events highlighting our community members and cool projects they've made.

Live Video Analytics on IoT Edge (LVA Edge) support for Visual Studio Code is provided through this extension that makes it easy to edit and manage LVA Edge media graphs.

Changed

Fixed a bug, where manually adding parameters is causing failures saving a graph

Fixed bug when changing orientation on the graph

Allowing negative values for some properties

Visual Studio Code is a code editor redefined and optimized for building and debugging modern web and cloud applications. Visual Studio Code is free and available on your favorite platform. Visual Studio Live! Completes its 2021 Code Trip in Orlando, part of Live! A unique conference offering you 6 co-located events for one great price! Stay ahead of the current trends and advance your career at Live! 360, the Ultimate Education Destination.

Changed

Fixed a bug, where node name updates was affecting other nodes with same name

Added

Create and manage LVA Edge 2.0.0 module media graphs

Suggested Pre-reading

Prerequisites

An Azure account that has an active subscription.

Create an account for free if you don't already have one.

This extension also requires the following Azure resources:

IoT Hub

Storage account

Azure Media Services account

A Linux VM in Azure, with IoT Edge runtime installed which will act as an IoT Edge device

IoT Edge modules deployed to the IoT Edge device

edgeAgent

edgeHub

Live Video Analytics agent

On first run, you need to connect to an Azure IoT Hub using a connection string. You can then manage graph topologies and instances on the chosen device. You can get a connection string by following the instructions in the Quickstart. Follow the steps up until Configure the Azure IoT Tools extension and use the connection string in this extension instead of Azure IoT Tools.

Setup LVA edge graph extension

After successfully installing this extension and its prerequisites, you can follow the steps below to get started with Live Video on Analytics on IoT Edge devices.

Connect to the IoT Hub

You will need to use the IoT Hub connection string to connect this extension to it.

In Explorer of VS Code, click the 'Live Video Analytics' extension in the left pane.

Click on 'Enter Connection String' button

Enter the Iot Hub Connection string that you want use (It is one-time configuration, and please make sure it is IoT Hub Connection String and not Device Connection String. The format is HostName=<my-hub>.azure-devices.net;SharedAccessKeyName=<my-policy>;SharedAccessKey=<my-policy-key>)

The device list will be shown

Choose the device you want to use to deploy the media graphs

A list of modules that are already deployed to the device will be displayed

Choose the Live Video Analytics module from the list

Open the VS Code Explorer or press Ctrl+ Shift + E and search for the Azure IoT hub extension at the bottom left pane

Pull up the extension and find the IoT Hub

Right click the ... button and select 'Start Monitoring Built-in Event Endpoint' option

Create Graph Topologies

Expand the Devices, Modules and the Live Video Analytics module nodes in the left pane

Click the + icon next to 'Graph Topologies'

A panel will open on the right that will help you in creating a graph topology

You will start by providing a 'Topology name'

You can either create a new topology by dragging and dropping the topology components available in the left panel

Or, you can try out some sample topologies that we have created by clicking the 'Try sample topologies' in the top menu bar

Once you are done creating the topology and providing values for the required fields, save the topology by clicking the 'Save' button

You should then see the topology name in the left pane

Activate Graph Instances

Once a graph topology is created, you need to create an instance of the topology

Here you will provide the values to the graph instance parameters

Once all the required parameters are filled in, you can 'Save' the instance and activate it later or 'Save and activate' the graph instance

Once the graph is activated, you will see a green icon next to the graph instance name

Open the Output console by pressing Ctrl+ Shift + U and observe the IoT Hub messages start flowing

Contributing

Got a suggestion for the Azure IoT Tools extension? Submit a new issue and a PR with an updated package.json and README.md and we'll take a look!

Most contributions require you to agree to a Contributor License Agreement (CLA) declaring that you have the right to, and actually do, grant us the rights to use your contribution. For details, visit https://cla.microsoft.com.

When you submit a pull request, a CLA-bot will automatically determine whether you need to provide a CLA and decorate the PR appropriately (e.g., label, comment). Simply follow the instructions provided by the bot. You will only need to do this once across all repos using our CLA.

Visual Studio Code Live Share

This project has adopted the Microsoft Open Source Code of Conduct. For more information see the Code of Conduct FAQ or contact opencode@microsoft.com with any additional questions or comments.

Visual Studio Code Live Share Not Working

License

[mariacallous]

The Republican Party hasn’t adopted a new platform since 2016, so if you want to know what its most influential figures are trying to achieve—what, exactly, they have in mind when they talk about an America finally made great again—you’ll need to look elsewhere for clues. You could listen to Donald Trump, the Party’s de-facto standard-bearer, except that nobody seems to have a handle on what his policy goals are, not even Donald Trump. You could listen to the main aspirants to his throne, such as Governor Ron DeSantis, of Florida, but this would reveal less about what they’re for than about what they’re against: overeducated élites, apart from themselves and their allies; “wokeness,” whatever they’re taking that to mean at the moment; the overzealous wielding of government power, unless their side is doing the wielding. Besides, one person can tell you only so much. A more efficient way to gauge the current mood of the Party is to spend a weekend at the Conservative Political Action Conference, better known as CPAC.

On a Friday in February, I arrived at the Rosen Shingle Creek resort, in Orlando. It was a temperate afternoon, and the Party faithful were spending it indoors, in the air-conditioning. I walked into a rotunda with potted palm trees and chaotically patterned carpeting. Shabbat services were about to begin, and a minyan of young men, give or take, roamed around in MAGA-themed yarmulkes. The CPAC dress code was big-tent: pants suits, sweatsuits, bow ties, bolos—anything, pretty much, except for an N95. A merch kiosk near the entrance sold Nancy Pelosi toilet paper, gold-sequinned purses shaped like handguns, and Trump 2024 T-shirts in every size and color. Even the staircases were sponsored—one by Fox News and another by Gettr, a social-media platform founded by Trump-campaign alumni. If you aligned yourself with it at just the right vantage, you could parse Gettr’s slogan, “Making Social Media Fun Again!” Otherwise, it looked like red-white-and-blue gibberish.

Political rallies are for red-meat applause lines; think-tank conferences are for more measured policy discussions. The American Conservative Union, the group that organizes CPAC, tries to have it both ways. On Saturday, I spent a while in the main ballroom, watching a panel called “Put Him to Bed, Lock Her Up and Send Her to the Border.” “Him” referred to Joe Biden, “the hair-sniffing dementia patient in the White House”; the first “her,” of course, was Hillary Clinton; the second was Kamala Harris, who was lambasted as both an “empty pants suit” and a wily “Cersei Lannister.” That afternoon, Trump arrived, hosted a V.I.P. gathering featuring a spread of Big Macs under heat lamps, and took the stage, giving a ninety-minute stump speech to an ecstatic crowd, all but confirming his intention to run for President again.

The policy discussions were mainly tucked away upstairs, in conference rooms with a tiny fraction of the foot traffic. One panel, on European populism, was called “More Brexits?” The moderator, an American named James Carafano, introduced the first speaker: Miklós Szánthó, the director of a Hungarian think tank called the Center for Fundamental Rights. (According to Átlátszó, an investigative-journalism outlet in Hungary, the Center for Fundamental Rights is secretly funded by the Hungarian government.) “He’s a real European,” Carafano, a foreign-policy analyst at the Heritage Foundation, said. “I know that because I saw him in Europe!”

For decades, at conferences like CPAC, international exchanges were mostly assumed to flow in one direction: Americans exporting their largesse, and their ideology, to the rest of the world. At the first CPAC, in 1974, the keynote speaker, Governor Ronald Reagan, gave a rousing address about soldiers who had shed their “American-melting-pot blood in every corner of the world, usually in defense of someone’s freedom.” In recent years, as the future of the Republican Party has seemed increasingly up for grabs, American conservatives have shown more willingness to look abroad for ideas that they might want to try out back home.

Szánthó, a stout man with a smartly tailored suit and a waxed mustache, began by quibbling with the panel’s title. “There will be no so-called Huxit,” he said, despite his country’s disagreements with “the deep state of Brussels.” Szánthó lives in Hungary, but he spoke fluent Fox News-inflected English. “When it comes to border protection, when it comes to the Jewish-Christian heritage of the Continent and of the European Union, or when it comes to gender ideology,” he continued, the Hungarians, nearly alone among citizens of Western nations, “step up for conservative values.”

Hungary has a population comparable to Michigan’s and a G.D.P. close to that of Arkansas, but, in the imagination of the American right, it punches far above its weight. Viktor Orbán, the Prime Minister since 2010, is now the longest-serving head of state in the European Union, and one of the most fiercely nativist and traditionalist. Starting in 2013, he made a political foil out of George Soros, the Jewish financier who was born in Hungary but hasn’t lived there in decades, exploiting the trope of Soros as a nefarious international puppet master. During the refugee crisis of 2015, Orbán built a militarized fence along Hungary’s southern border, and, in defiance of both E.U. law and the Geneva Conventions, expelled almost all asylum seekers from the country. Relative to other European nations, Hungary hadn’t experienced a big influx of migrants. (Out-migration is actually more common.) But the refugees, most of them from Syria or other parts of the Middle East, were an effective political scapegoat—one that Orbán continues to flog, along with academics, “globalists,” the Roma, and, more recently, queer and trans people. Last year, Hungary passed a law banning sex education involving L.G.B.T.Q. topics in schools. Nine months later, in Florida, DeSantis signed a similar law, known as the “Don’t Say Gay” bill. DeSantis’s press secretary, talking about the inspiration for the law, reportedly said, “We were watching the Hungarians.”

