yasirarman

[yasirarman]

Meeting with the President and Foreign Minister of South Africa Ramaphosa’s Words Were touching, moving and Warm Toward the People of Sudan

Meeting with the President and Foreign Minister of South Africa

Ramaphosa’s Words Were touching, moving and Warm Toward the People of Sudan

By Yasir Arman

This afternoon, June 20, 2025, at the Presidential Palace in Pretoria, South Africa, we met with President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa, Foreign Minister Ronald Lamola, and the President’s office team. Our delegation, led by Dr. Abdalla Hamdok, held an important meeting that deeply addressed the issue of ending the wars in Sudan, protecting civilians, reaching a humanitarian ceasefire, and building a new Sudan.

The meeting also explored South Africa’s significant role in engaging with both the African Union Peace and Security Council and the United Nations Security Council, as well as its potential to mobilize joint efforts to end the war. We also discussed engagement with various Arab and African initiatives, neighboring countries, and the international community to address the humanitarian catastrophe, stop the destruction of Sudan, and preserve its unity—emphasizing the need not to forget the tragedy facing nearly 15 million displaced Sudanese and refugees.

The meeting highlighted the longstanding and deep-rooted relationship between the democratic movement in Sudan and South Africa. It was affirmed that the war in Sudan aims to dismantle the December Revolution and block the path to civilian democratic transition.

President Cyril Ramaphosa was clear, knowledgeable, and deeply empathetic about Sudan’s tragedy. He spoke with intelligence, transparency, and heartfelt emotion, saying that South Africa feels deep sorrow over the destruction of Sudan—its people, institutions, and infrastructure. He emphasized that something feels missing in South Africa’s mission if the issue of Sudan is not addressed. Sudan, he said, holds an Irrevocable place in the hearts of the South African people.

He recalled Sudan’s support for South Africa during the struggle against apartheid, including Nelson Mandela’s visit to Sudan in the 1960s and the granting of a Sudanese passport to Mandela. He expressed South Africa’s commitment to fulfilling its duty to help end the war in Sudan. The pursuit of peace, he said, is part of the African National Congress DNA and of the South African people mission.

President Ramaphosa confirmed that they are in contact with the warring parties and will engage with Sudanese, regional, and international stakeholders to emphasize the urgent need to stop the war in Sudan. He also highlighted that South Africa remains deeply invested in the peace process in South Sudan.

He stressed that the efforts to end the war in Sudan must go hand in hand with a strategy to mobilize resources for reconstruction and rebuilding. Just as other war-torn regions attract rebuilding efforts, Africa must also prioritize Sudan. What troubles him most, he said, is that the current destruction has devastated valuable resources—resources that are not easily replaced for Sudan’s reconstruction. He acknowledged the presence of foreign interference in the war and affirmed that South Africa will dedicate its full efforts to contributing to peace and reconstruction in Sudan.

President Ramaphosa is the only African leader invited to attend the G7 Summit, which took place last week in Canada. South Africa holds a vital position on the African continent.

South Africa continues to work on nation building  issues, focusing on peace, equal citizenship, social justice, and democracy. Its experience holds great value for the people and revolution of Sudan, who face many shared and similar questions regarding nation building. It is essential for Sudan’s national and democratic movement to strengthen its ties with national and democratic movements across Africa.

Finally, the delegation will continue its meetings with the leaders of South Africa’s governing Democratic Alliance and will meet with Sudanese from the Anti-War Front.

June 20, 2025

[yasirarman]

🔺 Urgent Call to Declare a State of Emergency and Health Disaster

By Yasir Arman

We call on the authorities in Port Sudan and in Khartoum State to declare Khartoum State, White Nile State, Al Jazirah State, and North Kordofan as areas of health disasters, and to declare a health state of emergency. We urge them to notify the World Health Organization (WHO) and UNICEF to activate emergency response protocols, send medicines and equipment, assess the health situation and its causes, support hospitals and health centers, and request urgent humanitarian aid from the regional and international communities.

We demand both warring parties to declare a humanitarian ceasefire, even for one week, to allow the delivery of food and medicine—especially to the towns and villages of North Kordofan, notably El-Obeid, Al-Khuwei, An-Nuhud, Dilling, Kadugli, and Debeibat—and to open corridors toward the city of El Fasher for sending aid to those in need in this historic city.

Relief more important than war. The epidemics—chief among them cholera, which has claimed the lives of more than 1,700 people in Khartoum State alone—are deadlier than the war. It is a lethal weapon alongside the weapons of war, targeting innocent civilians while the authorities have yet to even issue a comprehensive statement clarifying the situation, its causes, or their plan of action.

Sudanese people abroad must reject the disregard for and devaluation of the lives of their fellow citizens, whose lives have become expendable and meaningless.

#Relief_Before_Politics

#No_to_April_War

#Yes_to_December_Revolution

27 May 2025

[yasirarman]

*May 16, 1983 – May 16, 2025* *The Gap Between Movements and the Marginalized Masses* *Towards Modernization and Renewal of the Marginalized Discourse (1–2)*

*May 16, 1983 – May 16, 2025* *The Gap Between Movements and the Marginalized Masses* *Towards Modernization and Renewal of the Marginalized Discourse (1–2)*

*Yasir Arman*

*(1)*

On May 16, 1983, in Bor, Upper Nile, South Sudan, a new era was inaugurated - a political and military rhythm whose echoes persist to this day. The war that erupted on April 15, 2023, in Sudan traces aspects of its DNA back to the questions raised on May 16, and even earlier. The pressing issues of the past continue to pursue the present agenda.

Recently, Major General Albino Akol Akol, one of the highest-ranking officers from the first Anyanya movement integrated into the armed forces, passed away. Notably, he led the secret organization of Anyanya members within the army. On May 16, 1983, Colonel Dr. John Garang arrived in Bor with prior planning and an approved leave from the army command in Khartoum, assisted by General Youssef Ahmed Youssef and provided transportation to Juba by Brigadier Fadlallah Burma Nasir, an operations officer in the army. Garang’s confidential mission - unknown to the army command - was to secretly persuade Kerubino Kuanyin Bol to adhere to the secret organization’s plan and avoid premature confrontation at the Bor garrison. The late Elijah Malok provided a vivid account of that historic meeting. However, Kerubino pulled the trigger, and the first shot was fired on May 16, 1983 - a shot that totally transformed the margins and Sudan itself, which has never become the same again.

The events of May 16, 1983, resonated throughout Sudan’s rural and urban areas. It was not merely a military incident devoid of political context; the bullet was the weakest aspect compared to the unique political evolution and intellectual brilliance that emerged from the new marginal movement. In July 1983, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) issued its first manifesto, outlining the vision of a “New Sudan” with Dr. John Garang’s imprint. This vision challenged the old Sudanese paradigm at its most intellectually and politically cohesive points, proposing a new alternative emphasizing unity, social justice, and non-discriminatory citizenship.

*(2)*

The New Sudan project evolved in response to the complexities of reality and subsequent political changes. Dr. John Garang’s leadership, intellectual acumen, and adaptability played a pivotal role. Initially, Garang addressed underdevelopment and imbalanced development, later expanding his thesis to the center-periphery dichotomy, incorporating class, social, and historical dimensions alongside ethnic issues. Eventually, he deeply engaged with the question of democracy.

The period from May 16, 1983, to August 1991, was marked by a commitment to achieving a unified, democratic, secular Sudan, with early discussions even touching on socialism. However, following the events in Nasir in August 1991 and the SPLM’s split, the issue of self-determination posed a challenge to the New Sudan thesis. Dr. Garang, employing a dialectical approach, sought to integrate the widely supported notion of self-determination among southern nationalists into his vision of a united Sudan.

*(3)*

Despite its significance, the New Sudan thesis remained general and slogan-driven, addressing major questions without a detailed program. It clashed with the cunning and conspiracies of the center and failed to build an organic front or historical alliance and bloc of the marginalized in both rural and urban areas capable of accomplishing the historical mission and implementing a new national project. Instead, the vision was used as a mechanism for separation rather than a tool for historical change. Garang came close to realizing his dream during the massive gathering at the Green Square on Friday, July 7, 2005, which showcased Sudan’s diversity.

The New Sudan vision faced significant challenges when tested against pre-capitalist structures in rural Sudan, which tended to cater to the narrow desires of local nationalists rather than embracing a national democratic project that transcends social divisions, heals historical wounds, overcomes limitations and biases, and forms a substantial organic bloc capable of building a new renaissance project that grants dignity to all, establishes a non-discriminatory democratic citizenship state, achieves justice and sustainable development, bridges the rural-urban divide, and restores the productive face of the countryside. As Dr. Garang articulated, this involves transferring the city to the rural areas, not the other way around.

