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divulgacion-alternativa · 3 years

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Ben Ful Links | August 2/2021:

Source: benjaminfulford.net

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Getting To Know The North Koreans

Notice to readers. So that I may take my annual sabbatical in the Canadian wilderness, the next several reports will be pre-written. They will focus on the history of how I got involved in fighting the Khazarian Mafia. Hopefully, this will help readers get a better understanding of what is happening now. Of course, if something really big happens, we will issue an emergency report.

The assassination attempts against me and the murder of many of my colleagues were part of a Nazi coup d’etat that took place in the U.S. after 9.11.2001. This Nazi faction, led by Fuhrer George Bush Sr., was a sub-group of the Khazarian Mafia. They were killing journalists as a part of an attempt to control the narrative, the story by which Western society was led. However, I did not figure that out until a North Korean princess showed me the evidence.

Here is how it happened. I was running into serious censorship at Forbes. This started after I had run the story about the murder of the banker, that I detailed in last week’s report, brought me to the attention of the people who gave orders to the Forbes family.

For example, a story about Citibank (a Rockefeller company) being kicked out of Japan because it was money laundering for gangsters was killed even though my source was the Japanese Finance Ministry speaking on the record. The last straw for me came when I found out that an anti-virus software company was making viruses. Forbes killed the story, telling me I was “unreliable,” when in fact the story was killed because Steve Forbes had been given $500,000 by the anti-virus company, according to a Forbes whistleblower.

In any case, I was sick of writing business pornography and decided my next career move was to shift to writing books. The hope was to have them made into Hollywood movies. So, I sent two chapters and an outline of a planned book to my agent in the U.S. The book would have described a systematic pattern of the murder of politicians, journalists, industrialists, etc. by politicians and gangsters who were part of the corrupt secret government that really ran Japan.

The day after I sent the book proposal, I got a call from Kaoru Nakamaru, who said she was a princess and a first cousin of Emperor Hirohito. She told me it would be a bad idea to publish the book. Obviously she was connected to people who were reading my mail, so I decided to meet her. When I asked her how she knew what was in my book proposal she said, “A Goddess told me.” (That Goddess would be Amaterasu the reigning deity of the Japanese security police).

When I met Nakamaru she said, “You understand all about the corruption in Japan but you know nothing about the real source, which is in the West.” She then gave me a 9.11 truth video. At the time, I thought “Oh my God, this is one of those anti-Semitic movies about 9.11 that I read about in the New York Times.” I had no intention of watching it but she kept pestering me until I did. That was the real red pill for me. It did not take a lot of fact-checking to realize 9.11 was an inside job. From a missile hitting the Pentagon without breaking the second-floor windows and leaving no plane debris, to a BBC reporter with Building #7 visible in the background saying it had already collapsed, 20 minutes before it actually did at freefall speed, the evidence was undeniable.

The real problem was wrapping my mind around how incredibly large a group would be needed to carry out a campaign like this. The implications were truly mind-boggling. It was only by looking at historical events that I realized such false flags were being commonly used as excuses to start wars.

For example, the sinking of the “innocent passenger vessel” Lusitania in 1914 was used as an excuse to demonize the Germans and get the Americans to join the British in World War I. It was not until a hundred years later in 2014 that the British admitted publicly the Lusitania was transporting arms and was, therefore, a legitimate military target. Historians note that ads in newspapers warned passengers prior to the ship being sent into the vicinity of German U-boats as a sacrifice.

In 2001, the people who controlled the U.S. were using 9.11 as an excuse to invade the Middle East (yet again).

In my still naïve worldview I figured that if people found out the truth, there would be a revolution. After I published front-page articles for major Japanese magazines listing evidence that 9.11 was an inside job, I held a press conference at the Foreign Correspondent’s Club of Japan to present the evidence to the international media.

It was only when none of them (with a few minor exceptions like rural Australian newspapers) reported the evidence did I realize that freedom of the press had been extinguished from the Western media.

