vonnamoc

[vonnamoc]

"The Global Campaign for Women's Empowerment."

The global campaign for women's empowerment is a movement that aims to enhance the status of women in society by providing equal opportunities and access to resources, rights, and representation. This campaign is essential because women worldwide face significant challenges related to gender inequality, such as discrimination, violence, and limited access to education and healthcare. By promoting women's empowerment, we can address these issues and work towards building a more just and equal society.

The global campaign for women's empowerment is a movement that seeks to improve the position of women in society by granting them equal access to resources, rights, and representation. This campaign is vital because women around the world confront substantial obstacles connected to gender inequality, including discrimination, violence, and limited access to education and healthcare. By empowering women, we can address these concerns and seek to construct a more just and equitable society.

Existence of international legal instruments that encourage gender equality is a crucial component of the worldwide struggle for women's empowerment. These legislative documents provide international norms for the preservation and advancement of women's rights and serve as the foundation for local campaigns and initiatives. For instance, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is an international human rights convention that establishes women's rights and seeks to secure their full involvement in all parts of society. CEDAW has been ratified by nearly every country in the globe, making it a potent instrument for promoting women's rights worldwide.

In the Philippines, the case of Karen Vertido illustrates the significance of international legal mechanisms in local struggles for equality. Karen Vertido was a victim of sexual harassment at work and experienced considerable obstacles in her pursuit of justice. Yet, her efforts ultimately resulted in the passage of the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995, which was based on CEDAW's principles. This law criminalizes sexual harassment in the workplace and offers victims with protection and recourse.

The Karen Vertido case exemplifies how international legal mechanisms can be utilized to help local equality movements. The Anti-Sexual Harassment Act was based on the provisions of CEDAW, and the global support for women's rights helped to motivate local activists and legislators to pass the law. International legal mechanisms guarantee the presence of a global norm for women's rights, which can be utilized to hold governments accountable and provide a foundation for local efforts.

It is essential to stress, however, that international legal mechanisms are insufficient to accomplish women's empowerment. Local campaigns and initiatives are particularly essential for advancing gender equality, as they can address specific cultural and socioeconomic obstacles that may impede development. In some cultures, for instance, conventional gender roles may restrict women's access to school and employment prospects, necessitating local initiatives to challenge these norms and advance women's empowerment.

In conclusion, the global struggle for women's empowerment is crucial for the development of a more equitable and just society. International legal frameworks such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) provide a framework for promoting women's rights globally and serve as a foundation for local campaigns and initiatives. The Philippine case of Karen Vertido is a great illustration of how international legal mechanisms can promote local equality movements. Nonetheless, it is essential to note that local campaigns and initiatives are also essential for fostering women's empowerment, as they can address specific cultural and societal barriers that may impede development. By collaborating on a global and local scale, we can ensure that women's rights are safeguarded and supported, and that all persons have the chance to develop and contribute to society.

The importance of international legal instruments in local campaigns for equality can be seen in the Karen Vertido case in the Philippines. Karen Vertido was a victim of sexual harassment in the workplace and faced significant challenges in pursuing justice for her case. However, her efforts eventually led to the passing of the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995, which was based on the provisions of CEDAW. This law criminalizes sexual harassment in the workplace and provides protection and remedies for victims.

The Karen Vertido case is a clear example of how international legal instruments can be used to support local campaigns for equality. The provisions of CEDAW provided a basis for the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act, and the global support for women's rights helped to mobilize local activists and lawmakers to pass the law. The existence of international legal instruments ensures that there is a global standard for women's rights, which can be used to hold governments accountable and provide a framework for local campaigns.

However, it is important to note that international legal instruments are not enough to achieve women's empowerment. Local campaigns and initiatives are also critical to promoting gender equality, as they can address specific cultural and social barriers that may hinder progress. For example, in some cultures, traditional gender roles may limit women's access to education and employment opportunities, and local campaigns may be necessary to challenge these norms and promote women's empowerment.

In conclusion, the global campaign for women's empowerment is essential for building a more just and equal society. International legal instruments such as CEDAW provide a framework for promoting women's rights globally and serve as a basis for local campaigns and initiatives. The Karen Vertido case in the Philippines is a clear example of how international legal instruments can support local campaigns for equality. However, it is important to remember that local campaigns and initiatives are also critical to promoting women's empowerment, as they can address specific cultural and social barriers that may hinder progress. By working together on both a global and local level, we can ensure that women's rights are protected and promoted, and that all individuals have the opportunity to thrive and contribute to society.

The global campaign for women's empowerment is a movement that seeks to improve the position of women in society by granting them equal access to resources, rights, and representation. This campaign is vital because women around the world confront substantial obstacles connected to gender inequality, including discrimination, violence, and limited access to education and healthcare. By empowering women, we can address these concerns and seek to construct a more just and equitable society.

Existence of international legal instruments that encourage gender equality is a crucial component of the worldwide struggle for women's empowerment. These legislative documents provide international norms for the preservation and advancement of women's rights and serve as the foundation for local campaigns and initiatives. For instance, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is an international human rights convention that establishes women's rights and seeks to secure their full involvement in all parts of society. CEDAW has been ratified by nearly every country in the globe, making it a potent instrument for promoting women's rights worldwide.