*(4)*

After 42 years, with our dreams ahead and the practical experiences of marginal movements, particularly the SPLM, behind us, we find ourselves at a crossroads. One path leads to stagnation, refusing to acknowledge the shortcomings of past experiences or critically examine the New Sudan project, effectively stifling it by avoiding the transition from glorification to critical analysis and sound methodology. The recent Sudanese revolutions, especially in December, have demonstrated the project’s relevance, with the slogan “The people want to build a New Sudan” resonating strongly in the Republic of the Tunnel, energizing the December revolutionaries with renewed vigor.

*(5)*

Escaping the predicament of the April 15 conflict and achieving sustainable peace requires returning to the foundational platform and building a New Sudan through the will of the masses, not through the barrel of a gun or authoritarian projects. Additionally, we must revisit and deepen our understanding of the strategic relationships between the two Sudans, viewing them through the lens of history, genuine interests, and profound commonalities, rather than through narrow perspectives. This approach could lead to a “Sudanese Union” between two sovereign states and pave the way for a larger project and shared dream with Africans, Arabs, and humanity at large.

*(6)*

The experience of Sudanese marginal movements necessitates a strategic pause to seriously address the intellectual, political, and organizational gap between these movements and the marginalized masses. Many practices by these movements have been extensions of the old state and project, with the April 15 war exacerbating their crises and presenting them with difficult choices.

Marginalized forces and movements, and the issue of marginalization itself, deserve a serious and thorough review of thought and practice aimed at modernizing and renewing the marginalized project. This includes forming an organic alliance of the marginalized in both rural and urban areas, encompassing women - the most marginalized among the marginalized - and enhancing focus on intellectual and cultural issues. It also involves studying the Sudanese revolution’s experience over the past century, from the 1924 revolution to the present, and extracting lessons.

The issue of armed struggle and its significant experiences in Africa, Latin America, Asia, and elsewhere requires examination to pose critical questions about the feasibility and human cost of armed struggle, and whether it is the sole path and mechanism for achieving the New Sudan project. A critical evaluation is needed of how many marginal movements have utilized the efforts and sacrifices of the masses to fulfill the narrow desires of elites in power and wealth, rather than solving the masses’ problems.

If we do not confront these questions courageously and with a spirit of self-criticism regarding our experiences, we will not ascend to the harbors of the new project and will succumb to stagnation. Instead of being a valuable treasure, marginal movements will become a heavy burden.

Reviewing our experiences and practices concerning human rights and democracy has become a serious matter; otherwise, we risk adding a new chapter to the book of the old regime’s violations. Marginal movements need to reconsider the fundamental question: Who is the enemy? They must emerge from the cocoon of ethnic biases into the realm of a national project capable of confronting the flaws of the old project. These movements should not stop at the gates of protest and slogans but must proceed to present a unifying and constructive national alternative. Many experiences have shown that it is possible to dismantle the old system without the ability to build a new one.

In critically examining their experiences and practices, marginal movements need to move beyond generalizations and view the political and social struggle and its active forces not as monolithic blocks but with precise distinctions between actual and potential friends and enemies.

The marginalized forces in our society, both in rural and urban areas, are undergoing political and social changes and transformations in their composition and constituent forces. We are on the threshold of the emergence of a new movement for the marginalized forces - clear-sighted and steady-footed - that learns from the positives and negatives of past experiences.

To be continued…

*May 16, 2025*

[yasirarman]

The Humanitarian Situation in Sudan Has Reached a Critical Stage — Will the U.S.-Saudi Summit Help Reactivate the Jeddah Platform and Declaration?

The Humanitarian Situation in Sudan Has Reached a Critical Stage — Will the U.S.-Saudi Summit Help Reactivate the Jeddah Platform and Declaration?

By Yasir Arman

The humanitarian situation across Sudan has reached a critical stage, especially after what has taken place in Port Sudan — the headquarters of many United Nations agencies, humanitarian organizations, and the country’s main port for the entry of humanitarian aid.

The war threatens the lives of millions of displaced people and will force them to seek refuge beyond Sudan’s borders if the humanitarian catastrophe within the country is not urgently addressed. The healthcare system is on the verge of collapse — if it hasn’t already collapsed — and doctors and healthcare workers have no protection, just like all other civilians.

The visit of U.S. President Donald Trump to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and the summit meetings he will hold with the King and the Crown Prince, represent a rare opportunity. This summit brings together the highest level of engagement with the Jeddah Initiative and Platform and offers a chance to exert maximum pressure in favor of the victims — to protect civilians, stop the war, and reach a practical and abdicable humanitarian agreement that opens aid corridors throughout Sudan.

This must be done with full consideration of the Jeddah Declaration to ensure that food reaches all those in need before the arrival of the rainy season. It must be implemented unconditionally and in accordance with international humanitarian law. If achieved, it would be a historic and unprecedented success in responding to the world’s largest humanitarian disaster today.

The leadership of the army must agree to negotiations to address the humanitarian catastrophe. The situation is too dire to allow for the rejection of talks, especially as the rainy season approaches, making it more difficult to access vast areas of the country and putting civilians at further risk and expose them to more war crimes.

What happened in Port Sudan is horrifying. The real solution lies in ending the war, protecting infrastructure, and a courageous commitment from all warring parties to address the humanitarian crisis. Addressing it is a right of the people and the civilians — not a favor.

We trust that the mediators of the Jeddah Platform will engage with Sudan’s neighboring countries, African and Arab states, and the broader international community to secure a humanitarian ceasefire that the Sudanese people urgently need across the entire country.

“Indeed, Allah does not allow the reward of those who do good to be lost.”

— The Holy Qur’an

May 7, 2025

[yasirarman]

SAF Command Before Completing the Recovery Period: A Soft Landing for a Faction of the National Congress Party - The Appointment of Dafallah Al-Haj and Omar Siddiq

SAF Command Before Completing the Recovery Period: A Soft Landing for a Faction of the National Congress Party - The Appointment of Dafallah Al-Haj and Omar Siddiq

By Yasir Arman May 2, 2025

Where is the SAF Command heading, having not yet emerged from the depths of war and the recovery period following the recapture of Khartoum and the General Command Headquarters? Is it aligning with the invincible will of the people, or reverting to an old salvation project rooted in authoritarianism, albeit with new embellishments?

Is it in the interest of the army to remain an adversary of the December Revolution, with or without its burning tyres? When and how will the marriage of convenience between the military command and the Islamists conclude, paving the way for the establishment of a national and professional army?

The army finds itself in a predicament, primarily due to its association with an ideological political organisation at the expense of the people’s and the state’s interests. The only escape lies in renouncing this alliance, which has entangled it in numerous complications. To adhere to the firm bond, it must choose a new path - a national renaissance project founded on freedom, peace, and justice. This is the path of the people striving to build a professional army that preserves national unity and opens the door to daylight.

The streets of the December Revolution offer the foundation for building a professional army, not the Islamist brigades of al-Bara seeking power and the reproduction of the old regime. Sooner or later, the army must shed the cloak of the party in favor of the nation’s gown.

The forces fighting alongside the army include some Islamist salvation elements, who are after power and resources, and others with tribal social bases, as well as some movements from the marginalised areas that have lost their compass, veering towards power. The most dangerous among them all, despite their small numbers, are the Islamists.

What Does the Appointment of Dafallah Al-Haj and Omar Siddiq Signify?

This appointment follows a series of violations of the constitutional document, beginning with the coup, then the war, and the recent amendments that tightened the military leadership’s grip on power. These changes laid a new constitutional foundation for the marriage of convenience between the Islamists and the military command, a relationship that the December Revolution had shaken.

The military leadership is working to ally with a softer faction of the National Congress Party, one that could gain acceptance and pass through sieve of the regional and international community’s scrutiny without raising suspicions. There exists a misguided belief among some external parties that there are “good” Islamists and “bad” ones, and that the bureaucracy of the Islamists can be utilised in governance. This criterion will lead to rewarding the Islamists for their war efforts without openly acknowledging it, facilitating the return of both the “bad” and “good” Islamists together, and sowing the seeds of new conflicts.

There’s no need to debate whether Omar Siddiq is an Islamist or affiliated with the security apparatus, or whether Dafallah Al-Haj belongs to the Karti/Ali Osman faction or the Nafi/Ali Mahmoud faction. They are undoubtedly part of the interest groups encompassed by the large cartel of the National Congress Party. Their appointment to these positions was only possible through loyalty, vetting, and scrutiny by the Islamists and their party’s apparatus.

What transpired in the appointment of Dafallah Al-Haj and Omar Siddiq is distinct and significant - it marks the initiation of a relationship with a faction of the National Congress Party, presenting it as a softer wing to neutralise the Islamists and continue the war its external alliances. In reality, this move perpetuates authoritarianism and the old path, failing to resolve the army’s or the nation’s crisis.