Nobody at the FCCJ or in the Western press debated me or presented evidence showing I was wrong. Instead, all sorts of people I never knew suddenly started a systematic campaign of character assassination against me. The general story was that I was taking drugs, believed in UFOs, and had lost my mind. I was put on a black list and nobody in the English language press would work with me. Many editors told me they had been ordered by their bosses not to publish my stories.

Fortunately, I had published books in Japanese that sold well and provided me with an income. I was also introduced to a Japanese author by the name of Ohta Ryu. He explained to me that he had been approached by a group of Japanese who had studied Western power structures before and during World War II. He used the material they had provided to publish his books.

What Ohta said was mind-boggling at the time. It was talking about how the West had a secret government run by families like the Rothschilds and the Rockefellers. This may be common knowledge now but, at the time (around 2005-6) when I did an internet search about the Rothschilds, I found exactly one sentence about them on the entire web. It was from an Israeli chat room where one participant mentioned a rumor that the Rothschilds were involved in the formation of Israel.

As far as our reputed overlord David Rockefeller was concerned, he was number 300 or so on the Forbes richest list and considered to be a person of the past. I had to go back to the 1918 edition of Forbes to find out the real story. It turns out John Rockefeller the first had suddenly become poor overnight by donating all of his fortune (around $300 billion in today’s money) to a foundation. Once the money was in a foundation, the owners did not pay inheritance tax and did not have to disclose much information.

A paper trail led to over 200 foundations controlled by the Rockefellers that in turn controlled most of the Fortune 500 companies.

What I started to realize was that all the murders of Japanese politicians etc. were part of a Rockefeller & Co. hostile take-over of Japan Inc. One key man they used to carry out this operation was Heizo Takenaka, who was the Finance and Economy Minister from 2002-2005. While he was in this job, he dismantled the system of cross-shareholding where banks and companies owned each others’ shares. Takenaka forced all the banks to sell off their shares in Japan’s listed companies to foreign funds such as Vanguard, Blackrock, and State Street & Banking. When I confronted him about handing over all of Japan’s listed companies to the Rockefellers etc., he squirmed visibly in his chair and was evasive.

However, the day after the interview, I got a phone call from an official at the Japan development bank who told me there was someone Heizo Takenaka wanted me to meet. So, I went to a downtown Tokyo hotel room where I met a person by the name of Shiramine who called himself a Ninja.

I recorded with his permission a conversation in which he offered me the job of Finance Minister of Japan as long as I went along with a plan to kill 90% of humanity. He said it was necessary in order to “save the environment.” Since war did not kill enough people the plan was to use disease and starvation to kill everyone off, he said. Shiramine added that if I refused the offer I would be killed.

To his credit when Shiramine met me and gave me this proposal, he also handed me a tape and told me to listen to it somewhere private. In this tape, he said the problem was the “elders of Zion.” I was also told by another Takenaka envoy that he handed over control of all the country’s corporations because Japan had been “threatened with an earthquake machine.”

The next day another person called me and said he wanted to meet me. Again, the meeting took place inside a downtown hotel room. This time it was someone from an Asian secret society known as The Red and The Green. He said they had 8 million members including 200,000 assassins who could help. This group also knew about the plan to kill 90% of humanity because they had secretly recorded a meeting at the Bohemian Grove where they discussed all of this.

Members of this group had long worked with Western secret societies, for example by supplying them with heroin from the golden triangle. However, it was the attempt to kill them off with SARS, a bio-weapon designed to kill Asians, that finally put them on a war footing.

You can imagine my shock and disorientation in running into all of this over the space of just a week. As someone who had lived his whole life in the official open world as seen in the public record, this was mind-boggling, to say the least. In any case, since I could not agree with a plan to kill 90% of humanity, I decided to go along with the Asian secret society.

At first, being a peace-loving journalist, I thought of ideas like maybe the Asian secret society could show 9.11 truth movies in Chinatown movie theaters. However, eventually, I had what I call my “Kill Bill” moment. In the movie Kill Bill, there is a scene where a female assassin (played by Uma Thurman) is in a desperate fight for her life with a one-eyed opponent. When Thurman plucks out her opponent’s eye, suddenly the fight is over.