In the Philippines, the case of Karen Vertido illustrates the significance of international legal mechanisms in local struggles for equality. Karen Vertido was a victim of sexual harassment at work and experienced considerable obstacles in her pursuit of justice. Yet, her efforts ultimately resulted in the passage of the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995, which was based on CEDAW's principles. This law criminalizes sexual harassment in the workplace and offers victims with protection and recourse.

The Karen Vertido case exemplifies how international legal mechanisms can be utilized to help local equality movements. The Anti-Sexual Harassment Act was based on the provisions of CEDAW, and the global support for women's rights helped to motivate local activists and legislators to pass the law. International legal mechanisms guarantee the presence of a global norm for women's rights, which can be utilized to hold governments accountable and provide a foundation for local efforts.

It is essential to stress, however, that international legal mechanisms are insufficient to accomplish women's empowerment. Local campaigns and initiatives are particularly essential for advancing gender equality, as they can address specific cultural and socioeconomic obstacles that may impede development. In some cultures, for instance, conventional gender roles may restrict women's access to school and employment prospects, necessitating local initiatives to challenge these norms and advance women's empowerment.

In conclusion, the global struggle for women's empowerment is crucial for the development of a more equitable and just society. International legal frameworks such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) provide a framework for promoting women's rights globally and serve as a foundation for local campaigns and initiatives. The Philippine case of Karen Vertido is a great illustration of how international legal mechanisms can promote local equality movements. Nonetheless, it is essential to note that local campaigns and initiatives are also essential for fostering women's empowerment, as they can address specific cultural and societal barriers that may impede development. By collaborating on a global and local scale, we can ensure that women's rights are safeguarded and supported, and that all persons have the chance to develop and contribute to society.

[vonnamoc]

Prostitution

Prostitution is a global problem that dates back centuries. It is a form of exploitation of vulnerable people, primarily women and children, who are forced to participate due to poverty, lack of education, or societal stigma. The core cause of prostitution is complicated, but poverty, gender inequality, and human trafficking are the three major contributing causes.

The major reason for prostitution is poverty. Many people, particularly women, are pushed into prostitution because they have no other means of subsistence. They may originate from destitute backgrounds or be victims of economic hardship caused by unemployment, lack of education, or discrimination. The fact that prostitution provides a quick source of income makes it a tempting alternative for many.

Second, gender inequality contributes significantly to the persistence of prostitution. In numerous civilizations, women are considered subordinate to men, and their access to education, employment, and healthcare is restricted. This frequently results in women's marginalization and poverty, rendering them susceptible to exploitation. In certain communities, women are considered as sexual objects, and men have dominion over their bodies. This image of women reinforces the cycle of exploitation by increasing the demand for prostitution.

Human trafficking is an additional cause of prostitution. Human traffickers frequently target vulnerable persons for sexual exploitation motives. They may employ force, deception, or coercion in order to recruit and control their victims. Human trafficking victims are frequently forced to work in brothels, massage parlors, or the streets.

To address the core causes of prostitution, three practical and strategic solutions have been offered. Among these answers are the expansion of economic opportunities, the promotion of gender equality, and the prevention of human trafficking.

The first option is to expand individuals' access to economic possibilities. This can be accomplished through the creation of job training programs, the provision of education, and the provision of microfinance loans to launch small companies. By giving individuals with the resources to support themselves, prostitution will be less likely to occur.

The second solution is gender equality promotion. This can be accomplished through the implementation of policies that promote women's equal rights and opportunities. Governments can also aim to eliminate gender discrimination in education, employment, and healthcare. By empowering women and encouraging their social involvement, they will have more access to economic possibilities and be less susceptible to exploitation.

Preventing human trafficking is the third solution. This can be accomplished through raising awareness of the hazards of human trafficking and offering assistance to victims. Governments can also enact more stringent legislation to prohibit human trafficking and punish individuals who engage in this unlawful activity. Moreover, education and awareness efforts can be developed to alert the public of the dangers and repercussions of human trafficking.

Conclusion: prostitution is a multifaceted problem with various core causes. The persistence of prostitution is facilitated by poverty, gender inequality, and human trafficking. To address these core issues, however, it is possible to employ pragmatic and strategic solutions. We can establish a society that is more egalitarian and less susceptible to exploitation by expanding economic possibilities, fostering gender equality, and eliminating human trafficking.

[vonnamoc]

 "Why is it imperative to pass a SOGIE Equality Law as part of gender justice?"

Gender justice requires a SOGIE (Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, and Expression) Equality Law. It seeks to protect persons from discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression. This law is significant because it assures that everyone receives equal protection under the law, regardless of their gender identity or sexual orientation.

SOGIE-based discrimination is a pervasive issue that impacts many people, particularly those who identify as LGBTQ+. In many nations, including the Philippines, LGBTQ+ individuals encounter discrimination in work, education, healthcare, and housing, among others. In addition, they are subject to physical and verbal abuse, harassment, and violence. Social conventions and prejudices that stigmatize and marginalize individuals who do not comply to standard gender roles and heterosexual norms can perpetuate these discriminatory practices.

It is essential to pass a SOGIE Equality Legislation in order to combat prejudice and inequity. This law will protect individuals from discrimination based on their SOGIE and offer them with legal redress if they are subjected to discrimination. It will also assist to increase knowledge and acceptance of a variety of gender identities and expressions, hence reducing stigma and discrimination.

In addition, a SOGIE Equality Law must be passed to defend the values of gender equity. Everyone, regardless of their gender identity, expression, or sexual orientation, must have equal access to rights and opportunities. This includes the right to live without prejudice, education, health care, and a fair and equal justice system.