The Political Economy of War and Power Sharing

Both warring parties conduct their war and daily operations entirely at the expense of the people and civilians. Their leaderships dominating the war, its theater, and its interests aim to maintain a system that neither combats corruption nor authoritarianism, reconciles with impunity, and opens the door to resource plundering and the unquenchable thirst for power. This occurs amidst some external parties hastily seeking solutions and photo opportunities. The infiltration of Islamists within both war camps will increase the likelihood of moving towards power-sharing, away from addressing the historical national crisis, necessitating the continuation of the struggle, the revival of the spirit of Sudanese revolutions, and the establishment of people’s authority as an alternative to power-sharing.

The Camps of War: The Alliance of the Cracked Valley

Observing the army camp and the numerous contradictory statements from its allies quickly reveals the fragility of this alliance and the internal divisions and disagreements. This alliance may not withstand the war’s divisions, and if it does, it will end with the war’s mourning ceremony, and the recent inclusion of a faction of the Islamists will exacerbate the contradictions among its parties.

As for The Sudan Founding Alliance (Tasis) camp, it stands in the arena of the struggle for power among themselves, far from the announced program, translating slogans into mere power-sharing.

The Axis of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Africans, and the International Community and the Issues with Islamists

Our long experience with Islamists shows that they are a spongy, pliable group that can be dried out, and once they are saturated with the waters of power, they will return to their old practices. The military leadership needs them to consolidate their authoritarianism, and they need the military to leap over the army into power. The regional and international community must not squander the sacrifices and time of the Sudanese people by trying the tried and failed. It is certain that they will threaten regional and international stability, and we will tirelessly explain this to our regional neighbors and the international community.

The State and the Army

Many sincere Sudanese strive to distinguish theoretically and practically between the state and the army, and the long hijacking of the state and military leadership by Islamists, for the sake of establishing the state and building a professional army. However, one hand cannot clap alone, as they do not receive a positive response from the military leadership. Building the third bloc - the bloc of national democratic forces - is the only one capable of answering these important questions posed by the war about the future of the state and the army and restoring the core and spirit of the December Revolution to reach the state of the nation and confront the state of the party.

Towards Building a Third Bloc

Lastly, the future of Sudan and the resolution of the comprehensive national crisis, and the cessation of war first, then addressing its roots, begins with confronting the humanitarian catastrophe, violations, and protecting civilians. All this necessitates hastening the construction of the third civilian bloc - the bloc of democratic civil forces that is decisive and weighty, carrying the spirit of the revolution in facing the war independent of both warring parties, with firmness in speech and practice, and testing the will of the warring parties towards freedom, just peace, social justice, and non-discriminatory citizenship. This is the challenge and task facing the Sudanese national and democratic movement.

[yasirarman]

*POPE FRANCIS, THE HOLY SEE; WHAT A REMARKABLE HUMAN BEING!*

*POPE FRANCIS, THE HOLY SEE; WHAT A REMARKABLE HUMAN BEING!*

By Yasir Arman

With the passing of Pope Francis, humanity has lost an extraordinary individual - a noble human being who embodied the true teachings of Christ: the pursuit of peace, and concern for the poor, the climate, the refugees, and the sorrowful.

His visit to the Congo held profound significance. It is one of the most plundered African countries, where millions of its people were killed simply because they possessed great natural wealth - wealth that, instead of bringing prosperity, brought disaster and tragedy, while the world looked on in silence, as if in collective agreement. Since the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, Congo has been largely forgotten and turned into a backyard for looting. But Pope Francis broke that silence; he visited the country and spoke to both believers and non-believers. Because of his visit, the world was once again talking about the Congo, at least for those few days.

His visit to South Sudan was especially touching and inspirational, particularly his speech about humanity, the Nile, civilization, and peace - words that deserve the attention of those who love both Sudans. His visits to South Sudan and the Congo were deeply filled with great messages to all of humanity, particularly those in Africa, and people of all faiths - Christians, Muslims, Jews, and followers of African religions alike.

Many Sudanese feel immense gratitude toward Pope Francis, for his consistent prayers and calls for peace in Sudan during many of his masses, especially following the outbreak of war on April 15, 2025.

His iconic image in Rome, kissing the feet of South Sudanese leaders in a plea for peace, remains a deeply moving and unique act - one that touches the most profound and noble human emotions. He was a dignified man who did all he could in pursuit of peace.

Pope Francis was an eloquent speaker and a thoughtful intellectual who spoke out loudly against war - in Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan, and across the globe. He tirelessly worked to enrich dialogue, particularly between Christians and Muslims, and among all people of faith and of conscience.

What a remarkable human being who came from Latin America - the land of marginalised people with a just cause. His humanity that transcended all borders. His memory will live on forever, and the cause of peace will dearly miss him.

*Glory to God in the highest,*

*And on earth, peace,*

*And goodwill to all.*

*April 21, 2025*

[yasirarman]

*Recapturing the Republican Palace In Sudan: Through the Gate of 1989 and the Past Experience, or Towards Renewal?*

*Recapturing the Republican Palace In Sudan: Through the Gate of 1989 and the Past Experience, or Towards Renewal?*

*By Yasir Arman*

The seizing of the Armed Forces and their allies of the Republican Palace, after two years of military battles and from just a few kilometers away in geographical terms, is a military achievement that should not be underestimated. With this, the Sudan Armed Forces have fought one of its most significant battles since its inception a century ago. The truth is that, in many neighboring countries, armies inherited from the colonial time have collapsed and had to be rebuilt for the third or even fourth time due to deep crises and failures in nation-building programs. Only a few neighboring nations have enjoyed stable and continuous armies with accumulated experience, such as Egypt and Kenya.

However, the Sudan Armed Forces’ recapture of the State House raises political questions before military ones. It does not conceal the deep-rooted crisis linked to the 1989 governance system of the Islamists and its predecessors. The 1989 regime hijacked the state and politicized the Armed Forces. It is the remnants of that regime who bear responsibility for the multiplicity of armies and parallel militias, while simultaneously rejecting political pluralism, historical diversity, and the contemporary diversity of our country. Their ideological and political program is unilateral, closed, exclusionary, and ambiguous - it does not address the nation-building crisis and is the source of past, present, and future wars, if it continues!

The current war began with the rejection of the change brought by the greatest contemporary Sudanese revolution - the December Revolution - that defeated Islamic fascism. Their response was akin to the infamous Sudanese saying “Basira Umm Hamad” - first with a coup, and when that failed, they attempted to remedy it with what was itself the disease, escalating into war between the coup factions with further fragmentation of military forces. The Islamists, who are remnants of the old regime, love the seat of power symbolised by the Palace. Meanwhile, they have no regard for the millions of victims of this cursed war. They take photos and videos in areas of governance and control, but they are absent from the battles of the deeply marginalized areas of Sudan, such as Malha and El Fasher town. They prefer war zones that are picturesque, media-friendly, and televised, while avoiding the marginalized areas - an old habit of theirs, even in choosing battle locations. They have a history of marginalizing and erasing from public memory martyrs from the professional officers of the Sudan Armed Forces’ in the war in South Sudan, while praising their Islamist colleagues. Who among them remembers Brigadier General Othman Abdel Rasul El-Daw, Colonel Abdel Rahman Balaa, Colonel Farah Adam Farah, and Lieutenant Colonel Salem Saeed Mohi El-Din, among many others?

Recapturing the palace is a military achievement that raises a crucial political question: Did they enter through the gate of June 30, 1989, which deepens the political crisis and ensures the continuation of wars? Those who said this the war marked an end of the 1956 state, should recall that the 1956 state was buried by the 1989 coup. If it were to be revived, it might be celebrated as a prelude to a new project. Despite its structural flaws - foremost among them the lack of equal citizenship and social justice - it still represented a noble dream compared to the June 30, 1989, Islamic state, where a terrorist ideological and political faction systematically destroyed the revolution in both rural and urban areas, and captured state institutions.

Therefore, recapturing the palace to resolve the entrenched political and historical crisis, must not be through eastern, western, or southern geographical gates - despite their military significance. The key lies in entering politically through a new renaissance program that provides a historic compromise to address nation-building issues, with freedom, peace, justice, and equal citizenship as its pillars. The true gateway to the Republican Palace is through the ongoing Sudanese revolution, ignited since 1924 and led by great leaders in a civilian-military unity. From this, we must draw light, to place our country on the path of development, progress, democracy, and the resolution of its historical dilemmas. Those who have entered the palace today from the marginalized areas must keep this in mind.

Today’s celebration does not erase the historical questions posed by the December Revolution. What happened today is not the end of the war but the beginning of serious questions on how to end it and how to achieve a program that completes the revolution and establishes the state. Such a program is not found in the archives of the 1989 remnants. Entering the palace is a new opportunity for the army leadership to listen to the people, who hold the first and final word in shaping a new future - one that prioritizes building a single, professional, and non-politicized armed force that reflects Sudan’s diversity. The revolution is stronger and more enduring than the gun. When the tides of military battles recede and people return to the homes they were unjustly forced from, the questions of the revolution and how to end wars permanently will resurface once again.