Experts have described Orbán as a new-school despot, a soft autocrat, an anocrat, and a reactionary populist. Kim Lane Scheppele, a professor of international affairs at Princeton, has referred to him as “the ultimate twenty-first-century dictator.” Some prominent American conservatives want nothing to do with him; but more have taken his side, pointing to Hungary as a potential model for America’s future. That afternoon, on the CPAC main stage, Dan Schneider, the executive director of the American Conservative Union, singled out Orbán for praise: “If you cannot protect your own borders, if you cannot protect your own sovereignty, none of the other rights can be protected. That’s what the Prime Minister of Hungary understands.” The house lights dimmed and a sort of political trailer played, set to melodramatic music. “For over a millennium, to be Hungarian meant to sail the rough seas of history,” a narrator intoned over a horror-movie-style montage: Mongol invaders, migrant caravans, a glowering George Soros, drag-queen story time.

The lights came up, and Szánthó walked to the lectern, waving stiffly. “Hungary has fought wars, suffered unthinkable oppression, to gain and regain our liberty,” he said. In the current war, he went on, the enemy was “woke totalitarianism,” personified by George Soros (he paused for boos); the hero was “one of the true champions of liberty, a man you know well, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán” (a generous round of applause). He praised “President Trump” and tried to initiate a cheer of “Let’s go Brandon,” a substitute for “Fuck Joe Biden” used by right-wing culture warriors who spend too much time on the Internet. He quoted the old chestnut “Hard times create strong men,” although, the way he said it, it sounded like “strongmen.” And he invited the audience to join him at the next CPAC conference, the first to be hosted on European soil: CPAC Hungary.

“You do not have to have emergency powers or a military coup for democracy to wither,” Aziz Huq, a constitutional-law professor at the University of Chicago, told me. “Most recent cases of backsliding, Hungary being a classic example, have occurred through legal means.” Orbán runs for reëlection every four years. In theory, there is a chance that he could lose. In practice, he has so thoroughly rigged the system that his grip on power is virtually assured. The political-science term for this is “competitive authoritarianism.” Most scholarly books about democratic backsliding (“The New Despotism,” “Democracy Rules,” “How Democracies Die”) cite Hungary, along with Brazil and Turkey, as countries that were consolidated democracies, for a while, before they started turning back the clock.

Szánthó mentioned “Jewish-Christian heritage,” but there aren’t many practicing Jews left in Hungary. Orbán, in his speeches, often uses the phrase “Christian democracy,” which he portrays as under continual existential threat. Given that the vast majority of Hungarians, apparently including Orbán, do not attend church regularly, it seems plausible that his audience hears the word “Christian,” at least in part, as code for something else. “If we manage to uphold our country’s ethnic homogeneity and its cultural uniformity,” he said in 2017, “Hungary will be the kind of place that will be able to show other, more developed countries what they lost.” His constant theme is that only he can preserve Hungary for the (non-Muslim, ethnically Magyar) Hungarians—about as close as any European head of state will come to an explicit rejection of ethnic pluralism in favor of state-sanctioned white nationalism. For many of his American admirers, this seems to be a core element of his appeal. Lauren Stokes, a professor of European history at Northwestern University, told me, “The offer Orbán is making to global conservatives is: I alone can save you from the ravages of Islamization and totalitarian progressivism—and, in the face of all that, who has time for checks and balances and rules?”

In recent years, Orbán or institutions affiliated with his government have hosted, among others, Mike Pence, the former Vice-President; new-media agitators including Steve Bannon, Dennis Prager, and Milo Yiannopoulos; and Jeff Sessions, the former Attorney General, who told a Hungarian newspaper that, in the struggle to “return to our Christian roots based on reason and law, which have made Western civilization great . . . the Hungarians have a solid stand.” In his hilltop office with an imposing two-story library, Orbán has met with conservative figures including Patrick Deneen and Jordan Peterson. “If these people think the extreme left is hijacking American society in dangerous ways, then, yes, I agree,” the conservative writer Andrew Sullivan told me. “But to go from that to ‘Let’s embrace this authoritarian leader in this backwater European country, and maybe try out a version of that model with our own charismatic leader back home’—I mean, that leap is just weird, and frankly stupid.”

In Orlando, I followed the energy of the crowd to media row, where Sebastian Gorka, a bellicose conspiracy barker with a Vandyke beard, was doing a live broadcast of his radio show, “America First.” In the nineties and early two-thousands, Gorka was a Hungarian politician and government adviser; in 2017, he served as a counterterrorism adviser in the Trump Administration, focussing on “radical Islamist ideology.” (He did not have the credentials that most comparable appointees have held; he had, however, worn a medal from the Order of Vitéz, a Hungarian military society historically associated with the Nazis.) “What would you like to hear from tomorrow’s speech by the President?” he asked Representatives Matt Gaetz and Marjorie Taylor Greene. (He meant, of course, Trump, whom he generally referred to as “my former boss.”) Greene replied, “I want to hear him say that his entire policy, his entire agenda, is for our country, our country only, and the rest of the world can frankly go to hell.” Gorka, who was born in London to Hungarian parents, said, “I like that menu.” He dismissed Gaetz and Greene and introduced his next “big-ticket guest”: Kyle Rittenhouse. Later, I ran into Gorka, who was now wearing a tuxedo, and asked him for an interview. He declined. (To be specific, he shouted, “Go to hell, scumbag,” and “You’re smoking crack.”)

I saw him the next day in the V.I.P. lounge, near a spread that was both lavish and pedestrian: silver, scalloped carafes of coffee with Starbucks to-go cups; a tureen of lukewarm fettuccine Alfredo. (My press pass did not technically allow me access to the V.I.P. lounge, but CPAC, as it turned out, did not have very tight border security.) A graffiti-style portrait of Trump hugging and kissing an American flag, just auctioned off for more than twelve thousand dollars, was propped against a cardboard box and a pile of plastic wrap, waiting to be shipped to the lucky winner. J. D. Vance, a former anti-Trump venture capitalist who had rebranded himself as a pro-Trump salt-of-the-earth Senate candidate, chatted with Eric Bolling, a news anchor who left Fox News amid allegations of sexual harassment, which he denied, and was later hired by Newsmax. The pro-Brexit politician Nigel Farage waited in the buffet line next to Devin Nunes, a former member of Congress who now runs Trump’s struggling media company. Father Frank Pavone, a Catholic priest wearing his clerical collar, chatted with Todd Starnes, a pundit whose Fox News contract wasn’t renewed after he appeared to endorse the view that Democrats may worship Moloch, the Canaanite god associated with child sacrifice. “The networking here is amazing!” Pavone said.

In the hallway, I shook hands with Szánthó and Schneider, the two lead organizers of CPAC Hungary, and told them that I planned to fly to Budapest to cover it. “You will be welcome,” Szánthó said. “Please just send an e-mail.” One of the speakers on the European-populism panel had been Raymond Ibrahim, an independent scholar from California who contributes to a variety of right-wing outlets, usually to argue that Islam is a global scourge. “The word ‘multiculturalism,’ it sounds nice, but what is exactly the culture?” he said during the panel. “Things like polygamy . . . or killing the apostate . . . these are the culture of Islam.” Ibrahim exchanged phone numbers with Gorka, and they later started texting, as Ibrahim told me, “mostly about Islam, and about how Hungary’s fighting back.” A few days after the conference, Gorka, on his show, interviewed the chairman of the A.C.U., who plugged CPAC Hungary. “It’s no longer about policies,” Gorka said, paraphrasing something another conservative leader had told him at CPAC. “Now, as a movement, we have to take back the Republic, and we have to take back our civilization.”

Igot to Budapest on May 16th, the day Viktor Orbán was sworn in for his fourth consecutive term as Prime Minister. “Congratulations to him,” a Hungarian journalist named Gábor Miklósi said. “What an achievement.” This was sarcasm—a dark, dense form of sarcasm, polished from years of use.

We were having a beer at a “ruin bar” in what is still known as the Jewish district, a neighborhood that the Nazis turned into a ghetto in 1944. (In the course of two months, with the collaboration of the Hungarian government, the Nazis deported nearly half a million Jews from this ghetto to Auschwitz; others were later lined up on the banks of the Danube and shot.) Miklósi—slightly stooped, perennially tired—is an editor at 444, one of the few independent news outlets left in Hungary. “He controls most of the national papers, most of the radio and TV stations, all the local papers in the countryside,” Miklósi said. “He doesn’t do it in obvious ways—he does it slowly, by putting his cronies in charge, or by subtly making life difficult for his critics. But eventually he gets what he wants.” The “he,” of course, was Orbán, who is, like all despots, his country’s default antecedent, the implied subject of virtually every sentence.