Gender justice also necessitates recognizing and valuing the unique experiences and viewpoints of each gender. Passage of a SOGIE Equality Law can foster better acceptance and understanding of varied gender identities and expressions, leading to more inclusive and fair laws and practices.

Therefore, passing a SOGIE Equality Legislation alone is insufficient. It must be complemented by awareness-raising, education, and acceptance-promoting initiatives. This can be accomplished by public campaigns, educational programs, and community participation, particularly with religious organizations and schools.

In addition, the implementation and enforcement of a SOGIE Equality Law are crucial to ensure that it has a genuine impact on the lives of individuals. This requires enough resources, training for law enforcement officers and other relevant parties, and procedures for monitoring and reporting progress and identifying areas for improvement.

In conclusion, the passage of a SOGIE Equality Legislation is vital for gender equality. It is a key step in guaranteeing that everyone, regardless of gender identity, expression, or sexual orientation, is afforded equal legal protection. Yet, it must be complemented by measures to raise knowledge, encourage acceptance, and guarantee effective implementation and enforcement. Only then can we achieve more gender equity and establish a society that is more inclusive and equal for everybody.

[vonnamoc]

"The Way Women Are."

Liberal feminism asserts that gender differences are not rooted in biology and, thus, that women and men are not all that dissimilar — their shared humanity trumps their procreative disparities. If women and men are not distinct, then the law should not treat them differently. Women should have the same rights and educational and employment opportunities as males. It also has an effect on indigenous women, who have it far worse. Women are 11 times more likely to die as a result of marital violence than males. Even for males, it is detrimental since it imposes difficult standards to meet. It places a limit on the emotionality of men. Therefore, individuals can never express their true emotions without being condemned. Similarly, in many locations, males do not take parental leave. All of this ultimately leads in more male suicides. Therefore, it affects everyone. Gender discrimination is the unequal distribution of rights between men and women. It differs due of their gender roles, resulting in uneven treatment throughout life. Gender inequality has existed for many ages. As we evolve, though, it is time to abandon such conceptions of gender roles. Therefore, the essay about gender discrimination shall cover the topic in depth. Gender discrimination has a significant influence on the entirety of society. It affects the entirety of society, not just a subset of individuals. First, it affects children, who are susceptible to gender preconceptions from an early age. Moreover, it affects young people since it influences their behavior, academic decisions, aspirations, and attitudes, among other things. Thus, many girls do not participate in sports, and women are more likely than males to encounter physical abuse. Next, we have discrimination against adults based on their gender due to the gender wage disparity in the working class. Men earn more than women for performing the same task. In addition, elderly women are more likely than males to become homeless. The primary contribution of liberal feminism is demonstrating how discriminatory modern society is against women. It was effective in removing numerous barriers to women's admittance into historically male-dominated industries and professions in the United States, contributed to salary parity, and helped decriminalize abortion and other reproductive rights. However, liberal feminism was unable to dispel the prevalent notion that women and men are inherently distinct. It was somewhat more successful in demonstrating that women are not inferior despite their differences from males.

[vonnamoc]

The State of the Filipino Women: Facilitating and Hindering Factors.

The Situation of Women/Gender in Economic Activities, the Philippine Commission on Women (PCW) oversees women's issues, functions as a catalyst for gender mainstreaming, and is the country's leading champion for women's empowerment. It focuses on the Women's Priority Legislative Agenda, gender-responsive governance, leadership and political involvement, violence against women, and economic empowerment for women. However, the Philippines still faces obstacles. Poverty and vulnerability continue to be significant concerns for rural and indigenous women. Every day, eleven women die from pregnancy and childbirth-related problems, and many still lack access to gainful jobs. The current situation of women in the Philippines is both a reason for hope and an impetus for accelerating efforts to improve women's access to employment. On several fronts, the Philippines is a regional and worldwide leader in gender equality in the East Asia and Pacific (EAP) area. The Philippines are ranked seventeenth in the most recent Global Gender Gap report, having reduced 78.4% of the overall gender gap. This performance ranks second in the EAP area, behind only New Zealand. The Philippine Magna Carta for Women, a historic statute enacted nearly 13 years ago that seeks to end discrimination against women, has been a major factor in the improvement. What are the hurdles to women's involvement in the labor force in the Philippines? The majority of employed women are concentrated in low-skill jobs. Women in low-skilled professions try to prevent slipping into poverty, whereas women in high-skilled employment prefer to choose jobs with high earnings potential. Despite the fact that many women work in private establishments or are self-employed, a significant proportion (approximately 10%) of women are employed for free in family-owned businesses and as domestic workers, occupations that offer fewer opportunities for skill development and career advancement. In contrast, men make up just 4% of these vocations. An notable takeaway from the COVID-19 lockdown was that more than one-third of employed women (35%) were able to work from home, compared to only 19% of working males. The epidemic has also created new chances for working from home in businesses such as business process outsourcing and e-commerce. In addition, a big number of women are prevented from pursuing fruitful work prospects by their family duties, and the proportion of women in professions requiring a high level of expertise decreases significantly when they have small children. Having gotten married and having a kid between 0 and 2 years of age diminishes the likelihood of women participating in the labor force by 7 to 14 percentage points. This detrimental effect is mitigated by the presence of domestic help, illustrating how economic inequities exacerbate gender discrepancies.