What I realized was that most Westerners (like me) had no idea what their secret leaders were up to and would be appalled if they found out. The flaw of the secret Western government was that it was highly centralized. So, I advised the Asian secret society to “pluck out the eye.” I gave them a list of all the people who were members of the Bilderberg, the Council on Foreign Relations, and the Trilateral Commission. I said if you target them, you can stop the planned genocide.

Later when the earthquake machine threat was made directly to me I responded that “you can’t stop assassinations with an earthquake machine.”

The other thing I suggested to the Asian Secret Society was that buying U.S. government bonds was worse than buying opium. “At least opium gives you pleasure but now you are paying them to kill you,” is what I told a top adviser to the Chinese Politburo.

In any case, the Asian Secret Society became mobilized. They threatened to kill the Western elite and also stopped buying U.S. government bonds. Thus the attempt to kill off 90% of humanity was stalled. This was the real background to the so-called “Lehman shock,” financial crisis of 2008, and the birth of the Obama administration.

However, the secret war had only begun. A lot of new players emerged from the shadows following these events.

Next week I will talk about how I met David Rockefeller. I will also discuss meeting such groups as the Black Sun, the Illuminati (in two flavors), the secret space program Nazis, the Russian FSB, and former MI6 head Dr. Michael Van de Meer.

Please stay tuned…

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jeremyhodge2 · 4 years

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The Rise of the New Sunni Elite in Iraq: The Case of Fallujah

London School of Economics: 16 November 2020

By Anand Gopal and Jeremy Hodge

In August 2019, Iraqi Federal Police showed up at the mayor’s office in Fallujah to expel ʿAissa al-Sayir, the mayor, who had long been a key player in the city’s politics. Citing voting irregularities, the Anbar Governorate deployed the police after Sayir refused to give up his post. The event attracted little notice in the international press, but within Iraq many observers believed that the ultimate mover in this drama was not the local government at all, but Muhammad al-Halbusi, the Speaker of the Iraqi parliament, and one of the wealthiest businessmen in Anbar. The removal of Fallujah’s mayor represented a changing of the guard in Sunni politics, as a new elite seeks to assert itself in the post-ISIS era.

The discussion of ISIS in Iraq often focuses on Sunni-Shia divides, but this tends to ignore the crucial role of intra-Sunni dynamics in preserving the peace. In post-ISIS Iraq, the Sunni elite have split, with one segment allying itself to Baghdad and reaping enormous benefits – for itself and for cities like Fallujah – while the other segment has found itself excluded from patronage. Those, like Halbusi, who prove willing to bridge confessional divides are the winners in this new Iraq, while the old Sunni elite who cling to pre-war alignments are the losers. Understanding this divide is crucial to ensuring a lasting political settlement.

The New Elite: The Rise of Muhammad al-Halbusi

Muhammad al-Halbusi is one of the most powerful Sunnis in the country, but he derives this status not from a grassroots base but rather by virtue of his alliance with the Fatah parliamentary bloc, which is led by figures linked to the powerful Iran-backed Badr Brigade. Hailing from the town of Garma in Fallujah’s northeastern outskirts, al-Halbusi belongs to the Halbus clan. Pre-2003, the Halbus was far less influential than Fallujah’s other tribes, and exerted little influence on the Baʿathist state. The clan also had few ties to the Iraqi Muslim Brotherhood, which in the late Saddam years was an important actor in Fallujah. After 2003, marginalised clans like the Halbus did not make up an important part of the mainstream anti-U.S. resistance; instead, it was jihadi groups like al-Qaʿeda in Iraq that recruited heavily from the ranks of the Halbus and similar lower-status clans.