Glory to the people of Sudan.

The revolution is more enduring than war.

No to the April war.

Yes to the December Revolution.

*March 21, 2025*

[yasirarman]

*Dear Southern Sudanese Unite and Leave War Behind You*

*My Love For You Never Fades or Extinguishes.*

*Dear Southern Sudanese Unite and Leave War Behind You*

*My Love For You Never Fades or Extinguishes.*

*Yasir Arman*

*(1)*

I am deeply saddened by what is happening in Nasir, in the Upper Nile area of South Sudan. It does not align with the long struggles and great sacrifices made by the people of South Sudan for self-determination and their future. I understand that the path of the South Sudanese has not been easy, that the civil war has left deep wounds, and that there are immense challenges due to economic and social conditions. These challenges complicate the process of nation-building, and the mistakes of the elites further add to the difficulty of this path.

However, what matters to me here, is that I trust in - and call for - the deep wisdom that the people of South Sudan and its tribes possess, to rise above wounds and past grievances. Every concession made to prevent war and avoid dragging South Sudan back into conflict is a concession worth making because it is undoubtedly a thousand times better than war.

*(2)*

I wanted to write this message earlier, but my attention over the past few days was occupied with what happened to me at Jomo Kenyatta Airport in Nairobi, Kenya. Nevertheless, the South has never left my mind or heart. Even in my conversation with the Kenyan Interpol officers, I recalled the liberation days of South Sudan.

I first visited Kenya in 1988 when I was a vibrant youth full of energy and ambition. It was a year of relentless autumn rains. At that time, we were in Eastern Equatoria with our visionary leader, Dr. John Garang De Mabior, near the town of Kapoeta. He asked us to go on a mission to the Kenyan border, and the rain did not stop - day or night. It took us about two days to reach the border and the town of Lokichogio.

I was there with our dear comrades: the late Bior Aswad, Lokshu Lokni, and our esteemed leaders Kuol Manyang, Oyai Deng Ajak, and Ger Chong, among others. With the exception of comrade Kuol, we traveled on a private plane sent by Kenya’s then-President Daniel Arap Moi to Dr. Garang. It landed in Nakuru Airport, where we spent two nights in the presidential palace before returning to Eastern Equatoria with Dr. John Garang De Mabior.

As I told the Interpol officers, my relationship with Kenya goes all the way back to 1988.

*(3)*

I was truly pleased by President Salva Kiir’s firm call for peace and rejection of war, as well as by the response of Vice President Dr. Riek Machar. The greatest service that can be offered to the people of South Sudan and Sudan is to prevent war and not allow those inside or outside South Sudan to ignite conflict.

I was deeply saddened by the loss of lives, and I extend my condolences to the victims. I especially send my regards to the family of Major General Majur Dak, whom I knew personally during the years of the liberation war. May mercy be upon all who lost their lives in these recent events. Let peace be the gift to their souls as they return to their Creator. Glory to God in the highest, and on Earth peace.

*(4)*

The catastrophic and painful war in Sudan has claimed countless lives, torn the social fabric apart, led to the collapse of the state, and drained the blood of its youth. It has also witnessed widespread violations against women, children, and the elderly.

Because the South Sudanese are our people - our closest kin on this earth - we do not want them to suffer the same fate. In the end, we are all Sudanese. The war in Sudan should serve as a lesson to prevent South Sudan from falling into the same dark tunnel. We need South Sudan, especially in light of Sudan’s current tragedy. If both countries descend into civil wars, the entire region will suffer immense consequences.

No one can teach South Sudanese about the horrors of war - they know them too well.

So, my brothers and sisters in South Sudan, for the love of God, avoid war and leave it behind. You have my deepest and sincerest love - love that never fades or extinguishes. You are always in my heart and thoughts.

*Long live Sudanisim, as one that embraces us all and glory to the bonds of love between the Sudanese people in both Sudans.*

*March 10, 2025*

[yasirarman]

Statement by Yasir Arman on his arrest by INTERPOL

Statement by Yasir Arman on his arrest by INTERPOL

Yesterday, March 5, 2025, I was stopped at Jomo Kenyatta Airport in Nairobi around 1pm.  I was taken to the Kenyan INTERPOL Headquarters on a red flag that I am wanted by Port Sudan authorities on many unfounded charges.  I told the INTERPOL authorities that my case is purely political.  I was in contact with some Kenyan officials and friends and I was allowed to go to a hotel around 9pm.  I was asked to report back to INTERPOL when I was notified, and they took my documents.  This morning, I received telephone calls from Kenyan officials in the Office of the President and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.  I also received a call from Kenyan INTERPOL and they returned my documents to me. 

Ironically, all the accusations leveled against me are tailored to suit the guys in Port Sudan.  Furthermore, justice for the people of Sudan should start with the arrests of General Omar Bashir and his colleagues who are wanted by the ICC.  Instead, the names of pro-democracy forces are on the INTERPOL list.  We will work to have them removed so that others do not have a similar experience.

If what happened to me is meant by the authorities in Port Sudan to deter us from advocating for peace, democracy and the end of all forms of marginalization, then they have failed.  I am more committed than any time before to the cause of a just peace, equal citizenship, democracy and non-racialism.   

Both parties to this ugly war against the Sudanese people need to stop immediately.  They must accept the will of the people who are looking for bread and basic necessities, peace, democracy, equal citizenship, and good relations with our neighbors and the international community.

Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to my family, friends, colleagues in the pro-democracy and anti-war movement, those in the media and on social media, and our friends in the region and from the international community.  Special thanks to our friends in Kenya, who exerted the necessary effort to sort out this case, and to all those from inside Sudan, the region and the international community who stand in solidarity with the pro-democracy and civilian forces.

6 March 2025

[yasirarman]

SPLM-RDC Statement re the Arrest of Yasir Arman

Sudan People's Liberation Movement - Democratic Revolutionary Current

Statement

Comrade Yassir Saeed Arman, Chairman of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-Democratic Revolutionary Current (SPLM-DRC), was stopped by Kenyan authorities Yesterday, 5 March, upon his arrival at Jomo Kenyatta Airport in Nairobi to meet with some Western diplomats, the arrest was due to an Interpol red notice issued by the Port Sudan authority based on a notice issued by the Port Sudan Central Police Station, headed by the department of international cooperation and human rights (Khartoum) to the international and regional criminal police organization - General Directorate (Interpol) The complaint is Dr Hisham Nourain Mohamed Nour on behalf of the Attorney General, specifying many articles related to terrorism, sedition, incitement and crimes against the state and demanding his extradition in Port Sudan, and it is worth noting that these fabricated charges have been sought by the terrorist regime for many years targeting the chairperson of the movement. The letter was sent to the General Directorate of Interpol, signed by Kamal Mahgoub Ahmed Saeed, and it was translated by the translation unit at the University of Khartoum. The chairperson of the movement was stopped by the Kenyan Interpol unit and was with them in the office until the evening, and he contacted many parties who spoke with the Interpol unit in Kenya, explaining to them that this is a political case and has nothing to do with Interpol and has nothing to do with terrorism or the articles and accusations mentioned in it, and Interpol made arrangements to allow him to go to one of the hotels in Nairobi to spend the night.

We hereby publish the bare facts to inform the sons and daughters of our people, democratic civilian and revolutionary forces. We will have a talk at another time about what the Muslim Brotherhood and the Port Sudan gang are doing in terms of crimes, terrorism, killing, displacement, prosecution of honorable sons and daughters of our people and repression against civil democratic forces and revolutionary forces, and therefore we call on all civil democratic forces to cohesion and solidarity because the target is not only the chairperson of the Movement - Democratic Revolutionary Current but the main target is the forces of the civil democratic movement and the forces of the revolution with the aim of liquidating them, oppressing and selling them to war groups, and this matter, order and endeavor against these forces will not succeed and will not confiscate their independent decision.

The eyes of cowards never sleep. Glory and immortality for the glorious December Revolution Peace and freedom for our people.