[vonnamoc]

"Can Contracts Be Invalidated Due to COVID 19?"

It is anticipated that the actions related to the Covid 19 Pandemic would put to the test legal requirements and contractual stipulations pertaining to force majeure occurrences and unusual changes in situation that influence the ability of parties to execute contractual commitments. The term "force majeure," which refers to an external cause beyond the control of the parties involved, is defined as "superior or unstoppable force" in the dictionary.

Both natural disasters like floods and typhoons, as well as man-made upheavals like demonstrations and conflicts, count as "acts of God" in the Philippines. Because of the unavoidable or unpredictable character of such circumstances, Article 1174 of the Civil Code of the Philippines (the "Civil Code") relieves obligors from responsibility for failure to execute commitments under contracts. Such a general rule, however, does not apply where (a) required by law, (b) differently proclaimed by agreement, or (c) the duty entails the acceptance of risk. The following conditions must be met for a claim of force majeure to be successful: (a) the cause of the breach of the obligation must be independent of the will of the debtor; (b) the event must be either unforeseeable or unavoidable; (c) the event must be such that it renders it impossible for the debtor to fulfill his obligation in the ordinary course of events; and (d) the debtor must be free from any participation in, or aggravatio of, the event.

Additional sections in the Civil Code reduce or exclude responsibility when unexpected events occur, and Art. 1174 is only one example. These are handled the same way as lucky occurrences.

A. Doctrine of unforeseen events B. Impossibility of the performance of obligations C. Extraordinary inflation or deflation of currency D. Lease of rural lands

The owners of companies whose contracts may be impacted by the Covid 19 Pandemic are advised to analyze such contracts and use the appropriate force majeure provisions (contractual stipulations or by operation of law as above discussed). Complying with requirements (such notification and mitigation of adverse impacts) to handle issues brought on by COVID-19 and the enforced quarantine measures might be aided by reviewing the applicable force majeure provisions. These factors are, of course, dependent on the specifics of the contract at hand. Additional clauses establishing periods for extension in completing responsibilities the execution of which was influenced by the fortunate occurrence may be useful in service agreements, for example. Force majeure may be defined more broadly in distribution agreements to include things like transportation delays and a lack of raw materials. Agreements concerning building projects may alter how time is counted when force majeure occurs.

[vonnamoc]

National Land Use Plan

Land use planning aims to ensure that land is distributed fairly and openly. Land registration is essential for guiding local development pathways and promoting the responsible use of scarce resources. Nonetheless, competing priorities and lack of a political will can make land use planning a contentious issue among government agencies. The land is the foundation of economic stability. Open and fair management is necessary to ensure equitable access and long-term viability. This resource management and the settling of competing interests are made possible by land use planning. It establishes a framework for managed growth in both urban and rural areas. Land use planning in the Philippines follows a hierarchical framework, with most activity occurring at the province and local levels of government. Plans at a lower level, with shorter horizons, are tied to the priorities established at the higher levels of planning. The theoretical framework of the Philippine planning system, including the interaction between plans and hierarchies, has been clearly described for years. The system has been defined by several policies of various agencies with overlapping powers.  For instance, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources is responsible for implementing and enforcing Forest Land Use Plans on vast swaths of forest land in the Philippines. The inability of municipal planners to include these areas in comprehensive land use planning has resulted in a significant gap in the provision of public services to the inhabitants who live in these areas. Capacity training for municipal planning staff and a commitment from sectoral agencies and administration to a more robust interchange of planning and tenure information are essential to effectively implementing improved land use planning. Municipal planning may be jeopardized by politics and special interests, which can undermine technical planning and slow economic growth. Conflicts over land usage are inevitable and are expected to worsen as the world's population grows. Allocating land between competing uses is more complex than just implementing current regulations. Because different policy actors and sector stakeholders disagree on the trade-offs involved in the present policy thrusts, there are significant gaps between land use policy and implementation. For instance, given that most jobs are created in expanding urban areas, it is essential to realize that establishing food self-sufficiency and accompanying limits on agricultural land conversion may affect economic development and employment production. Similarly, if urban growth is not limited, farmers will lose their land, harming the majority of the poor, who depend on the sector for their survival. Policymakers should create a national land use policy that will address policy gaps and integrate current land use rules to resolve land use disputes. However, policies on the protection or sustainability of key production areas or employment activities, especially in the rural areas, would significantly contribute to achieving poverty reduction, social welfare, social justice, and inclusive growth; promotion of denser, integrated, and connected urban areas, with affordable higher density housing, and conducive to commercial and industrial activity, should be given more weight.

[vonnamoc]

"Divorce: To Legalize or Not."

Divorce was not a new concept in Philippine society, as shown by looking at the country's past. Absolute divorce was lawful in the Philippines under Japanese rule and before the Spanish colonization, when both men and women may get divorced based on adultery, childlessness, and inability to meet their marital duties. The Catholic Church's strictures on women's rights in Spain damaged this liberty. Although our nation has no divorce statute, the family code provides legal separation as a related divorce. What has remained of divorce-free nations is a strong belief in and respect for religion has remained in divorce-free nations. Filipinos have a strong belief in Catholicism, yet the law prevents the presence of divorce in our nation. According to Article XV Section 2 of the 1987 Constitution, "marital union" and "family" are inviolable social institutions, and "protection of marriage as the cornerstone of the family" is the state's foremost priority. Divorce legislation may be inconsistent with this provision. Marriage is a specific contract of PERMANENT UNION entered into in conformity with legislation for creating a conjugal and family life, according to Article 1 of the Family Code.