In this environment, Muhammad al-Halbusi, who had a degree in engineering, distinguished himself from the majority of his compatriots by working openly with the Americans as early as 2003 on renovation and reconstruction projects. In June 2004, al-Halbusi’s firm, Steel Company Ltd., was one of many Iraqi companies sub-contracted to work on a $28.6 million water treatment facility in Fallujah. The project soon stalled due to the deteriorating security situation and contractor negligence; by 2005, FluorAMEC, the American firm leading the project, estimated that it would cost $51.3 million to complete the project. By 2011, this had risen to $107.8 million. By this point, Muhammad al-Halbusi had become a major player in Fallujah. Three years later, he was elected to represent the city in parliament.

The Old Elite: The Decline of ʿAissa al-Sayir

The political trajectory of Aissa al-Sayir, the ousted Fallujah mayor, was the mirror opposite of Halbusi’s. Understanding his rise and fall requires exploring the complex relationship between the Baʿth regime and Islamist movements before 2003. During the 1970s and 1980s, Saddam Hussein’s government carried out extensive repression of the Iraqi Muslim Brotherhood, sentencing many to death. However, by the 1990s the Iraqi president’s stance towards the group began to shift, especially as the regime looked to promote an alternative Islamist vision that could compete with, and be more easily managed than, Saudi-linked Salafism. In 1991, dozens of Brotherhood leaders saw their sentences commuted, and were eventually released. In Fallujah and elsewhere in Anbar, Brotherhood figures such as Abd al-Razaq al-Saʿadi and Makki Hussein al-Kubaysi, who had been operating covertly, began to proselytise in the open, often in conjunction with the Baʿth party’s Faith Campaign. (Al-Kubaysi was an associate of Baʿthist Faith Campaigner Subhei Samara’i, promoting pro-Ba’athist variant of Brotherhood thinking; ʿAbd al-Razaq al-Saʿadi meanwhile, brother of Brotherhood leader ʿAbd al-Malik al-Saʿadi, was close with ʿAbd al-Latif al-Humaym, another pro-Baʿathist cleric who was among the richest families in Anbar.) Many of these figures became key leaders in the post-2003 insurgency; Makki al-Kubaysi, for example, became one of the founders of the Association of Muslim Scholars, a body that funnelled funds to Brotherhood-linked insurgent groups such as the 1920 Revolutionaries Brigades and the Islamic Army of Iraq.

One of the leaders who emerged from this milieu was ʿAissa al-Sayir. Having graduated with the rank of Lieutenant from Iraq’s Police Academy in 1993, al-Sayir had solid Baʿthist credentials. At the same time, his tribe, the Albu ʿAissa, had contributed more members to the ranks of Fallujah’s Muslim Brotherhood than any other tribe. After 2003, ʿAissa himself became a high-ranking member of the Brotherhood’s political front, the Iraqi Islamic Party (IIP). Many prominent IIP-affiliated figures who dominated Sunni politics after 2003, such as Rafa al-ʿAissawi and Khamis Khanjar, were similarly Albu ʿAissa tribesmen from Fallujah. Following the US invasion, IIP chapters throughout Anbar seized control of city councils, police departments, and the Anbar provincial council, liaising with the Americans while simultaneously funding the 1920’s Revolutionary Brigades, the Islamic Army of Iraq, and other insurgent groups.

In 2007, the IIP in Fallujah formed a new armed faction, Hamas Iraq, which joined the US-backed Sahwa – ‘Awakening’ – movement against al-Qaʿeda. Al-Sayir, who was officially serving as an ‘aide’ to the police chief, moonlighted as the commander of Hamas Iraq. Hamas Iraq is widely believed to have exploited the cover provided by the Sahwa to lead a campaign of arrests and executions against the IIP’s political enemies. For a brief period in 2011 and 2012, al-Sayir spent time in jail following a government crackdown on the IIP and other Sunni politicians such as Rafi al-ʿAissawi and former Iraqi Vice President Tariq al-Hashemi.

However, following the re-emergence of al-Qa’eda in Iraq as ISIS in 2013, a rapprochement occurred between the IIP and the Iraqi government, which sought an Islamist ally to thwart the appeal of ISIS among Sunnis. In provincial elections that April, the IIP catapulted back to power throughout Anbar, regaining influence over the governorship, provincial council, and numerous other bodies. In 2015, al-Sayir was appointed mayor of Fallujah.