From the nineteen-fifties through the nineteen-eighties, during the period when Hungary was within the Soviet sphere of influence, Moscow allowed it a bit more latitude than other Eastern Bloc countries, a unique mixture of subjection and relative exemption that came to be known as Goulash Communism. As the Iron Curtain began to lift, Orbán emerged as a leader of the youth resistance, giving impassioned speeches against totalitarianism; in 1989, he went to Oxford to study political philosophy, on George Soros’s dime. During his first term as Prime Minister, starting in 1998, Orbán, who still identified as a liberal democrat, vowed to build up the country’s civic infrastructure. President Bill Clinton hosted him at the White House, extolling Orbán’s “youthful and vigorous and progressive leadership.” Then, in 2002, Orbán lost a reëlection campaign to a Socialist coalition and, according to the biographer József Debreczeni, resolved to return to power and change “the rules of the game” so that he would never lose again.

He enlisted Arthur Finkelstein, a political consultant from Brooklyn who had worked to elect Jesse Helms, Strom Thurmond, and Ronald Reagan, among others. “Try to polarize the election around that issue which cuts best in your direction, i.e., drugs, crime, race,” Finkelstein wrote in a 1970 memo to the Nixon White House. In 1996, Finkelstein put this principle to work on behalf of Benjamin Netanyahu, a candidate for Prime Minister of Israel who was then about twenty points down in the polls, and who started alleging that his opponent, Shimon Peres, planned to divide Jerusalem. This was a lie, but it stuck, and Netanyahu won. In 2008, Netanyahu introduced Finkelstein to his friend Orbán; Finkelstein became so indispensable that Orbán reportedly came to refer to him, dotingly, as Finkie. One of Finkelstein’s protégés later told the Swiss journalist Hannes Grassegger, “Arthur always said that you did not fight against the Nazis but against Adolf Hitler.” Orbán had been running against globalism, multiculturalism, bureaucracy in Brussels. These were abstractions. By 2013, Finkelstein had an epiphany: the face of the enemy should be George Soros.

After Orbán returned to power, his rhetoric grew more sharply nativist, laden with Islamophobic and anti-Semitic dog whistles: “We are fighting an enemy that is different from us. Not open but hiding; not straightforward but crafty; not honest but base; not national but international; does not believe in working but speculates with money.” In 2018, several parties to the left of Orbán’s, and even a couple of neo-Fascist parties to his right, ran separate candidates for Prime Minister, splitting the opposition vote. “After that, the common narrative was that next time all we had to do was unite behind one opposition candidate, and we would definitely win,” Szilárd Pap, a left-wing writer, told me. “Well, we did unite the next time, and we lost even worse.” In Budapest, I met plenty of Hungarians who openly railed against their government. One was Péter Márki-Zay, the opposition candidate in the most recent election. Márki-Zay continues to accuse Orbán of corruption and mendacity, and he doesn’t seem worried that his sushi will be poisoned with polonium. The regime’s defenders see this relative freedom as evidence that all the talk of autocracy is reckless alarmism. Its critics see it as evidence of a cost-benefit decision: certain egregious breaches are not worth the trouble, at least for now.

“Orbán has managed to preserve the appearance of formal democracy, as long as you don’t look too closely,” Anna Grzymala-Busse, the director of the Europe Center at Stanford, told me. Since 2010, most of Hungary’s civic institutions—the courts, the universities, the systems for administering elections—have come to occupy a gray area. They haven’t been eradicated; instead, they’ve been patiently debilitated, delegitimatized, hollowed out. There are still judges who wear robes, but if Orbán finds their decisions too onerous he can appeal to friendlier courts. There are still a few independent universities, but the most prestigious one—Central European University, which was founded by Soros—has been pushed out of the country, and many of the public universities have been put under the control of oligarchs and other loyalists. There are still elections, yet international observers consider them “free but not fair”: radically gerrymandered, flush with undisclosed infusions of dark money. The system that Orbán has built during the past twelve years, a combination of freedom and subjugation not exactly like that of any other government in the world, could be called Goulash Authoritarianism. Scheppele contends that Orbán has pulled this off not by breaking laws but by ingeniously manipulating them, in what she calls a “constitutional coup.” She added, “He’s very smart and methodical. First, he changes the laws to give himself permission to do what he wants, and then he does it.”

On the day I arrived, Orbán delivered a forty-five-minute speech in a gilded neo-Gothic chamber of the Hungarian Parliament Building, warning that Europe was entering “an age of danger,” and that Hungary, “the last Christian conservative bastion of the Western world,” was one of the only nations prepared to weather it. He predicted that, given the pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and an incipient energy crisis, “migration toward rich countries will intensify with tectonic force.” If other Western nations continued to implement “waves of suicidal policy,” such as lax border control, the result would be “the great European population-replacement program, which seeks to replace the missing European Christian children with migrants, with adults arriving from other civilizations”—a clear reference to the racist talking point known as the great replacement theory. A few years ago, this idea was propounded most visibly by white-power extremists such as the Norwegian mass murderer Anders Breivik (or, more recently, the shooter in Buffalo). It’s now routinely parroted by the Fox News host Tucker Carlson, many leading Republican politicians, and, in Hungary, the head of state.

In 2010, Fidesz, Orbán’s party, won more than two-thirds of the seats in Parliament, above the threshold required to amend the constitution. Within a year, it had made a dozen amendments; when these didn’t provide enough latitude, it threw out that constitution and wrote another one. In 2022, Fidesz won a supermajority once again. I asked Miklósi whether the next four years of Orbán’s reign would be different from the last. “It always gets worse,” he said. This time, he wasn’t being sarcastic.

Of all the Anglophone Orbán apologists, surely the most genial, and arguably the most influential, is a British journalist named John O’Sullivan, who turned eighty in April. When William F. Buckley retired as the editor of National Review, in the eighties, O’Sullivan took over. During Margaret Thatcher’s third term as Prime Minister, he was one of her top advisers; after she left office, he helped her write her memoirs. “Mrs. T. would take us on these lovely trips to various places—a manor in the South of England, a villa in the Bahamas—and we would talk over breakfast about some episode in her life, and then we’d each go off and write,” he recalled. “It was great fun.”

O’Sullivan had invited me to lunch at an Italian bistro near his apartment in Budapest. (He still fancies himself a classical liberal, at least insofar as “I’m always up for a good chat, even one that may involve disagreement.”) He is known for knowing everyone, and he drops names with an equanimous smile, describing people on a spectrum from “a good friend” to “a friend” to “an ex-friend.” He wore a pin-striped suit and a tie from Liberty, the London clothier once favored by Oscar Wilde. Even in this, O’Sullivan can’t help but out-conservative the conservatives: “I prefer the older patterns, I confess, most of which they’ve now discontinued.”

In 2008, O’Sullivan moved to Prague to help run Radio Free Europe; in 2013, two Hungarian friends, a “well-known modernist poet” and a “former teacher of Orbán’s,” hired him to start a conservative think tank. O’Sullivan and his wife, Melissa, have lived in Budapest ever since. “You really must meet Melissa,” he told me. “She’s an American—a proper American, from Alabama.” A friend of the couple’s told me, “Melissa is much more naturally Trumpy, in terms of her sympathies. John gets the Trump phenomenon intellectually, but he finds Trump too fickle and sort of gross.” Orbán—a family man and an articulate lawyer who purports to set aside one workday a week exclusively for reading—is more to O’Sullivan’s taste.

His think tank is called the Danube Institute. It is funded entirely by a foundation that is funded entirely by the Hungarian government. This foundation sponsors international conferences and three handsomely designed periodicals, all in English: European Conservative, Hungarian Review, and Hungarian Conservative. In 2015, O’Sullivan, dismayed by the anti-Orbán consensus among Western journalists and academics (“They all seem to be making the case for the prosecution, don’t they?”), put together an essay collection of his own in which he wrote that “the death of liberal democracy in Hungary has been greatly exaggerated.” After all, O’Sullivan and other apologists often argue, Orbán has a popular mandate. Rather than delegating gay rights, the handling of asylum claims, and other matters of domestic policy to international bodies—with their adherence to such abstractions as “the rule of law”—isn’t it arguably more democratic to simply put them to a vote?

Even as the Hungarian constitution has been dismantled, O’Sullivan, Pangloss of the post-Soviet bloc, has continued to insist that Orbán is still basically a liberal democrat, if you squint. The problem with this sanguine view is that it has been repeatedly refuted, even by Orbán. “The new state that we are building in Hungary is an illiberal state,” he declared in 2014. O’Sullivan told me that, as soon as he heard this, “the first thing I said to myself was ‘I’m sure that isn’t really what he meant.’ A few weeks later, when I saw him for lunch at the Prime Minister’s office, I told him straight out, ‘You’re going to regret saying that.’ And, actually, I don’t know that he has.” At times, Orbán seems to mean “illiberal” in the partisan sense, as in owning the libs; often, he seems to mean it more sweepingly, expressing skepticism about a wide range of individual liberties. It’s true, as the Orbánists like to point out, that Hungary is not the most repressive country in the world. China, Iran, Venezuela, North Korea—all are, by many measures, less free. But then there are no major political factions trying to make the United States more like North Korea.

During his first few years in Budapest, O’Sullivan had trouble generating interest in the Hungarian model of conservatism. “I went wherever I could—the Anglosphere Society, in New York, Grover Norquist’s Wednesday Club, in Washington,” he said. “The usual response was a yawn, basically. Until Brexit, and then Trump—and then, suddenly, people were open to radically different ideas.” In 2020, the Danube Institute started hosting fellows—writers and scholars from abroad who were invited to Budapest for a few weeks or months, given a stipend and a comfortable apartment, and asked to work on articles or books that might help the cause. “We couldn’t predict exactly what would come of it,” O’Sullivan said. “You just put the billiard balls on the table, you know, and wait to see where they end up.”