Divorce laws are unnecessary since there are other ways to break up unhappy relationships.

In the event of persistent aggression and physical abuse, sexual adultery, a criminal conviction with a sentence of more than six years, or desertion, the couple may be granted a legal separation. This choice makes remarriage impossible, and the pair must preserve their faithfulness. To avoid charges of concubinage or adultery, those who are lawfully divorced from their marriages should refrain from having sexual encounters.

Declaring the nullity of marriage invalid means marriage is never valid. Illegitimate children are born out of this sort of union. Minors who were married without their parent's permission or in an unlawful ceremony have this legal remedy at their disposal. Marriages based on bigamy, mistaken identification, and incest may also be deemed invalid from the outset.

An annulment is a court order that renders a marriage valid until the decree of nullity is issued. People under the influence of drugs or alcohol during their marriage might take advantage of this legal alternative. In addition, couples who were married under dubious circumstances, such as failing to disclose a sexually transmitted illness, an extramarital pregnancy, a criminal record, or a diagnosis of addiction, impotence, or homosexuality, may seek an annulment of their vows. An invalid marriage may be proclaimed under Article 36 of the Family Code if one of the spouses cannot fulfill his or her duties as a married person due to a mental illness. The "Philippine de facto Divorce Law" has been employed often by couples looking for a way out of their marriages. Divorce laws would still be in the hands of our legislators, many of whom have purchased failed marital goods, and the legislation would likely be favorable to them as a result.

Divorce legislation in the Philippines is one method to fix the country's many difficulties. Many couples who get into a fight end up committing crimes and becoming violent because of their psychological tension. They may have done this as a result of the course or as a result of their desire to get out of that awful environment. Divorce and returning to normalcy or a hard-fought effort to save the partnership even when the odds are stacked against you are two different options. Being legally divorced and remarried is more wicked than staying with someone you do not want to be with.

The prospect of divorce and the need to pay alimony or child support will deter spouses from cheating. Hence divorce benefits the family and marriages as a whole.

Since impoverished couples cannot afford time-consuming annulment procedures, the nation has a de facto divorce statute in the form of an annulment provision. An absolute divorce law would be an answer for Filipinos living in other countries. There are many Filipinos who leave the country to work in another country only to come home to discover that their spouse has another lover. Because divorce is illegal in the Philippines, some Filipino couples seek dual citizenship to get a divorce elsewhere. Filipino citizens and foreigners may marry in the Philippines if they are married in a lawful ceremony. A valid divorce is obtained by the foreign spouse abroad, allowing them to remarry. To be clear, there are excellent and terrible marriages. Therefore there is a choice between strengthening good marriages and resolving problematic marriages.

[vonnamoc]

"The State of Human Rights in the Philippines: Yay or Nay?"

Very high in theory and academia, as well as in certain groups. As part of our 1987 Constitution, Article III established an institution whose primary duty is to guarantee that Human Rights Violations in our nation are not ignored and are investigated, at the very least.

The human rights protection community of non-governmental organizations is also quite firm and active. In any case, let us put aside the question of whether these organizations and individuals are sincere in their efforts to maintain the sanctity of our Article III rights and privileges or are merely Leftist front groups seeking to rescue captured comrades and retaliate against the State through HR violations (alleged to have been committed by government forces during battles and other operations). Human rights NGOs in the nation are active, and they have minimal fear of violent retaliation from the government. Our society is one where everyone responds to even the tiniest insults with a threat of violence; thus, it is essential to understand this. To us, an assault necessitates a response of equal or greater magnitude. As long as it is just two civilians fighting over perceived slights, this is OK (in a relative sense), but it is very different when state actors get involved in dealing with "threats." Someone attending a demonstration may be assaulted mercilessly by police attempting to disperse the crowd. A culture of "macho" extends to a culture of violence against women. Look at this, and it is all so laid back. Despite having two female presidents and several female lawmakers and national officials, women are still patriarchal. A woman in leadership in this nation is nothing new, yet women must be submissive to males in many areas around the archipelago. In other words, it is acceptable to use violence or the fear of violence to exert one's authority over someone.

In addition, your rights are linked to your degree of power and income. Because of the present narcotics conflict, drug traffickers, whether actual or falsely accused, face a genuine risk of death at the hands of former colleagues, vigilantes, and even members of the government itself. Meanwhile, high-ranking lords and prosperous peddlers have the opportunity to clear their names.

[vonnamoc]

Is Federalism what the Philippines need?

Given the country's political divisions, the long-term effects of federalism may accelerate the collapse of a united Philippines. Given the above, I categorically oppose any attempt to create federalism in the existing model that resembles the US, India, or Russia. Those who want the federal Philippines should be commended for their willingness to aid the country's poorest areas. Federalism is used to distribute funds from big cities like Manila, Cebu, and Davao to the rest of the country. This is good since the lack of infrastructure discourages local and foreign investment, resulting in fewer businesses in our areas.

Consequently, many provincial inhabitants are obliged to seek a job in the city, which explains the overpopulation and terrible traffic in Manila. Federalism has severe consequences in terms of political power and influence. For the provinces, federalism means more political autonomy. While the federal government remains in control, the federated provinces gain power. It is also great, but it comes with many risks, including the possibility of the Philippines being broken apart. We cannot have greater political sovereignty if the present system does not provide Bangsamoro with more economic and political power. For many Filipino federalists, this is a minor issue. Federalism allows provinces to secede from the rest of the nation.