The Birth of a New Era

Though the rise of ISIS proved useful for the IIP, it paid far greater dividends for the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF), a massive umbrella body comprised of mostly Shiʿa militias that operated in partnership with – but not under the purview of – regular Iraqi army forces. Even the PMF’s critics acknowledged its indispensable role in defeating ISIS, a legacy that granted the group political capital during the May 2018 parliamentary elections. The factions closest to Iran united as the Fatah Alliance. Muhammad al-Halbusi was by now a rival of the IIP, who sought to monopolise resource distribution and exclude those outside their patronage network, especially with an independent power base like al-Halbusi. So he took the unusual step of throwing his lot in with Fatah, a pro-Iran party. The gamble paid off, as Halbusi was elected Iraq’s Speaker of Parliament, despite the fact that his party, Al-Hal Alliance, had won few votes.

‘We supported Muhammad al-Halbusi to become speaker of Iraq’s parliament,’ said Hadi al-Ameri, Chairman of the Fatah Alliance and the Badr Brigades. ‘He’s a man of his word.’ Throughout 2020, Fatah MPs have publicly defended al-Halbusi from attempts by IIP-affiliated officials to submit a vote of no-confidence and have him impeached. Al-Halbusi’s Al-Hal Alliance used such support to supplant the IIP as the new power broker in Anbar province. It has also benefited from independent revenue streams, such as that of Jamal al-Karbuli, a wealthy Sunni businessman from Masyab, a mixed-sect city in southern Iraq where the Badr Brigades maintain a strong presence. Both the Governor of Anbar that ordered ʿAissa al-Sayir’s removal, ʿAli Farhan al-Dulayimi, and al-Sayir’s replacement, Muwayyed Farhan al-Dulaymi, are members of the Al-Hal Alliance and owe their status to deals made by al-Halbusi in parliament.

Since al-Halbusi’s appointment, Fallujah has witnessed a massive reconstruction boom. Hundreds of new residential units have popped up. Officials are paving the city’s main thoroughfares, rebuilding the important al-Muwazafin bridge, and are working on the city’s water treatment facility. (This latter project is being paid for with a $285 million loan from the Japanese International Cooperation Agency in 2015.)

The rivalry between al-Halbusi and the IIP in Fallujah, rooted in old socio-economic cleavages, is now oriented around seeking to benefit from such lucrative contracts. Shortly before his dismissal, ʿAissa al-Sayir was rumoured to have met with Khamis Khanjar, a fellow Albu ʿAissa tribesman with historical links to the IIP and who, like al-Halbusi, has used his riches to influence national politics, making the two bitter enemies. Khanjar’s own party, ‘the Arab Project,’ includes in its ranks IIP figures such as Rafa al-ʿAissawi and Tariq al-Hashimi, targets of the government’s crackdown on Sunni politicians in 2011–12. Prior to his removal, opponents accused al-Sayir of stalling reconstruction projects in Fallujah in order to ensure that the city’s IIP elite won the contracts. However, since al-Sayir’s departure, al-Halbusi has become something of a ‘city boss’ in Fallujah, with companies linked to him and his Al-Hal Alliance monopolising funds pouring into the city.

Social media gives a sense of the reach of al-Halbusi’s patronage network. Fallujah’s mayor, for example, recently tweeted using the hashtag #Fallujah_in_the_eyes_of_Halbusi’s_men a video of two supporters standing on the city’s renovated main thoroughfare, praising their benefactor:

Rebuilding Fallujah has brought tremendous benefits for the city. That such efforts are linked to a political force rooted in a cross-sect alliance is a cause for optimism. Al-Halbusi himself has promoted his alliance with Fatah using just such a narrative, declaring that following after the horrors of ISIS, Iraqis are ready to move past confessional divides.