The most dynamic billiard ball turned out to be Rod Dreher, a prolific American author who became a Danube Institute fellow in 2021. Dreher has long been a conservative and a Christian, but, within those traditions, he has experienced a number of mini-conversions. In a 2006 book, “Crunchy Cons,” Dreher, then a kind of hipster exile from the Deep South, posited that conservatives ought to wear some of their cultural markers more lightly—that Republicans can shop at farmers’ markets, too. In “The Benedict Option,” in 2017, he argued that conservative Christians had already lost so many decisive political battles (same-sex marriage, abortion) that they should arrange a “strategic withdrawal” from the public sphere, building localist communities rather than contesting for national power. After his Danube Institute fellowship, though, he retreated from his retreatism: actually, conservatives could win real power, and Hungary could show the way. “Orbán was so unafraid, so unapologetic about using his political power to push back on the liberal élites in business and media and culture,” Dreher told me. “It was so inspiring: this is what a vigorous conservative government can do if it’s serious about stemming this horrible global tide of wokeness.” By the time Orbán ran for reëlection earlier this year, Dreher had completed his transition from aspiring ascetic to partisan booster. “Mood here at Fidesz HQ is increasingly cheerful,” he tweeted on Election Night. “ ‘Lights out, libs!’ say Hungarian voters.”

One April day in 2021, while Dreher was strolling through Budapest, he texted Tucker Carlson. “We text all the time, whenever I see something he might want to mention on his show, or just something he might find interesting,” Dreher told me. Carlson knew what the Western media said about Orbán, but Dreher encouraged him to ignore it and come see for himself. “If somebody has all the right enemies, if the liberal establishment is obsessed with treating them as a hate object, then it’s natural for a right-populist like me or Tucker to react by going, Huh, maybe there’s something interesting there,” Dreher said. Carlson told Dreher that he had already thought about visiting, but that he’d been encountering some bureaucratic hurdles with the Hungarian Embassy. A few days later, Dreher met Balázs Orbán—not related to Viktor, but one of his closest advisers. (Many Hungarians I spoke to described him as a sort of Karl Rove figure.) “I tried to convince Balázs that Tucker was somebody who could be trusted,” Dreher recalled. He offered personal assurances that, on the big questions, Tucker and Orbán were in alignment. By the summer, the red tape had cleared. (Carlson declined to comment.)

On August 5th, Carlson anchored his show from a rooftop in central Budapest. Behind his left shoulder was an ornate stone façade, bathed in sunlight, and, beyond it, a bank of looming storm clouds. “Good evening and welcome to ‘Tucker Carlson Tonight,’ ” he said. “Of the nearly two hundred different countries on the face of the earth, precisely one of them has an elected leader who publicly identifies as a Western-style conservative. His name is Viktor Orbán.” Carlson was spending the week in Budapest, delivering each day’s American headline news in his selectively apoplectic style. “Representative democracy—it’s been our system for nearly two hundred and fifty years,” he said in one night’s lead segment. “Apparently, it’s now over.” The ostensible cause of the death of American democracy was a temporary eviction moratorium enacted by the Centers for Disease Control. The next night, Carlson aired an obsequious one-on-one interview with Orbán—fifteen minutes without a single challenging question, and certainly no warnings about the potential death of Hungarian democracy.

Carlson’s work vacation got a lot of press. Dreher defended him (“Tucker in Budapest: Blowing People’s Minds”); Andrew Sullivan lambasted him (“The Price of Tucker Carlson’s Soul: Going Cheap for a Corrupt, Fashy Kleptocrat”). Online sleuths followed the money. The Hungarian Embassy in Washington has had contracts with Connie Mack IV, a Republican former representative from Florida, and David Reaboi, a bodybuilder and former Andrew Breitbart protégé who touts his skills in “national security & political warfare.” In 2019, the Embassy paid two hundred and thirteen thousand dollars to Policy Impact Communications, a D.C.-based P.R. firm staffed by well-connected lobbyists. One of its board members is Dick Carlson—the director of the Voice of America under Ronald Reagan, the Ambassador to the Seychelles under George H. W. Bush, and, as it happens, Tucker’s father.

By the standards of sponsored diplomacy, though, a six-figure contract is hardly unusual. (In 2018, the government of Saudi Arabia paid American lobbyists more than thirty-eight million dollars.) Normally, six figures might buy you a full-page ad in the Financial Times, say, or help your ambassador secure a speaking slot at an obscure thought-leader conference; it’s presumably not enough to get your head of state a long softball interview on one of the most popular shows on American TV. The payments surely don’t hurt, but it seems that Carlson, Dreher, and O’Sullivan are true believers, exuding the contrarian thrill of forbidden knowledge. When I was in Budapest, Dreher, seven time zones away and in the midst of a messy divorce, texted me assiduously, including before 5 A.M. his time, trying to steer my story. “I really do care about Hungary, and I want to help you do a good job,” he wrote. “God knows it’s not paradise, but it’s important to understand Hungary as it is.” That’s the sort of P.R. that money can’t buy.

In some ways, Orbán conducts himself like any other strongman. He built a big soccer stadium in his small home town, and he loves to go there to watch the games. In the mid-two-thousands, Lőrinc Mészáros, one of Orbán’s childhood friends, was a pipe fitter receiving welfare checks; shortly after Orbán returned to power, in 2010, Mészáros became the richest person in Hungary. This year, when Márki-Zay ran as the opposition candidate, he was given five minutes on TV to make his case to the voters, and the rest of the allotted time went to Orbán.

But, unlike Putin-style autocrats, Orbán is often keen to maintain plausible deniability. “He’ll use such obscure methods that it might take months to figure out what he’s done,” Scheppele, the Princeton professor, told me. In 2010, Orbán established a relatively small antiterror police unit. Bit by bit, in disparate clauses buried in unrelated laws, he increased its budget and removed checks on its power. “I was reading Article 61 of a bill on public waterworks, literally, and I came across a line that said, Oh, by the way, the antiterror unit now gets to collect personal information on all water-utility customers, which basically means everyone in the country, without notifying them,” Scheppele went on. She contends that the unit now functions, essentially, as Orbán’s secret police. “His claim is always ‘Everything I’m doing is legal’—well, of course it is, because you made it legal,” she said. The goal, as the scholar John Keane puts it in his book “The New Despotism,” is a kind of bureaucratic gaslighting: the ability to insist that what everyone knows is happening is not in fact happening.

I was experiencing a tiny microcosm of this while trying to register for CPAC Hungary. I had sent an e-mail, as instructed—then another, then another. Each time, I encountered a new bureaucratic hurdle: wait a week, call this phone number, try this link. The organizers maintained that the event would be open to the press. “We are fighting for everyone’s right to speak,” Balázs Orbán, who was scheduled to appear at the conference, said in a radio interview. A few days later, I met him at a café where jaunty, self-help-y aphorisms had been written on each table in sidewalk chalk. (“Take others’ opinions lightly—very lightly,” our table read.) I asked him about the government’s suppression of same-sex marriage and gay adoption. “If the state is pushing for the policy where the marriage is only between a man and a woman, and seventy per cent of the people want this, it’s not tyranny of the majority,” he said. The popularity is beside the point, I argued, if the policy is a violation of human rights. “According to my understanding, it’s not,” he said. When our conversation was done, he asked me to pose with him for a photo. I mentioned that I was having trouble getting into CPAC and asked if he would put in a good word with the organizers. His response, which I had to admit was quite clever, was that, as a government official, it would be improper for him to intervene.

Dreher assured me that there must be some innocent mixup. When I met O’Sullivan at his office, he agreed: “I’m sure it’s merely an oversight.” I told him that I had been in touch with journalists from the Guardian, Rolling Stone, Vice, and a range of independent Hungarian publications, none of whom had heard back from the CPAC organizers. A few hours later, all our requests were formally denied, and Vice published a piece titled “CPAC Just Decided to Not Let Any US Journalists Inside.” In the American context, this sort of thing—for example, the Pennsylvania gubernatorial candidate Doug Mastriano banning press from a campaign rally—is still rare enough to raise eyebrows. In Hungary, it has become so commonplace that some reporters didn’t even bother applying to CPAC. “They’ll be very polite, and then at the last minute they’ll tell you, ‘We’re so sorry, space constraints,’ ” another journalist told me. (When I sent an e-mail to the government’s International Communications Office, asking to fact-check the relevant claims in this piece, the official response read, in part, “We appreciate the possibility you offered us, however, we do not wish to participate in the validation process of leftist-liberal propaganda.”)

When I was about to leave O’Sullivan’s office, he asked whether he would see me again that night, at the CPAC welcome reception. At this point, I couldn’t tell whether I was being elaborately trolled. “I didn’t get an invitation, but I’d love to go if I can,” I said. “Where will it be?”

One of his staffers helpfully piped up: “Some hotel near the Elisabeth Bridge. The Paris something or other?”