Similarly, our political culture parallels the USA's, threatening national unity. These issues are not only affecting the US; they are affecting our society as well. In terms of voting, states may be classified as "blue" (pro-Democratic) or "red" (pro-Republican); given that just a few aspects of each party's philosophy overlap, the Democrats' and Republicans''' aims and government quality are significantly different. Some states have better governance than others due to variations in local conditions or administration. The Philippines' ethnolinguistic variety makes it susceptible to "ethnolinguistic self-determination" secession. Federalism threatens national unity in the Philippines, as the Duterteists and the opposition work together to fight one another. Federalism's long-term impacts include political fragmentation, increased risk of secession (and civil war), social and economic progress disparities, and a threat to national unity.

[vonnamoc]

"Is South China Sea Actually the West Philippine Sea?"

The discrepancy between the phrases "South China Sea" and "West Philippine Sea" is critical since it influences our understanding of the subject at hand. While the former relates to China's so-called "historical rights" in the Pacific Ocean's marginal sea, the latter refers to the area of that vast ocean that falls within our jurisdiction under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and includes our territorial sea and exclusive economic zone (UNCLOS). Clearing out what the Philippines claims to be independent of the whole "South China Sea" is vital because the way we use the phrases influences our understanding of what is at stake and has two significant consequences that we must take into account. The Philippines. In the first place, China gains a feeling of ownership of the area we claim as the "West Philippine Sea" by neglecting to address it. As a result of our efforts to convince the public and the international community that the South China Sea is a single entity enables people to believe that China has a valid claim to the area since it is labeled according to their convenience.

For one thing, omitting to recognize the presence of the "West Philippine Sea" in educational and instructional resources like study, books, and maps will hinder our demand from the international community to recognize our claim. In addition to terminology, we also investigate the veracity of assertions. There is a legal foundation for all marine and maritime operations given by an international agreement that China has ratified, but China maintains its claim via the nine-dash line based on "historical rights."

[vonnamoc]

How does law and the legal profession promote social justice and the common good for the peoples of Mindanao?

Social justice refers to a society's equal distribution of money, opportunities, and privileges. Social justice assigns rights and responsibilities within social institutions, allowing people to acquire the essential benefits and costs of cooperation. As humankind's educational ability, social awareness, inculturation, secularism, scientific knowledge, globalization, and acceptance and appreciation of diversity have increased, the importance of social justice in the globe has increased proportionately. Slavery was abolished during the Enlightenment, and women's rights, as well as the political fight for the rights of all workers, gained popularity during the nineteenth century. We are currently feeling the consequences of this historical process. Such profound changes cannot be achieved in a single day. Perhaps another two hundred years or more will pass before mankind achieves even a modicum of worldwide social justice. There is no doubt that we are progressing, even though it sometimes seems as if we are taking two steps ahead and one back. Social justice is imperiled by the alt-right, fascists, and any group set on subjugating the public by coercion and scapegoating minorities. In my perspective, social justice is the individual's right to exist and to do so with agency, free will, and choice, as well as the right to succeed as a consequence of their efforts. This cannot, however, be accomplished at the price of marginalizing, discriminating against, or harming others. This is the constant balance between individual rights and community protection. Acknowledging one's responsibility to one's community is the first step in achieving social justice. The community is headed by persons who have been elected by the populace. Laws facilitate the enjoyment and enforcement of these rights and obligations in the face of other facets of society. The government may impose restrictions on the conduct of individuals or private businesses in order to promote social justice via the enactment, implementation, and enforcement of these laws.

[vonnamoc]

"Utilizing RA 9851 Against Drug War Killings"

Other Crimes Against Humanity are addressed in Section 6 of RA 9851 depending on their application to our situation and the Rome Statute's particular definition. To contextualize, the drug war in the Philippines is widespread, establishing a clear pattern based on several reports, and is directed towards the civilian population, with only a disputed interpretation of its status as a government policy, as it is more implicit than explicit. We witnessed its efficacy in the case of Awal, a member of the Maute-ISIS terrorist group who is a terrorist collaborator who committed rape and sexual slavery during the group's operations. Certain activities are criminalized under Section 6 (g) of RA 9851. We know its absence now as we face an unending drug war in which purposeful killing remains a crime against humanity. Indeed, intentional killing in violation of clause 6(a) is apparent, which is why it is a crime against Filipino citizens - a crime against humanity. President Rodrigo Duterte, the alleged architect and commander-in-chief of the drug war, can be held responsible for crimes committed under his administration under Section 10 (a)(b) of RA 9851, which covers primary responsibility. The PRRD has essentially instructed that Filipinos involved in drug trafficking operations be "neutralized." He was fully aware of the reality of the drug war's toll but chose to remain silent. Despite this awareness, he has continued to make remarks promoting further violence and denigrating anyone who speaks out against him.

On the other hand, section 9 (a) acknowledges the Philippine President's constitutional immunity during his term in office, precluding the court from exercising jurisdiction over the identified vital player in this case. This provision may also apply to Senator Ronald "Bato" Dela Rosa and General Oscar Albayalde, according to section 8. (b). Due to their involvement in and support of illegal activities, they are well-known implementors of the drug war.