Yet in allying with the Badr Brigades and in marginalising the old Sunni elite, Halbusi and the new elite risk stoking resentment in Anbar – potentially creating fault lines that ISIS-like groups can exploit in the future. The mass graves dotting the surroundings of Fallujah, left behind by Iran-backed militias, remain unaccounted for. (Recently, for example, al-Halbusi refused to point fingers at the militias when a few dozen bodies turned up in al-Babil governorate, where many Sunnis had been abducted and killed). Tens of thousands who have lost their family members due to these militias remain without justice, or a truth and reconciliation process. Through such partnerships, Halbusi has added to the sense in Fallujah that these militias are able to operate with impunity. Meanwhile, the IIP continues to exert an influence. Its members proliferate the ranks of Anbar’s Sunni middle class, and occupy many bureaucratic posts in local government and in key industries. The best hope for a stable Iraq is a lasting political settlement, which will depend on the country’s resources – in terms of reconstruction funds and access to justice – being shared equitably across its society.

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bowsetter · 5 years

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Crypto Outpaces Political Donation Laws in Japan

A major Japanese news publication has reported that crypto donations to individual politicians are legal and do not need to be reported publicly as donations. Japan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications verified that even though it is illegal to donate cash or securities directly to a politician or political campaign, crypto donations still fly under the radar due to technicalities in classification. The loophole has some commentators in the country saying current laws “do not keep pace with the times.”

Also Read: Liechtenstein Adopts Token Act to Attract Crypto Business

Unreported Crypto Donations Are Legal

Japanese media outlet Yomiuri Shimbun reported Saturday that “Cryptographic assets, donations to individuals [are] legal,” even where direct individual donations to politicians currently are not when it comes to Japanese yen and marketable securities, stocks and bonds.

Under current provisions, political donations in fiat currencies and other standard instruments must be donated to a political organization and be publicly reported by the receiving entity as such. Due to technicalities in classification, however, cryptographic assets fly below this regulatory ordinance, according to Japan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. As it stands, individual politicians are thus able to receive individual crypto campaign funding without reporting the donations publicly.

Infographic detailing the current legal status of political donations under Japanese law. Source: Yomiuri Shimbun.

Although crypto has a status as legally accepted currency in Japan, the Political Funds Control Law governing donations reportedly fails to include crypto assets as prohibited money or securities for individual political donations due to crypto’s differentiation from the national fiat yen and its derivatives. These laws may be updated soon to establish greater transparency in the political process. The article quotes Japanese University Law professor Tomoaki Iwai stating:

The current law does not keep pace with the times.

Technology Outrunning Government

Centralized governments falling behind technological innovation is nothing new, and while regulators will likely hop on this new discovery soon to close the door to crypto-enabled under-the-table funding routes, it does serve to demonstrate the power of the tech in general. For those who entered the crypto space at least in part due to the privacy, autonomy and efficiency of crypto assets, the situation in Japan presents a real life proof of concept: centralized regulation, by its very nature, will always fail to keep up with decentralized and rapidly-evolving technologies.

One Twitter user commented on the story, noting that the current situation is a kind of anachronism, posting a well-known Japanese cartoon depicting an old-era bureaucrat and his rich donor talking about how corrupt they are together, with the bureaucrat saying slyly to the donor, “You’re bad too.” @Nishi8maru states in his tweet that “this legal status is a typical example of an anachronism.”

Users in the thread voiced confusion and disbelief at the news, noting that the Japanese Financial Services Agency (FSA) already regulates crypto and that it is a taxable asset for everyone, which has to be reported by private individuals. Some stated that politicians simply use and create laws to serve themselves. Whatever the case, crypto has once again shown itself to be an effective tool in evading regulation. If politicians can use it to serve their own ends, however arguably corrupt or virtuous those may be, the story leaves some asking how everyday individuals can leverage the same innovative power of financial sovereignty in their own lives, kings and bureaucrats be damned.

What are your thoughts on the status of crypto donations for politicians in Japan? Let us know in the comments section below.

Image credits: Shutterstock, fair use.

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