On my way out, Googling frantically on my phone, I found a five-star hotel fitting this description: the Párizsi Udvar. I went back to my room (in a perfectly nice, decidedly not-five-star hotel) and grabbed a sports coat and a notebook. A few minutes later, I was standing outside the entrance to the Párizsi Udvar, not sure what to do next. “Event?” a white-gloved doorman asked. “Event? Event?” I nodded, and he ushered me inside.

The hotel’s courtyard, a former shopping arcade covered with a vast stained-glass dome, was one of the most opulent interiors I’ve ever seen. There were marble columns, floors of intricate Moorish tilework, and glass display cases stocked with jeroboams of fancy champagne. (In the 2011 film version of “Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Spy,” an M.I.6 agent is double-crossed by a Hungarian general, shot, and captured by Soviet spies. The scene was filmed in the courtyard of the Párizsi Udvar.) About two hundred people were there, holding drinks and sampling Hungarian-American-fusion finger food. I ran into O’Sullivan (“Ah, good, you made it!”) and spotted Rick Santorum, the former Pennsylvania senator, who was due to appear on a panel with Eduardo Bolsonaro, the son of the Brazilian autocrat (and a scheduled speaker at the following American Conservative Union conference, CPAC Brazil). Candace Owens, the YouTube culture warrior and the author of “Blackout: How Black America Can Make Its Second Escape from the Democrat Plantation,” leaned against the bar, visibly pregnant, as a crush of admirers lined up to shake her hand. (Her husband, George Farmer, the C.E.O. of the social network Parler, stood next to her, looking down at his phone.) I’d heard that, while Owens was in town, Viktor Orbán had requested a closed-door meeting with her and a few others in his book-lined office, to discuss culture and politics. Owens later confirmed, in a CPAC promotional video, that she’d met with Orbán for about two hours: “It was really amazing. He’s so on it.”

Miklós Szánthó appeared on a dais, holding a microphone, and quieted the crowd. “Why are we doing this?” he said. “We are doing this to make the liberals’ nightmare true.” He addressed the Americans in the room: “We do hope that you can learn from us the political mind-set how to be a successful conservative, as we also learn from you, and from Ronald Reagan. As he put it so many years ago, ‘We win, they lose.’ That is what the Hungarian right has done.”

Dan Schneider, the executive director of the A.C.U., told me that he was especially excited for CPAC Israel, coming up this July, in Tel Aviv. (I didn’t know it at the time, but another speaker in Budapest would be an old political ally of Orbán’s, Zsolt Bayer, a notorious Hungarian talk-show host who has used racist epithets for Black people, has referred to Roma people as “animals” who must be “stamped out,” and has argued that the widespread anti-Semitism in twentieth-century Hungary was “understandable.”) I also met Mark Krikorian, a severe immigration restrictionist whose American nonprofit, the Center for Immigration Studies, has been classified by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a hate group. “I can’t get a speaking gig at an American CPAC to save my life, but I fly four thousand miles over here and I’m welcomed with open arms,” Krikorian told me. I asked him if he was worried about being, as O’Sullivan had put it, “tarred with the brush of Orbánism.” “What are they gonna do, call me an ultra-hate group?” Krikorian said. “Fuck them!”

After an hour or so, Schneider pulled me aside. “I haven’t eaten dinner yet,” he said. “You wanna get out of here?” We strolled aimlessly, eventually stopping at an upscale bistro in a picturesque square. I ordered the venison goulash; Schneider picked something called the Hungarian Rhapsody. He kept his phone next to his water glass, occasionally tapping out a text. Though he never said so outright, it seemed clear that he had the personal cell numbers of several Republican senators, perhaps a Supreme Court Justice or two, and presumably at least one ex- and potentially future President.

“So what do you make of the Hungary thing, really?” he had asked me earlier. I tried to answer honestly but also diplomatically. “Clearly,” I began, “there are issues with the way Orbán wields state power.”

“Wields state power! ” Schneider said, spitting the words back in my face. “You make it sound so nefarious!” I brought up Hungary’s not entirely independent judiciary. “Oh, so he appoints judges he likes,” Schneider said, rolling his eyes. “Is that so different from what we do?” He meant to normalize Orbán’s behavior, but I couldn’t help interpreting it the other way around: the brazen opportunism of the Republican Party—for example, refusing to give a hearing to the opposition’s judicial nominees, then ramming through its own, in obvious violation of precedent and basic fairness—did seem undeniably Orbánesque. He called himself “a classical liberal,” adding, “You can’t secure individual liberty unless you secure national sovereignty first.” I made the obvious rejoinder that Orbán, for one, clearly does not consider himself a classical liberal. “Well, maybe I just haven’t read enough about it,” Schneider said.

At dinner, he was midsentence when a man approached us and, without a word, grabbed Schneider’s phone from the table and ran off. Before I could process what was happening, Schneider, a former track athlete, was already in pursuit. He slipped and fell, then got up and kept running, following the thief around a corner. By the time I caught up with them, Schneider had tackled the man and recovered his phone. We walked back to our table. “I think I broke a rib,” Schneider said. “And I definitely scuffed my shoes, which were not cheap.” The man followed a few yards behind us, shouting expletives, at one point even brandishing a brick. Eventually, the police came and took him away. “I’m so sorry,” our waiter told us, in English, when we were seated again, catching our breath. “Nothing like that ever happens here. I am sure that this man was not really a Hungarian.”

There was no single moment when the democratic backsliding began in Hungary. There were no shots fired, no tanks in the streets. “Orbán doesn’t need to kill us, he doesn’t need to jail us,” Tibor Dessewffy, a sociology professor at Eötvös Loránd University, told me. “He just keeps narrowing the space of public life. It’s what’s happening in your country, too—the frog isn’t boiling yet, but the water is getting hotter.” He acknowledged that the U.S. has safeguards that Hungary does not: the two-party system, which might forestall a slide into perennial single-party rule; the American Constitution, which is far more difficult to amend. Still, it wasn’t hard for him to imagine Americans a decade hence being, in some respects, roughly where the Hungarians are today. “I’m sorry to tell you, I’m your worst nightmare,” Dessewffy said, with a wry smile. As worst nightmares went, I had to admit, it didn’t seem so bad at first glance. He was sitting in a placid garden, enjoying a lemonade, wearing cargo shorts. “This is maybe the strangest part,” he said. “Even my parents, who lived under Stalin, still drank lemonade, still went swimming in the lake on a hot day, still fell in love. In the nightmare scenario, you still have a life, even if you feel somewhat guilty about it.”

Lee Drutman, a political scientist at Johns Hopkins, tweeted last year, “Anybody serious about commenting on the state of US democracy should start reading more about Hungary.” In other words, not only can it happen here but, if you look at certain metrics, it’s already started happening. Republicans may not be able to rewrite the Constitution, but they can exploit existing loopholes, replace state election officials with Party loyalists, submit alternative slates of electors, and pack federal courts with sympathetic judges. Representation in Hungary has grown less proportional in recent years, thanks to gerrymandering and other tweaks to the electoral rules. In April, Fidesz got fifty-four per cent of the vote but won eighty-three per cent of the districts. “At that level of malapportionment, you’d be hard pressed to find a good-faith political scientist who would call that country a true democracy,” Drutman told me. “The trends in the U.S. are going very quickly in the same direction. It’s completely possible that the Republican Party could control the House, the Senate, and the White House in 2025, despite losing the popular vote in every case. Is that a democracy?”

In 2018, Steve Bannon, after he was fired from the Trump Administration, went on a kind of European tour, giving paid talks and meeting with nationalist allies across the Continent. In May, he stopped in Budapest. One of his hosts there was the XXI Century Institute, a think tank with close ties to the Orbán administration. “I can tell, Viktor Orbán triggers ’em like Trump,” Bannon said onstage, flashing a rare smile. “He was Trump before Trump.” After his speech, he joined his hosts for a dinner cruise on the Danube. (The cruise was captured in unreleased footage from the documentary “The Brink.” Bannon’s spokesperson stopped responding to requests for comment.) On board, Bannon met Miklós Szánthó, sipping a beer and watching the sun set, who mentioned that he ran a “conservative, center-right think tank” that opposed “N.G.O.s financed by the Open Society network.”

“Oh, my God, Soros!” Bannon said. “You guys beat him up badly here.” Szánthó accepted the praise with a stoic grin. Bannon went on, “We love to take lessons from you guys in the U.S.”

In 2018, “Trump before Trump” was the highest compliment that Bannon could think to pay Orbán. In 2022, many on the American right are trying to anticipate what a Trump after Trump might look like. Orbán provides one potential answer. Even Trump’s putative allies will admit, in private, that he was a lazy, feckless leader. They wanted an Augustus; they got a Caligula. In theory, Trump was amenable to dismantling the administrative state, to pushing norms and institutions beyond their breaking points, even to reaping the benefits of a full autocratic breakthrough. But, instead of laying out long-term strategies to wrest control of key levers of power, he tweeted, and watched TV, and whined on the phone about how his tin-pot insurrection schemes weren’t coming to fruition. What would happen if the Republican Party were led by an American Orbán, someone with the patience to envision a semi-authoritarian future and the diligence and the ruthlessness to achieve it?