Even PNP officials and vigilantes who 'aided, abetted, or helped in the premeditated killings' have given sufficient evidence that they should be held criminally responsible (as opposed to civilly liable) under Penal Code Section 8 (b). Because they are (a) all Filipino nationals, (b) are now residing in the Philippines, and (c) committed the offenses against Filipinos, all of these actors fall within the jurisdiction of the Philippine government when they violate Section 17. Under Section 18, the Regional Trial Courts of the Philippines have original and exclusive jurisdiction over all offenses punished under this act. That is the jurisdiction for the prosecution of these charges. Judge Felix Reyes of the Regional Trial Court Branch 70 in Taguig City had the honor of prosecuting Awal and holding him accountable for the heinousness and brutality with which he carried out his execution. If a desire for truth and justice drove law enforcement authorities, the same technique might be used against those convicted of drug war atrocities. Today, our country is defined by a paucity of investigations and prosecutions of high-ranking officials suspected of extrajudicial executions. Despite RA 9851, no national inquiry or prosecution has happened since the main issue is that we continue to evaluate people's intentions and sincerity. This shows that the ICC possesses all the necessary resources to prosecute the case, given the government's lack of motivation or inclination to pursue responsibility. We can deduce that RA 9851 was used to condemn Junaid Awal. However, due to presidential immunity and a lack of interest in enforcing domestic law against those responsible for today's most egregious crimes against humanity, it is routinely ignored while speaking with high-ranking government officials.

[vonnamoc]

"To Investigate or Not To Investigate?"

Many foreign groups have noted the escalating number of fatalities in the Philippines, which is unfortunate and shocking. Duterte has initiated a war on drugs in the Philippines, resulting in hundreds of extrajudicial killings of alleged drug smugglers and users. This has occurred since he came into power in 2016. "Some reports claim that far more than 86,000 individuals have already been killed in the drug war. On the other hand, the federal government believes that a much lower number has been killed." The United Nations has accused Duterte of approving extrajudicial executions. "Apparent" is an accurate term, as Duterte has given clear directions to the police and the general public to commit killings, which is a violation under international law. International Criminal Court officials have requested permission to examine alleged crimes against humanity owing to Duterte's anti-drug campaign, which has been especially brutal. International criminal court officials described the Duterte administration's efforts to combat drugs, particularly murder, as a crime against humanity. They did so by citing the Rome Statute's Article 7. Article 127 of the Rome Statute mandates that state departure will not terminate any obligations for cooperation with the ICC. However, with that in mind, the ICC can still look into any crimes before the country's exit from the Rome Statute in March 2019. People who live in member states and commit crimes on their territory, regardless of their citizenship, can be held accountable by the ICC.

However, the Philippines withdrew from the ICC on March 17, 2019, and, as of that date, it is no longer a signatory to the ICC. In the end, an arrest warrant and a subpoena may be issued for President Duterte and his "redacted" associates as a result of the investigation. Even if an arrest warrant is issued for him, the President will not travel since he will stay in the Philippines. The ICC would like to bring many people to trial. Hence it is common for the perpetrator to skip court appearances. The ICC's reach continues to expand, and more nations are joining as state parties. I believe he will stay in the Philippines, and it is only because of significant international pressure that the Philippine government will force him to leave. He is probably going to be found guilty on all of the counts. The courts will sooner or later acquire more power and push on governments who do not comply with the court's demands. Two different groups aim to accomplish two things: to hold Duterte accountable for his actions and to protect him from his crimes. Not only is the International Criminal Court having trouble finding and evaluating evidence, but the state has also refused to assist the court in any way. Since the conditions have been established to follow through and punish Duterte for his crimes, it will be impossible for him and his collaborators to gain power again.

[vonnamoc]

"Kabul, Gaza and Geneva."

As the Biden administration halted the US military mission in Afghanistan, the Taliban control returns, bringing with it a slew of new laws of armed conflict and human rights breaches. The repercussions of the military conflict and the ongoing COVID-19 outbreak have resulted in a significant increase in humanitarian needs in Afghanistan, with many US civilians and personnel departing.

The first Geneva Convention mandates that injured and sick soldiers be cared for and that medical and religious personnel access individuals who require assistance. In Kabul, hardly any of these personnel were present to assist the wounded. The citizens were the ones who had to grab stretchers and make do with makeshift medical bays to alleviate the wounded's anguish. In Gaza, nearly no medical personnel can enter battle zones because they are far too risky. Blood is just spilled onto the streets because life is no longer precious.

Seafaring combatants were the focus of the Second Geneva Convention. However, because the anarchy in Kabul and Gaza is on the streets, it can be downplayed, if not wholly ignored. The third Convention, on the other hand, is quite pertinent now, particularly in Afghanistan. This one is about prisoners of war and a human rights violation that the world has just witnessed; according to article four of the third Geneva Convention on the Treatment of Prisoners of War, these people are considered prisoners of war. Avera Mengistu, one of these citizens, is believed to be mentally sick, which could lead to his inclusion in article 30 of the same treaty, as a person with a mental illness requires medical attention. It expressly states that 'isolation wards shall, if required, be set aside for cases of infectious or mental ailment,' yet there is no evidence that the captive is receiving these privileges.