Leadership Bureau of the Popular Movement - Democratic Revolutionary Current

6 March 2025

[yasirarman]

Sudan People’s Liberation Movement – Revolutionary Democratic Current Statement on the Leadership Office Meeting

Sudan People’s Liberation Movement – Revolutionary Democratic Current Statement on the Leadership Office Meeting

The National Leadership Office of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement – Revolutionary Democratic Current convened its meeting on the evening of Monday, February 24, 2025, with the presence of the Chairman and Vice-Chairman. The meeting discussed issues related to the war, the humanitarian catastrophe, the formation of the Somood Alliance, the Civil Front (and the question of its independence), the Nairobi Conference and the formation of parallel government, the African Union meetings in Addis Ababa, the government’s proposed constitutional amendments and the selection of the Secretary-General of the Revolutionary Democratic Current. The meeting reached the following conclusions:

Key Resolutions: • The humanitarian catastrophe and the urgent need to stop the reckless aerial bombardment and the brutal violations against civilians in Dibebat, Zamzam Camp, and Qutayna. • The independence of revolutionary and democratic forces is facing an unprecedented challenge. • Towards the independence of revolutionary forces and the distinctiveness of their ideology, discourse, and organization as the primary and leading force in completing the revolution and establishing the state. • Revolution and words are more enduring than weapons; neither of the warring governments has constitutional legitimacy. Legitimacy belongs to the revolution and the people. • The Nairobi Conference and the parallel government. • Constitutional amendments serve to entrench dictatorship and pave the way for the return of the remnants of the former regime. • The African Union has done little so far, and there is a need to redesign the political process. • Peace is achievable and remains a strategic goal, while military victory is impossible. We call for a broad and diverse movement for peace now. • Preserving the unity and sovereignty of Sudan is a duty of every Sudanese citizen.

Details of Key Issues:

⭕ The Humanitarian Catastrophe and the Urgent Need to Stop reckless Aerial Bombardment and the Brutal Violations Against Civilians in Dibebat, Zamzam Camp and Qutaynah. Aerial bombardment has a long history of being used with reckless abandon. Targeting civilians and civilian institutions is recuring war crime that began in South Sudan and continued in the Nuba Mountains, Darfur, Blue Nile, and Eastern Sudan. In this war, such attacks have spread across Sudan, including the capital, Khartoum. The latest victims were our people in Dibebat. It is alarming that the air force does not distinguish between civilian and military targets! This implicates the Sudanese Armed Forces in widespread war crimes, and military leaders must take this issue seriously. We call on civil forces and their organizations to address this issue, agree on ways to confront it, and expose it. We also condemn the widespread violations committed by the Rapid Support Forces in Qutaynah and Zamzam Camp. It is time to launch a more forceful and determined campaign against both warring parties and their ongoing violations against civilians. This issue must be brought before the current session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.

The correct approach for the political process must be in addressing the humanitarian catastrophe, stopping violations, protecting civilians, and achieving a ceasefire. Without this, the political process cannot stand.

⭕ The Independence of Revolutionary and Democratic Forces is Facing an Unprecedented Challenge: The main tasks of revolutionary and democratic forces are: 1. Preserving the spirit of the December Revolution. 2. Avoiding integration into either warring camp, resisting new pressures and challenges, rejecting subordination to any side, and maintaining their independence. Whilst preserving their distinct ideology, discourse, and organization as the primary force in completing the revolution and reestablishing the state. 3. Developing a detailed roadmap for a comprehensive solution is necessary, especially given the existence of two conflicting roadmaps from Port Sudan and Nairobi.

The revolution and its truths are more enduring than weapons; neither of the warring governments has constitutional legitimacy. Legitimacy can only be bestowed by the revolution and the people.

⭕ The Nairobi Conference and the Parallel Government: We have closely followed the Nairobi Conference and noted the presence of significant forces siding with a major party to the war. We believe that the parallel government will not resolve the current absence of legitimacy at the heart this war, bur will instead prolong it and push Sudan towards the unknown, similar to the experiences of Somalia, Libya, and Yemen. The shortest path to serving the people is ending the war. The existence of two governments will further complicate the lives of civilians in areas controlled by both warring factions.

We stand against the parallel government and the refusal of the Port Sudan authorities to engage in negotiations to resolve the humanitarian catastrophe and end the war.

We support addressing the root causes of the crisis, ensuring a complete separation between religion and state, and using the New Sudan Vision to build a truly united new Sudan—not as a means of fragmenting the country. The unity of Sudan is a strategic goal of the New Sudan Vision, which was widely welcomed by the Sudanese people in 1983 because it fundamentally advocated for Sudan’s unity and equal citizenship. Millions welcomed the national leader and revolutionary thinker Dr. John Garang de Mabior at the Green Square in recognition of his commitment to Sudan’s unity, to social justice, to equal citizenship and to the cause of the poor. The New Sudan Vision unites rather than divides, preserves rather than destroys.

We urge the political forces behind the Nairobi Declaration to establish a civilian administration- not a government- to serve citizens in the areas under their control, as Dr. John Garang did for 21 years. This would ensure the provision of services and security until a peace agreement is reached, allowing the establishment of a new Sudan that accommodates all. This stands in contrast to the schemes of the remnants of the former regime and the Islamic movement, which orchestrated the coup and triggered this war, and now seek to divide Sudan. The Islamic movement is a terrorist entity, and governments formed during war serve elites, not the people. The meeting has formed a committee to study the Nairobi Declaration document.

⭕ Constitutional Amendments Serve to Entrench Dictatorship and Pave the Way for the Return of the Former Regime: The constitutional amendments are merely an attempt to entrench dictatorship and facilitate the return of the former regime. This is an attempt to defeat the December Revolution, and it must be rejected and resisted.

⭕ The African Union Has Done Little. There Is a Need to Redesign the Political Process: The African Union has done little for Sudan in its latest Summit. The Somood delegation, led by Dr. Abdalla Hamdok, did well to push Sudan’s agenda forward in the African Summit. However, we need continuous and not just seasonal engagement with regional neighbors- African nations and Arab countries.

The AU mechanism did not adequately involve Sudanese stakeholders in designing the process, and its invitation criteria for parties were neither objective nor inclusive. The process remains disconnected from addressing the humanitarian catastrophe and the continuing violence. Nonetheless, we support the AU’s efforts and call for their improvement and rectification.

⭕ Peace Is Achievable and Remains a Strategic Goal, While Military Victory Is Impossible. We Call for a Broad and Diverse Movement for Peace now: – Talk of absolute victory in this war is neither realistic nor useful. We support efforts to build an anti-war front to halt violence and end the war, and we advocate for a broad movement for peace now.

⭕ Preserving the Unity and Sovereignty of Sudan Is a Duty of Every Sudanese Citizen: Sudan’s unity and sovereignty are facing serious challenges, with deep political and social divisions, reaching even within families. Foreign meddling in the conflict necessitates deep dialogue among political and social forces to unify Sudan’s social fabric, preserve its unity, and reject external interference.

⭕ Acceptance of Resignations: We welcome the statements from comrades distancing themselves from involvement in the approval of the Nairobi Declaration. We also value the stance of those who refused to sign when invited to do so. The Leadership Office has accepted the resignations of Haj Bakhit (Leadership Office member) and Ahmed Tatir (Central Council member), and the Kampala branch of the Party has been instructed to accept the resignation of Al-Rashid Musabal. We extend our best wishes to our former comrades and thank them for their contributions to building the Revolutionary Democratic Current.

⭕ Selection of the Secretary-General and Deputies for the Revolutionary Democratic Current: The Leadership Office has decided on the selection of the Secretary-General and deputies, and its decision will be implemented soon.

Peace upon our people Glory to the martyrs and recovery for the wounded A safe return for the missing

#NoToAprilWar #YesToDecemberRevolution

February 25, 2025

[yasirarman]

Sudan Needs Peace, Not a Foreign Military Base

Sudan Needs Peace, Not a Foreign Military Base

Yasir Arman

If the statement attributed to Ambassador Ali Youssef during his visit to Moscow is accurate—that an agreement has been reached to establish a Russian base on Sudan’s Red Sea coast—then this would mean further regional and international polarization at a time when Sudan is at its weakest and in dire need of safeguarding its sovereignty. Sudan must weigh its positions carefully to avoid contradictions and conflicts with the diverging regional and international interests.

The world is experiencing severe political, economic, and geopolitical turmoil, reaching levels that resemble the colonial era and direct foreign intervention. How much worse, then, for a country like Sudan, already suffering from internal division, a brutal civil war, and regional and international ambitions for its land and resources—all while the Red Sea is witnessing unprecedented and intense rivalries.

For the sake of preserving our sovereignty, it is in Sudan’s best interest to stay out of these conflicts, especially when we are at our weakest. Instead, we should remind the region and the world of Sudan’s strategic importance without becoming entangled in any side of these confrontations, which come at a heavy cost. We have already seen the consequences in our regional surroundings.

The idea of establishing this base, in particular, originated from the former National Congress regime, which believed that a foreign military base would protect it. At the time, it was reading from the playbook of the Syrian experience, but this strategy ultimately proved futile. The current war only adds to the complexity of the situation.

Today, Sudan needs a just peace and a new national project, not foreign military bases on its soil. We must build homes for those who have lost theirs, restore schools and hospitals, and bring back the displaced and refugees—our people, our children, and our elderly. This should be the priority.

The Sudanese national movement has historically rejected and fought against foreign military bases and alliances since its early days. Moreover, there is no democratically elected authority with the mandate from the people to make such critical and sensitive decisions that could jeopardize the country’s present and future.