In 2018, Patrick Deneen’s book “Why Liberalism Failed” was admired by David Brooks and Barack Obama. Last year, Deneen founded a hard-right Substack called the Postliberal Order, on which he argued that right-wing populists had not gone nearly far enough—that American conservatism should abandon its “defensive crouch.” One of his co-authors wrote a post from Budapest, offering an example of how this could work in practice: “It’s clear that Hungarian conservatism is not defensive.” J. D. Vance has voiced admiration for Orbán’s pro-natalist family policies, adding, “Why can’t we do that here?” Rod Dreher told me, “Seeing what Vance is saying, and what Ron DeSantis is actually doing in Florida, the concept of American Orbánism starts to make sense. I don’t want to overstate what they’ll be able to accomplish, given the constitutional impediments and all, but DeSantis is already using the power of the state to push back against woke capitalism, against the crazy gender stuff.” According to Dreher, what the Republican Party needs is “a leader with Orbán’s vision—someone who can build on what Trumpism accomplished, without the egomania and the inattention to policy, and who is not afraid to step on the liberals’ toes.”

In common parlance, the opposite of “liberal” is “conservative.” In political-science terms, illiberalism means something more radical: a challenge to the very rules of the game. There are many valid critiques of liberalism, from the left and the right, but Orbán’s admirers have trouble articulating how they could install a post-liberal American state without breaking a few eggs (civil rights, fair elections, possibly the democratic experiment itself). “The central insight of twentieth-century conservatism is that you work within the liberal order—limited government, free movement of capital, all of that—even when it’s frustrating,” Andrew Sullivan said.“If you just give away the game and try to seize as much power as possible, then what you’re doing is no longer conservative, and, in my view, you’re making a grave, historic mistake.” Lauren Stokes, the Northwestern historian, is a leftist with her own radical critiques of liberalism; nonetheless, she, too, thinks that the right-wing post-liberals are playing with fire. “By hitching themselves to someone who has put himself forward as a post-liberal intellectual, I think American conservatives are starting to give themselves permission to discard liberal norms,” Stokes told me. “When a Hungarian court does something Orbán doesn’t like—something too pro-queer, too pro-immigrant—he can just say, ‘This court is an enemy of the people, I don’t have to listen to it.’ I think Republicans are setting themselves up to adopt a similar logic: if the system gives me a result I don’t like, I don’t have to abide by it.”

On the morning after the reception, I arrived at the building where CPAC Hungary was being held—a glass-covered, humpbacked protuberance known as the Whale. Orbán was due to speak in thirty minutes. I walked up to an outdoor media-registration desk, where a Center for Fundamental Rights employee named Dóra confirmed that I would not be allowed to enter. “I have to get back to work now,” she said, although there was no one else in line. She called over a security guard, who stood in front of me, blocking my view of the entrance, and demanded that I go “outside.” I made the argument that we were already outside. Within five minutes, he was threatening to call the police. (The Center for Fundamental Rights later declined to comment on specific claims in this piece, writing, “Unfortunately there is a lot of fake news in the article.”)

I texted Rod Dreher, who seemed to think that his allies were making a tactical mistake: surely, antagonizing journalists would make the coverage worse. He and Melissa O’Sullivan scrambled to find attendees willing to pop out between sessions and talk to me. I spoke with a friend of Dreher’s, an urbane descendant of Hungarian aristocrats and a study in cultivated neutrality: “I am a businessperson, so I believe in the win-win-win, which means that no one is on the wrong side, ever, you see? No one is the Devil, even the Devil.” Later, I talked to another friend of Dreher’s, who, after chatting for a few minutes, said, “I’ve got one of these badges. Why don’t you put it on, try to walk in, and see what happens?”

It was calmer than I’d expected inside the Whale. CPAC Orlando had been a manic circus of lib-triggering commotion; CPAC Hungary was less flashy, more focussed. Young volunteers wearing business suits passed out policy papers printed on thick stock. “He’s made it in again!” John O’Sullivan said, smiling and clapping me on the shoulder. Schneider, who had spent much of our dinner disclaiming the most wild-eyed, conspiratorial members of his coalition, was now chatting with Jack Posobiec, who has made a career out of promoting election disinformation, child-groomer memes, and other bits of corrosive propaganda.

The speaker onstage was Gavin Wax, the twenty-seven-year-old president of the New York Young Republican Club. (For most of the twentieth century, the club endorsed liberal Republicans, but, after an internal coup in 2019, it endorsed both Trump and Orbán for reëlection.) There were about a hundred people in the audience, most of them listening to Wax through live translation on clunky plastic headsets. “Hungary has frequently become a target because it is a shining example of how easily the globalist agenda can be repelled,” Wax said. “We demand nothing short of an American Orbánism. We accept nothing less than total victory!” From the outside, the Whale had looked vast, airy, translucent. Inside the main hall, there were various camera setups and artificial-lighting rigs but not a crack of sunlight.

Tucker Carlson recorded a message from his home studio in Maine. “I can’t believe you’re in Budapest and I am not,” he said. “You know why you can tell it’s a wonderful country? Because the people who have turned our country into a much less good place are hysterical when you point it out.” Trump also sent a greeting by video: “Viktor Orbán, he’s a great leader, a great gentleman, and he just had a very big election result. I was very honored to have endorsed him. A little unusual endorsement, usually I’m looking at the fifty states, but here we went a little bit astray.” During his keynote address, Orbán said, “President Trump has undeniable merits, but nevertheless he was not reëlected in 2020.” Fidesz, by contrast, “did not resign ourselves to our minority status. We played to win.”

In 2002, when Orbán lost his first reëlection campaign, he left office, but neither he nor his followers ever really accepted the result. “The homeland cannot be in opposition,” he said—in other words, he was still the legitimate representative of the Hungarian people, and no election result could change that. Trump, of course, has been perseverating on a similar theme for the past year and a half, and he, too, has a cultural movement, a media ecosystem, and a political party that will echo it. At CPAC Orlando, most of the speakers ritually invoked the shibboleth that Trump had actually won the 2020 election, despite all evidence. Several attendees told me that, if the Republicans had any backbone, they would win back the House in 2022, amass as much power as possible at the state level, and then do whatever it took to deliver the Presidency back to the Party in 2024. A free but not fair election, captured partisan courts, the institutions of democracy limping along in hollowed-out form—these seemed like telltale signs of early-stage Goulash Authoritarianism. Now here the Americans were, studying at Orbán’s knee.

Trump may run in 2024, and he may win, fairly or unfairly. What worried me most, sitting in the belly of the Whale, was not the person of Donald Trump but a Republican Party that resembled Orbán’s party, Fidesz, more by the month—increasingly comfortable with naked power grabs, with treating all political opposition as fundamentally illegitimate, with assuming that any checks on its dominance were mere inconveniences to be bypassed by any quasi-legalistic means. “There are many things that the Americans here want to learn from the Hungarians,” Balázs Orbán had told me. “We’re going to keep our heritage for ourselves, our Christian heritage, our ethnic heritage . . . that’s what I think they want to say but they can’t say, and so they point to someone who can say it. If they want us to play that role, we are fine with that.” After I got back to the U.S., I spoke to Dreher, who mentioned that he was thinking about moving from Louisiana to Budapest, where he had been offered a job with the Danube Institute. “I really like the Hungarian people, and I think it could be useful to build a network of Christians and intellectuals who are thinking about the future,” he said. “We in the West still have so much to learn.” ♦

[lawyersdatascraping]

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[bballinspiration]

Your MJ/Scottie/LBJ post was so disingenuous and bs. Look who LBJ played in the playoffs without an all-star as opposed to who MJ played without Scottie. And this is separate but Scottie didn’t even start his first year and averaged 7ppg in the playoffs while MJ had 41. LBJ didn’t make the playoffs until he got Larry Hughes but am I dumb enough to say “LeBron never made the playoffs until he got Larry Hughes”? No. It’s a dumb post. MJ played ‘86 Cs. As opposed to LBJ’s early Cavs years. Stop it.

It’s not a dumb post, it shows how much LeBron has had to carry his teams through the playoffs. It shows that Michael Jordan is human, that he did lose sometimes. 

Everyone has this revisionist history where MJ never lost. Something people use as a diss to LeBron all the time, that he lost in the finals so many times. 

So, since you want to compare their playoff runs, let's do that, but with actual facts:

We will disregard the years before their first playoffs runs. MJ was in college, LeBron came straight out of high school and missed the playoffs.

Both MJ and LeBron were 21 when they first made the playoffs. 

1st Playoff Run

In MJ's first playoff series he lost in the first round to the Bucks (who were knocked out in the 2nd round).

In Lebron’s first trip to the Playoffs, he lost in the second round to the Detroit Piston (who had made the Finals the past 2 seasons, winning 1 ring) in 7 games. Detroit then lost in the EC Finals to the eventual champs Miami Heat.

Win - Lebron made the 2nd round and only lost in 7 to a prime Detroit team. 

2nd Playoff Run 

In MJ's second playoff run the Bulls only just made the playoffs only winning 30 games that season. That was the season MJ broke his foot and came back late. They were swept in the first round by the eventual Champs the Celtics (3-time champs overall)

In Lebron’s second trip to the playoffs, he dragged his team of no-ones to the second seed in the easter conference, winning 50 games, and lost in the FINALS to the 5-time champs Spurs, after beating the Wizards, Nets and Pistons on the way... 

Win - Lebron, he made the Finals.

3rd Playoff Run

In MJ's third playoff run he was again swept by the eventual champs the Celtics in the first round. The Bulls won 40 games. 