The fourth Geneva Convention is the one that has sparked the most debate. In these two conflicts, the Geneva Convention on Civilian Safety and Humanitarian Relief has been repeatedly breached. Israeli soldiers carried out airstrikes on Gaza's residential neighborhoods, destroying them. Taliban leaders in Kabul blocked and bombed the airport to scaring people away from departing, despite pledges that they would not harm anybody who wanted to escape. Such events serve as a reminder to everyone that humans are constantly reduced to being collateral damage. In the hands of the Taliban, Afghan women and children have been subjected to increasing levels of brutality, including sexual exploitation and child marriage. On a more extreme note, three children were among six civilians murdered in a US drone attack near Kabul's international airport on August 30, 2021.

Furthermore, as of May 2021, children account for 63 of the 219 people killed in Gaza and two out of ten in Israel in the Israel-Gaza conflict. Even while the armed factions claimed it was inadvertent, the lives of many civilians who were unaware of the nature or reason of the fight were lost. It is sad to imagine that so much could have been done to avoid these disputes. There are far too many possibilities to save lives, at least among civilians.

[vonnamoc]

1] Are wars inevitable? 2] Are wars essential to human survival? 3] How can wars be prevented? 4] How can we limit the impact of war?

The great majority of human history has been characterized by raiding rather than structured states fighting each other. Thousands of years ago, conflict may have been vital for survival. Fighting prowess frequently translated into more food in the form of better hunting grounds. The ability to raid was also crucial. It entailed assassinating other groups in order to gain access to the treasure. The best defense against raids was to get a large group of people together. This frequently entailed surrounding the wagons or enclosing everyone in a fort. Cities arose as a result of this. Many archaeologists believe that human settlements began before agriculture; thus, defense is the most likely answer. As a result, many people believe that agriculture arose due to war when food surpluses were needed to feed increasing fighters. For a long time, philosophers have debated whether the conflict is inherent in human nature and whether humans are hard-wired to fight and murder one another. Humans are genetically aggressive creatures, according to discoveries and studies. This does not, however, imply that conflict is no longer required. Many people, if not the majority, do not kill a single person in their lifetime. Of course, war is highly destructive and can be highly harmful to individual people's lives, but given the good benefits it has had on our evolution, some may argue that war is necessary for change to occur. War has aided the growth of cities and states, and it may have even been necessary for survival in the past. However, in the present period, I feel that a diplomatic solution to differences is the most effective method to effect change. Continually fighting wars, in my opinion, will eventually lead to human extinction and will not resolve any conflicts but will instead create new ones. Preventing wars begins with small-scale social issues, such as prioritizing minorities and the periphery. In this way, ensuring the provision of human rights, particularly the right to an adequate standard of life, plays an essential role in ensuring people's sentiments and reducing the likelihood of armed violence.

Furthermore, these initiatives would necessitate the participation of vulnerable persons and groups in the conversation, as people who are unaware of their distress cannot make decisions consistently. When the gaps between disparities are narrowed, and information of more healthy paths is shared, we can all develop wide mindsets for advocating for more humane approaches when conflict arises. More effective protection for actual or potential victims of armed conflict is ensured by spreading knowledge of humanitarian rules and principles to important actors who play an active role. Respecting the so-called rules of war, preventing civilian losses, and providing financial and mental health support to victims are just a few approaches to mitigate the effects of conflict. The best way to prevent wars is to strengthen peaceful alternatives, and in doing so, we must emphasize our appreciation of others' rights. We can identify inequities when we understand that everyone has inherent rights and that no one is more precious than the other. The four Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Additional Protocols of 1977 deal to protecting victims of armed conflicts, in particular, cover persons who do not participate in or have stopped participating in armed hostilities.

[vonnamoc]

"Challenges in Seeking Redress for Human Rights Violations."

Human rights safeguard us from the actions of those in power over us and assist us in creating a world in which we can realize our full human potential. However, the truth remains that human rights violations are widespread throughout the world. In our country, the Philippines, 

President Rodrigo Duterte has begun a drug war that has resulted in the extrajudicial killings of thousands of accused drug traffickers and users across the Philippines. According to the Philippine National Police, between July 1, 2016, and June 30, 2019, 5,526 suspects were murdered in police operations. However, this figure excludes the thousands of people killed by unidentified gunmen in incidents that go unsolved by the police, bringing the total death toll to as high as 27,000, according to estimates from domestic human rights organizations. According to Human Rights Watch and respectable news agencies like Rappler and Reuters, these vigilante-style killings were carried out by police officers or killers connected to the authorities. Despite the fact that human rights organizations and political leaders have spoken out against the crackdown, Duterte has been reasonably effective in preventing any meaningful supervision or investigation of the war by Congress. Obtaining Redress for Human Rights Violations Is Difficult since The Philippine legal system is slow and viewed as corrupt, allowing Duterte to act proactively and address drugs in a non-constructive approach with extensive abuses of human rights.

Furthermore, in the face of a corrupt, elite-dominated political system and a delayed, incompetent, and equally corrupt judicial system, people are ready to tolerate this candidate who promised something and is now delivering. We need more democracy, not less, and defend human rights in our country's current state. Democracy and human rights are crucial enablers of human progress that will create conditions for people to attain their full potential. As long as humans in any region of the world remain robbed of their fundamental rights and freedom, we are all weakened. We can and must do so. Our righteous wrath can and must be directed purposefully and strategically toward this tendency. However, we must persevere and develop solidarity to assert a politics of civility and inclusion while using non-violent techniques in our parliaments and courts, in cyberspace, and on the street. Let us be emboldened by an unwavering commitment to justice and an unwavering belief in the goodness of humankind. We will not succeed if we do not fight.