February 13, 2025

[yasirarman]

The Speech of the Army Commander-in-Chief: Between the Propaganda of War, Repentance and Nation Building

A Discourse of Absolute Victory or the Vastness of Politics?

By: Yasir Arman

Long ago, Nasr ibn Sayyar Al-Kinani said, “War begins with words.” It also ends with words. The greatest military strategist, philosopher, and author of the oldest historical text on warfare, the Chinese general Sun Tzu, famously stated, “The greatest battles are won without fighting,” meaning that the art of politics is superior to the art of war.

Is there anything new in today’s speech by the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan? Let us attempt to read it with balance, reason, and wisdom, as much as we can, setting aside the bitterness of war that has inflicted its greatest losses on the civilians, the state, and Sudan’s present and future. A war that has scattered society and eroded the state’s memory. Let us put aside questions of who forgives whom and who holds whom accountable. 

Let us rise above the anger of disagreement and agreement, beyond zero-sum games. Let us read his speech in light of the guiding principles of ending the war - a cause championed tirelessly by the civil forces seeking peace, the citizen yearning for the right to life, a return to home, the restoration of the civic space, and an end to the militarization of society.

1. Military Evaluation:  No Absolute Victory

From a strictly military perspective, based on our past experiences and current information, I do not subscribe to the belief - widely circulated on social media - that recent battles between the army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) were merely agreed withdrawals between the two parties to the conflict. These were real battles that claimed many lives, both civilian and military. Initially, the RSF made significant advances through intense combat, then the army gained ground with real victories in battles like Omdurman and Sennar.

The army, despite failing in its primary duty of protecting civilians and the state, managed to maintain control over key strategic military positions of command and control, particularly in Khartoum, with its headquarters remaining a central symbol of its command. It successfully extracted its commander and preserved its leadership structure across its various units. In regions where it formed alliances with local tribes and forces, the army maintained control over its garrisons, such as in Babanusa, Dilling, El Fasher, and El Obeid. However, none of this constitutes absolute victory for either side.

Regardless of the army’s recent advances, they should serve as a stepping stone toward a peaceful resolution - not an expectation of total victory. Similarly, no matter how much the RSF tries to regain momentum, achieving a decisive military victory is unattainable. Both sides must shift their strategies toward a negotiated settlement, considering the lessons of past conflicts, the current balance of power, and both internal and external alliances.

2. The Shift from Absolute Victory to Political Pragmatism

The significance of Burhan’s speech lies in its transition from the rhetoric of absolute victory to a more political tone, which opens the door to dialogue. However, it remains insufficient on its own to end the war. The key question is: Was this speech directed at Sudanese citizens, or was it meant for the African Union summit and the international community?

Leaving aside the call for the repentance of others - particularly those opposing the war - and setting aside the discussion of the amendment of the constitutional document, which effectively died after the October 25 coup, the real issue is that mere governmental restructuring and appointing a prime minister from among the crocodiles of Port Sudan will not change the reality of war. These actions only waste time and resources.

The claim that the Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC) should withdraw their support for the militia is nothing more than wartime propaganda and does not bring anything new. The reality on the ground is that three key forces dominate Sudan’s political landscape today:

              1.           The revolutionary and democratic forces, including non-signatory armed movements

              2.           The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and its allies

              3.           The RSF and its allies

However, the real forces that need to distance themselves from the security sector are the remnants of the former regime and the Islamist movement, whose ambiguous relationship with the army must come to an end. Only then can SAF transform into a politically neutral institution that reflects Sudan’s diversity, does not oppose civilian democratic rule, ceases waging wars in rural areas, and operates as a truly professional military force. At that point, all political interference in the army should be cut off completely.

3. Toward a Political Resolution: The Path to Peace

A young man who claims to be close to army leadership recently circulated a paper titled “The Path to Peace and Stability: Towards Unity, Peace, and Democratic Transition.” The document outlined national principles, key transitional issues, and the role of the armed forces. It appears that elements of this document shaped Burhan’s message to his allies within the army.

While starting with one’s own camp is natural, wisdom and courage demand engaging with opponents as well. Moving forward requires the Commander-in-Chief to engage in direct talks with the RSF to halt the war. There is no better time for the army to negotiate, to stop the conflict, and preserve both human and material resources. This is the moment for the military to translate battlefield gains into political progress - because absolute victory is unattainable.

We must recall the failures of past military triumphalism of the General Bashir era, which led to catastrophic mistakes. The priority must be the interests of the people and the country.

The next crucial step is direct engagement with the revolutionary and democratic forces. These forces have consistently shown readiness to work toward ending the war. It would be wise for Burhan and his colleagues to meet with all factions of the revolutionary and democratic forces, both inside and outside Sudan, to discuss unconditionally how to stop and end the war.

4. A Call for Peace and Nation Building

The Sudanese people have endured immense suffering - humiliation, killings, displacement, war crimes - and paid a heavy price for this war. They do not deserve this tragedy. What they deserve is a just peace, development, and democracy.

Today is the day to stop the war and its atrocities, address the humanitarian catastrophe, and adopt a discourse of nation building instead of the logic of war and war propaganda. True and absolute victory lies in peace - nothing else. Let us all move toward political engagement in a genuine dialogue, respond to the people’s demands, and safeguard the unity and sovereignty of our nation.

#Yes_to_December_Revolution

#No_to_April_War

February 9, 2025

[yasirarman]

We Must Work Together to Declare the Islamic Movement and the National Congress Party as Terrorist Organizations

We Must Work Together to Declare the Islamic Movement and the National Congress Party as Terrorist Organizations

By Yasir Arman

What is happening now in Al-Jazira state, perpetrated by groups of the so-called “Special Operations,” the Islamic Movement, the National Congress Party, and their influential members within the state apparatus, including the regular forces and security agencies, constitutes wide-ranging war crimes and deliberate, systematic terrorism. These actions are intended to eradicate any form of political or social resistance. This is a group driven by fanatic sentiments, believing that they can crush the December Revolution and force the Sudanese people into submission under the oppressive rule of the Islamic Movement of Sudan.

Today’s events are merely a continuation of what has happened in South Sudan, the Nuba Mountains, the Blue Nile, Darfur, the ghost houses, and the widespread executions and purges that have scarred our entire society.

The desecration of the graves of the Sufi Sheikhs, the beheading of civilians, the assassination of emergency committee members, the sweeping campaigns in Al-Jazeera, and previously in Sennar and other parts of Sudan, along with the documented evidence of these atrocities, place an obligation on all of us, both within Sudan and abroad, to launch a regional and global campaign. This campaign must aim to declare the Islamic Movement of Sudan, its organizations, and its leaders who are spearheading this war as terrorist entities to be held accountable for their crimes dating back to June 30, 1989.

We must unite and not allow ourselves to be divided in confronting them. The unity of Sudanese society and its vibrant civil, political, and social forces is our path forward toward a better future.

January 14, 2025

[yasirarman]

Madani City and Al-Jazira: Victims of Violations, and Displacement – Not a Football Match

Madani City and Al-Jazira: Victims of Violations, and Displacement – Not a Football Match

By Yasir Arman

People have the right to celebrate, and many feel a longing for their homes, streets, and Madani – the city of culture, education, and national struggle. In this city, over a hundred years ago, the leader Ali Abdel Latif refused to salute a British officer and faced the consequences. A century ago, this great city also became the capital of the largest agricultural irrigation project in Africa and perhaps the Third World – the Gezira Scheme. Madani should witness the centennial anniversary of its founding in 1925 - 2025. Here, lies the headquarters of the betrayed Farmers’ Union and Barakat (the HQ of agricultural research).

Al-Jazira belongs to the farmers who inherited it generation after generation, as expressed by the late leader Al-Sharif Hussein Al-Hindi. It also belongs to its citizens from all across Sudan, without discrimination or infringement on anyone’s rights.

Madani is the city of Ahmed Khair the lawyer and the Graduates’ Congress Leader. Al-Jazira is the land of Wad Bader, Wad Al-Basir, Wad Habouba, and the battles of the Mahdist era. Madani and Al-Jazira are also the home of the great singers Al-Khair Osman, Mohammed Al-Amin, Ramadan Zayed, Ramadan Hassan, Abu Araki and the beautiful school of Hantoub. They are the lands of sports and revolutions from 1924 to December, and have remained steadfast against the National Congress Party.

No blame can be placed on those celebrating and longing to return to their homes from displacement, refuge, and suffering. But shame on the parties to this war, all who support it, and all who have destroyed lives, looted homes, and spilled blood. Shame on those who devastated villages and cities, killed innocent lives, committed heinous crimes, and assaulted women. Yet, Al-Jazira, Madani, and Sudan will not return to the era of the remnants of the former regime that destroyed farmers’ lives, wrecked the Gezira Scheme, and sold off its assets.