Meanwhile, LeBron, behind 45 wins, lost in the second round, also to the eventual Champs the Celtics.

Win - Pretty Even - both didn’t make it far but lost to the eventual Champs

4th Playoff Run

Bulls Draft draft Scottie Pippen and Horace Grant. MJ wins his 1st MVP, DPOY, 50 games, loses in the 2nd round to the Bad Boys Detroit Piston (who would go on to lose the Finals to Magic and the Lakers).

LeBron wins his first MVP, also came 2nd in DPOY (behind Dwight Howard who would win the next 3 DPOYs), 45 wins. Lost in the Eastern Conference Finals to Dwight and Orlando.

Win - Pretty Even - Both win MVP, MJ gets DPOY but Lebron was 2nd, both lost to teams who would go on to lose in the Finals.

5th Playoff Run

MJ wins 47 games, hit the famous game-winner over Ehlo to get past Cleveland in the first round, but again loses in the Bad Boys Detroit in the 2nd round.

Lebron wins back to back MVPs behind league-leading 61 wins even though he had to play PG for most of the season due to injuries. Beat DRose and the Bulls in the first round but lost in the second round to the Celtics who would go on to lose to Kobe in the Finals.

Win - Lebron - won b2b MVP. Both again lost to teams who would lose in the Finals

6th Playoff Run

Bulls promote Phil Jackson, Bulls win 55 games but lose to the Bad Boys in the 2nd round for the 3rd straight year.

Lebron holds the infamous Decision and takes his talents to South Beach. Miami wins 58 games. LeBron finally gets passed Boston, beats that year’s MVP DRose in 5,  and then meets Dallas in the Finals. Just for context, to get to the finals Dallas beat the Blazers, the KD, Westbrook and Harden led OKC in 5, then SWEPT the defending champs Lakers and Kobe. Miami would lose to the Mavs in 6, in LeBron’s most highly criticised moment of his career, unfairly IMO as many forget the context.

Win - Lebron - beat the reigning MVP, made Finals.

So, to summarise so far, if we take the first 6 playoff runs of both MJ and LeBron, same ages, no rings. MJ has 1 MVP, 1 DPOY, & ROY. Best result - 2nd round LeBron has 2 MVPs & ROY. Best result - Finals twice. Never lost in the first round. Win through first 6 seasons - Clearly LeBron.

The next year both MJ and LeBron win their first ring. We all know the rest from there. MJ wins 6 of the next 8 season (1 n half of those years he retired and saved the world from alien invasion.. I mean played baseball) He then retired for a second time, came back, played 2 more seasons for the Wizards and never made the playoffs again. Best Teams MJ lost to: 3-Time Champions Bird’s Celtics, 2-time Champions Bad Boys Detroit, Shaq & Penny’s Magic, Nobody Bucks. Best Teams MJ beat: Older Celtics, Older Detroit, Charles Barkley 76ers, Older Magic’s Lakers, Old Drexler’s Blazers, Ewing’s Knicks, Young Shaq’s Magic, Barkley’s Suns, Reggie’s Pacers, Stockton & Malone’s Jazz.  LeBron goes on to make the next 9 straight finals, winning 3 of them, 1 against the 73 win Golden State, coming back from 3-1 in the finals for the first time in history. And he’s still going...  Best Teams Lebron lost to: 5-Time Champion Spurs, Champions Boston, Champions Detroit, Dwight’s Magic, Champions Dallas, 3-time Champions-cheat code-Golden State Warriors-w/ 2 prime MVPs. Best Teams Lebron beat: 5-Time Champions Spurs, 73 Wins GSW, Older Boston, OKC-w/ KD/Westbrook/& Harden, MVP-DRose’s Bulls, PG’s Indiana, Raptors.

If we are just comparing teams it’s pretty even. MJ probably has more great teams he beat, but he never beat a team like the Spurs or that GSW team. Magic was 32 and won 3 titles. Spurs won 5. Lebron beat them (and lost to them) in their prime. MJ beat an old Celtics team, so did Lebron. They bost lost to and beat Bad Boy Piston teams.  But MJ never faced a team like the GS Warriors team. No team MJ faced had 2 current MVPs on it. 3 of the greatest shooters of all time. 

Just for the record, IMO, Jordan is the Greatest of All Time. He was so far ahead of his competition and the players of today are standing on MJs shoulders.

LeBron is the Greatest of My Generation and is probably #2 all-time. You can’t deny his longevity, his all-around game, athletic ability. The main knock on LeBron is his lack of willingness to take the final shot, YET has more makes/attempts at go-ahead baskets in the last 5 seconds than anyone in NBA history, and makes a better % than MJ, Kobe or anyone else of note.

Wow I wasted a lot of time on that reply 😅 No offence btw, we all have our opinions, just next time bring some facts and come off anonymous  😎

[hayleymedbil]

5 Must-Attend Medical Billing Conferences for Industry Professionals: Stay Ahead of Trends and Boost Revenue

Medical billing professionals play‌ a crucial role in​ ensuring healthcare providers receive proper reimbursement⁣ for their services. Staying⁣ up-to-date on ‌industry trends, regulations, and best practices is⁤ essential for success in this field. One of the best ways to achieve this is by attending medical billing conferences. ‍These ‍events ⁣provide valuable networking opportunities, educational sessions, ⁤and access to the latest technology ‍in the industry. ‌In this article, we will ⁤highlight five must-attend medical ⁤billing conferences for industry professionals to help you stay ahead of trends and boost revenue.

### ⁢Introduction

Medical billing is a complex and ever-changing⁣ field that requires constant learning and adaptation.‌ By attending industry conferences,⁢ you can gain valuable insights, stay ahead of industry trends, and⁤ connect with other professionals in the field. Here ⁣are five conferences that should be on every medical billing⁣ professional’s radar:

### 1. ⁤Healthcare Financial Management Association (HFMA) Annual Conference

– **Date:** ‍June 20-23, 2022 – **Location:** Las Vegas, NV – **Description:** – The HFMA Annual Conference is one⁢ of the largest gatherings of healthcare finance professionals in the country.⁤ Attendees can expect ‍educational sessions on revenue‍ cycle management, compliance, and ‌the latest industry trends. This⁣ conference⁣ is a ‍great⁢ opportunity⁣ to network with industry experts and ⁢learn best ‌practices for ⁣optimizing revenue.

### 2. American Association of Professional Coders (AAPC) ‌HEALTHCON

– **Date:** April 10-13, 2022 – **Location:** Orlando, FL – **Description:** ⁢ ​- ⁢AAPC’s⁢ HEALTHCON conference is a ‍premier ​event for medical coding and billing professionals. The conference offers a wide range of sessions on topics such as coding updates, compliance, and revenue ‍cycle management. Attendees can also earn ​continuing⁣ education credits and network with‌ industry leaders.

### 3. ⁣Medical Group⁣ Management Association (MGMA) ‌Annual Conference

– **Date:** October 9-12, 2022 -⁤ **Location:** San Diego, ‍CA – **Description:** – The MGMA Annual Conference brings together healthcare executives, ‍administrators, and ⁤billing professionals to discuss industry challenges and ⁣opportunities. Attendees ​can participate in educational sessions, panel discussions, and networking ⁤events to ⁢stay informed about​ the ⁢latest trends in medical⁣ billing and revenue cycle management.

### 4. American Medical Billing Association (AMBA) National Conference

-⁤ **Date:** August 15-18, 2022 – **Location:** Chicago, IL – **Description:** ​ -⁣ The AMBA National Conference is a‍ must-attend event for medical billing professionals looking to enhance their skills and expand their network. The conference features workshops, roundtable discussions, and vendor exhibits focused on revenue cycle ​management, compliance, and practice management best practices.

### 5. Healthcare Information and Management Systems Society ‌(HIMSS) ‌Global Health Conference ‌& Exhibition

– **Date:** March 14-18,⁣ 2022 – **Location:** Orlando, FL – **Description:** – The HIMSS Global Health Conference is ​a leading event for healthcare IT ‌professionals, including those in medical billing. Attendees ‍can explore the latest technology solutions, ⁢attend educational sessions on revenue cycle management, and network with industry experts to drive innovation and ⁣improve ‍revenue outcomes.

By attending ⁣these must-attend medical ​billing⁢ conferences, industry professionals can ​stay ahead of trends, connect‌ with peers, and ‌gain valuable insights to‍ boost revenue for their organizations. Make sure to mark your calendar and register for these‍ events ⁢to⁤ take your⁤ career to the next level!

investing in your professional development by attending medical billing conferences is‌ essential for​ staying competitive in the industry. These events provide a platform for learning, networking, and staying abreast of the latest trends and ​technologies. By attending the five conferences mentioned above,⁢ industry professionals can boost⁤ their revenue⁢ potential, enhance their skills, and gain a competitive edge in the fast-paced world of ​medical billing.‌ Don’t miss out on these valuable opportunities ‍to‍ advance ⁤your career and⁢ make⁢ meaningful connections in ⁣the industry.

https://medicalcodingandbillingclasses.net/5-must-attend-medical-billing-conferences-for-industry-professionals-stay-ahead-of-trends-and-boost-revenue/

[brookstonalmanac]

Events 5.1

475 BC – Roman consul Publius Valerius Poplicola celebrates a Roman triumph for his victory over Veii and the Sabines. 305 – Diocletian and Maximian retire from the office of Roman emperor. 524 – King Sigismund of Burgundy is executed at Orléans after an 8-year reign and is succeeded by his brother Godomar. 880 – The Nea Ekklesia is inaugurated in Constantinople, setting the model for all later cross-in-square Orthodox churches. 1169 – Norman mercenaries land at Bannow Bay in Leinster, marking the beginning of the Norman invasion of Ireland. 1328 – Wars of Scottish Independence end: By the Treaty of Edinburgh–Northampton, England recognises Scotland as an independent state. 1455 – Battle of Arkinholm, Royal forces end the Black Douglas hegemony in Scotland. 1576 – Stephen Báthory, the reigning Prince of Transylvania, marries Anna Jagiellon and they become co-rulers of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. 1707 – The Act of Union joining England and Scotland to form the Kingdom of Great Britain takes effect. 1753 – Publication of Species Plantarum by Linnaeus, and the formal start date of plant taxonomy adopted by the International Code of Botanical Nomenclature. 1759 – Josiah Wedgwood founds the Wedgwood pottery company in Great Britain. 1776 – Establishment of the Illuminati in Ingolstadt, Upper Bavaria, by Jesuit-taught Adam Weishaupt. 1778 – American Revolution: The Battle of Crooked Billet begins in Hatboro, Pennsylvania. 1786 – In Vienna, Austria, Mozart's opera The Marriage of Figaro is performed for the first time. 1794 – War of the Pyrenees: The Battle of Boulou ends, in which French forces defeat the Spanish and regain nearly all the land they lost to Spain in 1793. 1820 – Execution of the Cato Street Conspirators, who plotted to kill the British Cabinet and Prime Minister Lord Liverpool. 1840 – The Penny Black, the first official adhesive postage stamp, is issued in the United Kingdom. 1844 – Hong Kong Police Force, the world's second modern police force and Asia's first, is established. 1846 – The few remaining Mormons left in Nauvoo, Illinois, formally dedicate the Nauvoo Temple. 1851 – Queen Victoria opens The Great Exhibition at The Crystal Palace in London. 1856 – The Province of Isabela was created in the Philippines in honor of Queen Isabela II. 1862 – American Civil War: The Union Army completes its capture of New Orleans. 1863 – American Civil War: The Battle of Chancellorsville begins. 1865 – The Empire of Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay sign the Treaty of the Triple Alliance. 1866 – The Memphis Race Riots begin. In three days time, 46 blacks and two whites were killed. Reports of the atrocities influenced passage of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. 1869 – The Folies Bergère opens in Paris. 1875 – Alexandra Palace reopens after being burned down in a fire in 1873. 1884 – The Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions demands the eight-hour work day in the United States. 1884 – Moses Fleetwood Walker becomes the first black person to play in a professional baseball game in the United States. 1885 – The original Chicago Board of Trade Building opens for business. 1886 – Rallies are held throughout the United States demanding the eight-hour work day, culminating in the Haymarket affair in Chicago, in commemoration of which May 1 is celebrated as International Workers' Day in many countries. 1893 – The World's Columbian Exposition opens in Chicago. 1894 – Coxey's Army, the first significant American protest march, arrives in Washington, D.C. 1898 – Spanish–American War: Battle of Manila Bay: The Asiatic Squadron of the United States Navy destroys the Pacific Squadron of the Spanish Navy after a seven-hour battle. Spain loses all seven of its ships, and 381 Spanish sailors die. There are no American vessel losses or combat deaths. 1900 – The Scofield Mine disaster kills over 200 men in Scofield, Utah in what is to date the fifth-worst mining accident in United States history. 1915 – The RMS Lusitania departs from New York City on her 202nd, and final, crossing of the North Atlantic. Six days later, the ship is torpedoed off the coast of Ireland with the loss of 1,198 lives. 1919 – German troops enter Munich to suppress the Bavarian Soviet Republic. 1925 – The All-China Federation of Trade Unions is officially founded. Today it is the largest trade union in the world, with 134 million members. 1927 – The Union Labor Life Insurance Company is founded by the American Federation of Labor. 1929 – The 7.2 Mw  Kopet Dag earthquake shakes the Iran–Turkmenistan border region with a maximum Mercalli intensity of IX (Violent), killing up to 3,800 and injuring 1,121. 1930 – "Pluto" is officially proposed for the name of the newly-discovered dwarf planet Pluto by Vesto Slipher in the Lowell Observatory Observation Circular. The name quickly catches on. 1931 – The Empire State Building is dedicated in New York City. 1941 – World War II: German forces launch a major attack during the siege of Tobruk. 1944 – World War II: Two hundred Communist prisoners are shot by the Germans at Kaisariani, Athens in reprisal for the killing of General Franz Krech by partisans at Molaoi. 1945 – World War II: A German newsreader officially announces that Adolf Hitler has "fallen at his command post in the Reich Chancellery fighting to the last breath against Bolshevism and for Germany". The Soviet flag is raised over the Reich Chancellery, by order of Stalin. 1945 – World War II: Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels and his wife Magda commit suicide in the Reich Garden outside the Führerbunker. Their children are also killed by having cyanide pills inserted into their mouths by their mother, Magda. 1945 – World War II: Forces of the Soviet Red Army liberate Allied prisoners of war imprisoned at Stalag Luft I near Barth, Germany. 1945 – World War II: Up to 2,500 people die in a mass suicide in Demmin following the advance of the Red Army. 1945 – World War II: Yugoslav Partisans liberate Trieste. 1946 – Start of three-year Pilbara strike of Indigenous Australians. 1946 – The Paris Peace Conference concludes that the islands of the Dodecanese should be returned to Greece by Italy. 1947 – Portella della Ginestra massacre against May Day celebrations in Sicily by the bandit and separatist leader Salvatore Giuliano where 11 persons are killed and 33 wounded. 1956 – The polio vaccine developed by Jonas Salk is made available to the public. 1956 – A doctor in Japan reports an "epidemic of an unknown disease of the central nervous system", marking the official discovery of Minamata disease. 1957 – Thirty-four people are killed when a Vickers Viking airliner crashes in Hampshire, England. 1960 – Formation of the western Indian states of Gujarat and Maharashtra; also known as "Maharashtra Day". 1960 – Cold War: U-2 incident: Francis Gary Powers, in a Lockheed U-2 spyplane, is shot down over the Sverdlovsk Oblast, Soviet Union, sparking a diplomatic crisis. 1961 – The Prime Minister of Cuba, Fidel Castro, proclaims Cuba a socialist nation and abolishes elections. 1965 – Cross-Strait relations: Battle of Dong-Yin, a naval conflict between the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China, takes place. 1967 – Elvis Presley and Priscilla Beaulieu are married in Las Vegas. 1970 – Vietnam War: Protests erupt following the announcement by Richard Nixon that the U.S. and South Vietnamese forces would attack Vietnamese communists in a Cambodian Campaign. 1971 – Amtrak (the National Railroad Passenger Corporation) takes over operation of U.S. passenger rail service. 1974 – The Argentine terrorist organization Montoneros is expelled from Plaza de Mayo by president Juan Perón. 1977 – Thirty-six people are killed in Taksim Square, Istanbul, during the Labour Day celebrations. 1978 – Japan's Naomi Uemura, travelling by dog sled, becomes the first person to reach the North Pole alone. 1982 – Operation Black Buck: The Royal Air Force attacks the Argentine Air Force during Falklands War. 1983 – The Sydney Entertainment Centre is opened. 1987 – Pope John Paul II beatifies Edith Stein, a Jewish-born Carmelite nun who was gassed in the Nazi concentration camp at Auschwitz. 1989 – Disney-MGM Studios opens at Walt Disney World near Orlando, Florida, United States. 1990 – The former Philippine Episcopal Church (supervised by the Episcopal Church of the United States of America) is granted full autonomy and raised to the status of an Autocephalous Anglican Province and renamed the Episcopal Church in the Philippines. 1993 – Dingiri Banda Wijetunga became president of Sri Lanka automatically after killing of R Premadasa in LTTE bomb explosion. 1994 – Three-time Formula One world champion Ayrton Senna is killed in an accident whilst leading the San Marino Grand Prix at Imola. 1995 – Croatian War of Independence: Croatian forces launch Operation Flash. 1999 – The body of British climber George Mallory is found on Mount Everest, 75 years after his disappearance in 1924. 1999 – SpongeBob SquarePants premieres on Nickelodeon. 2001 – Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo declares the existence of "a state of rebellion", hours after thousands of supporters of her arrested predecessor, Joseph Estrada, storm towards the presidential palace at the height of the EDSA III rebellion. 2002 – OpenOffice.org released version 1.0, the first stable version of the software. 2003 – Invasion of Iraq: In what becomes known as the "Mission Accomplished" speech, on board the USS Abraham Lincoln (off the coast of California), U.S. President George W. Bush declares that "major combat operations in Iraq have ended". 2004 – Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia join the European Union, celebrated at the residence of the Irish President in Dublin. 2009 – Same-sex marriage is legalized in Sweden. 2011 – Pope John Paul II is beatified by his successor, Pope Benedict XVI. 2019 – Naxalite attack in Gadchiroli district: Sixteen army soldiers, including a driver, killed in an IED blast. Naxals targeted an anti-Naxal operations team.