We must differentiate between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the remnants of the former regime. The latter worked to corrupt and politicized SAF just as they destroyed the Gezira Scheme. The armed forces deserve to emerge from this war into a grand national project that unites rather than divides and preserves rather than squanders, as expressed by the martyr Mohammed Othman Hamid Karar.

The armed forces need rebuilding, professionalism, and the removal of all political and partisan influence. If our people return to their homes, the December revolution will return too. If civil space is restored, the remnants will have no place, and the resistance committees will return from Karnoi to Port Sudan, from Halfa to Damazin. No regard will be given to the remnants of the NCP regime, no matter how loud their voices.

We must build a unified armed force that serves the people and operates under a civilian and democratic system. There is no alternative to a single professional armed force, and as the great artist and son of Al-Jazira, Badi Mohammed Al-Tayeb, alongside Mohammed Al-Amin, once said: “What ails the weary struggle? My soul yearns for Madani… If only fate allows me to find joy, To wander for a day through Madani’s lands.”

Fragmenting society, destroying the Sudanese state, dismantling its institutions, sowing hatred, tearing the social fabric, and taking lives – this is not a football match between the warring parties. A new wisdom must be birthed, and we must all strive for peace and the creation of a new national project that establishes a Sudan based on freedom, peace, and justice.

A Chinese proverb says, “A man in anger should not start a war. His anger will pass, but the victims will not return.”

Message to SAF:

To the command, officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of the armed forces: we must learn from the past and soar high toward the nation, the citizens, and peace. Reject hatred and revenge. It is your duty to protect civilians and prevent the remnants of the regime from settling their scores with ordinary people and the forces of the revolution.

Sudan’s wars will only end when we address the root causes of our crises and build a nation of equal citizenship without discrimination.

January 11, 2025

[yasirarman]

*SUDAN’S UNITY*

*Between the Multiplicity of Armies and Militias and the Multiplicity of Polical Centers*

*Sit-in Square – Port Sudan – Nyala – Nierteti – Kauda*

*SUDAN’S UNITY*

*Between the Multiplicity of Armies and Militias and the Multiplicity of Polical Centers*

*Sit-in Square – Port Sudan – Nyala – Nierteti – Kauda*

*By Yasir Arman*

For the first time since Britain’s General Kitchener’s conquest of Sudan in 1898, Khartoum has disappeared as the center of political power, as well as exercising the command and control of a single army. Due to the policies of the National Congress Party (NCP), its Islamists, and the prolonged state violence against marginalized groups and rural areas, the military and state are no longer the sole holders of arms. The proliferation of armies and militias has become rampant.

The absence of a unified army means the absence of a unified nation. If we want one country, we must strive for one army, as there can be no development, democracy, stability, or security in a country where armies and militias outnumber its universities and hospitals!

In May 2019, following the revolution, I wrote an article asserting that the multiplicity of armies is the primary issue facing the revolution. Without addressing it, both the revolution and the state would collapse. Today, the multiplicity of armies and militias has become a matter of life and death for every citizen and threatens the very existence of the state. Only the humanitarian catastrophe, the cessation of violations, and the protection of civilians surpass this issue in importance. However, these challenges are themselves consequences of the corruption in security arrangements and the wars of armies and militias.

Today, the state has collapsed, society has disintegrated, and people have retreated from their grand aspirations to mere survival - fighting hate speech and its implications, and prioritizing natural rights such as the right to life and the right to a stay in safe homes. The primary demand of citizens is to stop the war, with their priorities being security, food, shelter, and healthcare. Every political strategy must be built on addressing people’s needs, safeguarding their interests, and fulfilling their demands.

Humanitarian relief must precede politics, and the humanitarian process must take precedence over the political process - it is, in fact, the gateway to it. The search for the right to life must come before the pursuit of power. All this can only be achieved through an integrated and comprehensive approach that begins with addressing the citizen’s concerns and ensuring their protection, and ends with completing the revolution and rebuilding the state. The political process must focus first on ending the war in order to address its causes, foremost among them being the multiplicity of armies and militias.

*1. The Multiplicity of Political Centers:*

New political and geographical centers have emerged, alongside old ones, some of which are large and have inherited elements of the state and its former central authority. Others express regional or ethnic aspirations in the absence of Khartoum. In reality, Sudan today consists of multiple centers - Port Sudan, Nyala or El Daein, Nierteti, and Kauda, to name a few. Who knows what the future holds?

*2. The Unity of the Civilian Forces - The Absent Yet Present Center:*

The absent yet present center is the one that represents the will of the people and their strong desire for change - December’s revolutionary center. Its geographical seat and capital is the betrayed Sit-in Square at the heart of Khartoum, but it also resides in the heart of every revolutionary, every person with a living conscience. This center encompasses the largest and most diverse mass movement, representing Sudan’s social, geographic, political, and cultural diversity.

It is an extension of Sudan’s long-standing revolutionary legacy in both rural and urban areas, dating back to the 1924 revolution. This center is a century old and aspires to build a new Sudan. Just as Syrians today speak of a “new Syria,” this center, born from the Republic of the Tunnel and Sit-in Square during the December revolution before it was crushed by the military, will emerge from the shadows of war. The future will prove that the revolution is more enduring than war.

The unity of this civil revolutionary center across rural and urban areas is the guarantee of Sudan’s social fabric, the unity of its people, and the unity of the country itself. All civilian revolutionary forces must organize into an anti-war front to restore the balance of power against the proliferation of armies and militias. They must not align themselves with the armed factions but instead reject war, guided by the illuminating book of the revolution. Fragmentation within these forces will only prolong the war and lead to fragile solutions.

We must have one professional army that ends the era of multiple armies and militias and ushers in an era of acceptance of political, social, and cultural diversity as the sole currency. We must rebuild a new Khartoum as a center that respects the will of Sudan’s diverse components and regions, based on an unbreakable unity built on free will, equal citizenship, a democratic system, social justice, and a new constitutional framework.

*3. Revolutionary Forces Are Not a Masking Paint for Power-Sharing Solutions:*

Taking from their own catalog and play book, regional and global actors often resort to quick-fix solutions to war, prioritizing power-sharing agreements between warring parties. Given that Sudan’s war arises in the context of a revolution and the regional and international community’s commitment to restoring civilian democratic rule, these quick-fix solutions risk using the revolutionary forces as masks for power-sharing agreements. The fragmentation of revolutionary forces could - but should not - be used as a pretext for such superficial solutions. And when paint is insufficient, even a bit of alignment with pro-war groups might be employed.

The unity of revolutionary forces is the key to preventing fragile solutions and achieving sustainable ones. This unity ensures that civilians are not merely symbolic tokens in power-sharing agreements but instead form the basis for genuine transformation.

*December 26, 2024*

[yasirarman]

*THE SUDAN PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT – REVOLUTIONARY DEMOCRATIC CURRENT (SPLM - RDC)*

*EMERGENCY LEADERSHIP COUNCIL MEETING: ASSESSMENT OF TAGDUM LEADERSHIP MEETING OUTCOMES*

⭕ Our priorities are the humanitarian catastrophe and the formation of a wider civilian front.

⭕ Our position on the roundtable.

⭕ Our position on the question of legitimacy and the formation a new government.

The leadership council of the SPLM - RDC convened an emergency meeting on Wednesday evening - December 11, 2024 - to discuss and assess the most important outcomes of Tagdum’s leadership meeting held in Entebbe, Uganda from December 3rd to 6th 2024. This included discussion of the memorandum submitted by the SPLM - RDC on issues of reforms developing political vision and direction, organizational issues, and the practical proposals we presented.

The meeting started by honouring the sixth anniversary of the December Revolution, saluted the martyrs of the Sudanese revolutions, and recognized the sacrifices and struggles of our people.

It affirmed that SPLM - RDC is a product of the historical experience of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, the forces of the New Sudan, and the glorious December Revolution.

*1. THE SPLM - RDC MEMORANDUM:*

In the SPLM - RDC leadership council meeting, we positively assessed the discussions by Tagdum’s leadership and its executive council on our memorandum. We value Tagdum’s leadership stance on prioritizing the humanitarian agendas and addressing human rights violations and crimes, as an entry point to a comprehensive roadmap to stop and end the war, focusing on the internal agenda within Sudan as primary issues.

We emphasised on the importance of the adoption and formation of a political mechanism aimed at addressing the complexities of the humanitarian catastrophe, streamlining political processes, and reconnecting with the December Revolution. Significant effort was noted in addressing the concerns of resistance committees, civil society, and ensuring representation of Sudan’s diversity, women, and organizational reforms. We look forward to the Tagdum Chairperson issuing decrees to this effect.

*2. THE HUMANITARIAN CATASTROPHE, WAR CRIMES, AND HUMAN RIGHT VIOLATIONS*

Based on our experiences in Sudan and elsewhere, humanitarian aid must precede politics, and humanitarian agendas must take precedence over political ones. Stopping the war and bloodshed is the gateway to ending the war and addressing its roots.

We call on all Sudanese, both men and women, opposed to the war to unite in a broader campaign to halt the war and its crimes. We must not settle for mere sympathies or war reporting, but instead devise practical ways to combat these crimes, support displaced persons and refugees, and escalate activities through humanitarian organizations, protests, and petitions to influential entities. This should mirror the mobilization efforts of the December Revolution.

The brutal killing, loss of lives, and increasing atrocities demand that our resistance is similarly escalated in practical and effective ways.

*3. TOWARDS A WIDER ANTI-WAR CIVILIAN FRONT*

The meeting highly valued the communications, stances, and statements issued by all civil and political forces aligned with the December Revolution. Particular recognition was given to the Nairobi Declaration signed between the leaders of Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) and the SPLM-North - Abdelaziz Al-Hilu and Abdelwahid Mohamed Nour - and Dr. Abdalla Hamdok.

Furthermore, acknowledgment was made of the communications initiated by the original Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party and the statement issued by the Sudanese Communist Party’s Political Bureau on the sixth anniversary of the December Revolution.

A new atmosphere is emerging, one capable of shifting the balance of power in favor of the revolutionary civilian forces through mutual concessions to counter the forces of war. The revolutionary forces must unite to ensure their efforts are not dispersed and divided among the warring factions. These revolutionary forces are independent of either side in the war, with a mission to complete the revolution and establish a functional state on a new basis.

*4. THE ROUNDTABLE*

The concept of the roundtable, as we understand it, starts by uniting the revolutionary forces before engaging with those who disrupted the transition, drove the country toward the coup and war, and are now seeking political laundering and power sharing.

Any political platform solely seeking power without addressing the humanitarian catastrophe and war crimes is unacceptable. The priority must be to unify the revolutionary forces before engaging with those who undermined the transition. This unity is both the starting point and the correct approach for dealing with those responsible for the failure of the transition.

*5. OUR POSITION ON THE QUESTION OF LEGITIMACY AND FORMATION OF A NEW GOVERNMENT*

Neither side in the war holds legitimacy. Their legitimacy ended with the October 25, 2021 coup and the April 15, 2023 war. In both cases, the National Congress Party (NCP) and its affiliates bear the greatest responsibility for the coup and the war.

The semblance of legitimacy granted to the Port Sudan faction, along with the quasi-recognition they receive from some regional and international circles, is due to the international community’s reluctance to declare Sudan stateless as that would impose obligations on regional and global entities.

We witnessed firsthand how legitimacy in Syria collapsed without any international outcry. The true legitimacy lies with the December Revolution and the sacrifices of our people.

We oppose the formation of a government for several reasons, including its potential to legitimize Sudan’s fragmentation, prolong the war, and worsen civilian suffering under both factions’ claims of legitimacy. Priority should be given to stopping and ending the war, isolating those calling for its continuation, preserving the unity and sovereignty of the state, addressing the humanitarian catastrophe, and protecting civilians.

We refuse to become partners in war. Our aim is to bring peace to our people, complete the revolution, and build a democratic state founded on citizenship without discrimination.

• Long live Sudan’s unity and revolution • The revolution will outlast the war • Victory to the masses *December 12, 2024.*

*THE SUDAN PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT – REVOLUTIONARY DEMOCRATIC CURRENT (SPLM - RDC)*

*EMERGENCY LEADERSHIP COUNCIL MEETING: ASSESSMENT OF TAGDUM LEADERSHIP MEETING OUTCOMES*

⭕ Our priorities are the humanitarian catastrophe and the formation of a wider civilian front.

⭕ Our position on the roundtable.

⭕ Our position on the question of legitimacy and the formation a new government.

The leadership council of the SPLM - RDC convened an emergency meeting on Wednesday evening - December 11, 2024 - to discuss and assess the most important outcomes of Tagdum’s leadership meeting held in Entebbe, Uganda from December 3rd to 6th 2024. This included discussion of the memorandum submitted by the SPLM - RDC on issues of reforms developing political vision and direction, organizational issues, and the practical proposals we presented.

The meeting started by honouring the sixth anniversary of the December Revolution, saluted the martyrs of the Sudanese revolutions, and recognized the sacrifices and struggles of our people.

It affirmed that SPLM - RDC is a product of the historical experience of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, the forces of the New Sudan, and the glorious December Revolution.

*1. THE SPLM - RDC MEMORANDUM:*

In the SPLM - RDC leadership council meeting, we positively assessed the discussions by Tagdum’s leadership and its executive council on our memorandum. We value Tagdum’s leadership stance on prioritizing the humanitarian agendas and addressing human rights violations and crimes, as an entry point to a comprehensive roadmap to stop and end the war, focusing on the internal agenda within Sudan as primary issues.

We emphasised on the importance of the adoption and formation of a political mechanism aimed at addressing the complexities of the humanitarian catastrophe, streamlining political processes, and reconnecting with the December Revolution. Significant effort was noted in addressing the concerns of resistance committees, civil society, and ensuring representation of Sudan’s diversity, women, and organizational reforms. We look forward to the Tagdum Chairperson issuing decrees to this effect.

*2. THE HUMANITARIAN CATASTROPHE, WAR CRIMES, AND HUMAN RIGHT VIOLATIONS*

Based on our experiences in Sudan and elsewhere, humanitarian aid must precede politics, and humanitarian agendas must take precedence over political ones. Stopping the war and bloodshed is the gateway to ending the war and addressing its roots.

We call on all Sudanese, both men and women, opposed to the war to unite in a broader campaign to halt the war and its crimes. We must not settle for mere sympathies or war reporting, but instead devise practical ways to combat these crimes, support displaced persons and refugees, and escalate activities through humanitarian organizations, protests, and petitions to influential entities. This should mirror the mobilization efforts of the December Revolution.

The brutal killing, loss of lives, and increasing atrocities demand that our resistance is similarly escalated in practical and effective ways.

*3. TOWARDS A WIDER ANTI-WAR CIVILIAN FRONT*

The meeting highly valued the communications, stances, and statements issued by all civil and political forces aligned with the December Revolution. Particular recognition was given to the Nairobi Declaration signed between the leaders of Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) and the SPLM-North - Abdelaziz Al-Hilu and Abdelwahid Mohamed Nour - and Dr. Abdalla Hamdok.

Furthermore, acknowledgment was made of the communications initiated by the original Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party and the statement issued by the Sudanese Communist Party’s Political Bureau on the sixth anniversary of the December Revolution.

A new atmosphere is emerging, one capable of shifting the balance of power in favor of the revolutionary civilian forces through mutual concessions to counter the forces of war. The revolutionary forces must unite to ensure their efforts are not dispersed and divided among the warring factions. These revolutionary forces are independent of either side in the war, with a mission to complete the revolution and establish a functional state on a new basis.

*4. THE ROUNDTABLE*

The concept of the roundtable, as we understand it, starts by uniting the revolutionary forces before engaging with those who disrupted the transition, drove the country toward the coup and war, and are now seeking political laundering and power sharing.

Any political platform solely seeking power without addressing the humanitarian catastrophe and war crimes is unacceptable. The priority must be to unify the revolutionary forces before engaging with those who undermined the transition. This unity is both the starting point and the correct approach for dealing with those responsible for the failure of the transition.

*5. OUR POSITION ON THE QUESTION OF LEGITIMACY AND FORMATION OF A NEW GOVERNMENT*

Neither side in the war holds legitimacy. Their legitimacy ended with the October 25, 2021 coup and the April 15, 2023 war. In both cases, the National Congress Party (NCP) and its affiliates bear the greatest responsibility for the coup and the war.

The semblance of legitimacy granted to the Port Sudan faction, along with the quasi-recognition they receive from some regional and international circles, is due to the international community’s reluctance to declare Sudan stateless as that would impose obligations on regional and global entities.

We witnessed firsthand how legitimacy in Syria collapsed without any international outcry. The true legitimacy lies with the December Revolution and the sacrifices of our people.

We oppose the formation of a government for several reasons, including its potential to legitimize Sudan’s fragmentation, prolong the war, and worsen civilian suffering under both factions’ claims of legitimacy. Priority should be given to stopping and ending the war, isolating those calling for its continuation, preserving the unity and sovereignty of the state, addressing the humanitarian catastrophe, and protecting civilians.

We refuse to become partners in war. Our aim is to bring peace to our people, complete the revolution, and build a democratic state founded on citizenship without discrimination.

• Long live Sudan’s unity and revolution

• The revolution will outlast the war

• Victory to the masses

*December 12, 2024.*

This material is distributed by Esther Sprague on behalf of Sudan People's Liberation Movement - Revolutionary Democratic Current.  Additional information is available at the Department of Justice, Washington, DC..