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ARGENTINA
Chelsey Deranian, Sara Johnson, Sara Hahn, Kara Ogilvie
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Argentina - The Basics
Population: As of July 2016, the population of Argentina was approximately: 43,886,748.
Size (Geographical): Total area: 2,780,400 sq km. 2,736,690 sq km of this area is land, while 43,710 sq km is water (The World Factbook).
Capital: Buenos Aires
Main Language: Spanish
Other Languages: “Italian, English, German, French, indigenous (Mapudungun, Quechua)” (The World Factbook).
Racial/Ethnic Background: “white (mostly Spanish and Italian) 97%, mestizo (mixed white and Amerindian ancestry), Amerindian, or other non-white groups 3%” (The World Factbook). Argentina’s primarily white/European population is due to a high influx of Europeans in the 19th and 20th centuries.
Main Economic Activities: Argentina has an opportunity to cultivate natural resources and provide a large amount of agricultural exports to other economies; the nation experienced severe recession but was able to bounce back economically; Argentina also succeeds in various industrial industries.
GDP (Gross Domestic Product): $583.169 Billion (as of 2015). The Gross Domestic Product of a nation is the monetary value of a country’s exported goods over the course of a fiscal year, contributing to the economic state of the country (“Gross Domestic Product (GDP)”).
HDI: 0.836. Human Development Index is an assessment/evaluation of a country’s human development and quality of life (on a scale of 0-1) based on educational and lifestyle factors.
GINI Coefficient: 44.5. This represents the distribution of income within a country (“Human Development Reports”), with the ultimate goal to express the economic inequality present within the nation.
Socioeconomic Indicators: Data that represents various states of the nation, including: economic status, education rates, and general health.
In Argentina, there are/is:
10.1 deaths for every 1000 live births,
A 98.09% literacy rate,
A birth rate of 17 births per 1000 people; death rate = 7.5 deaths per 1000 people; life expectancy = 77.1 years (“The World Factbook”).
Works Cited
"Adult Literacy Rate, Population 15+ Years, Both Sexes (%)." Adult Literacy Rate, Population 15+ Years, Both Sexes (%) | Data. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Mar. 2017.
"Argentina." Argentina | Data. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Mar. 2017.
"Argentina Overview." The World Bank Working for a World Free of Poverty. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Mar. 2017.
"Gross Domestic Product (GDP)." BusinessDictionary.com. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Mar. 2017.
"Human Development Reports." | Human Development Reports. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Mar. 2017.
"Human Development Reports." Income Gini Coefficient | Human Development Reports. UNDP, n.d. Web. 28 Mar. 2017.
UNDP. "Argentina: HDI Values and Rank Changes in the 2013 Human Development Report." (n.d.): n. pag. 2013. Web.
"The World Factbook: ARGENTINA." Central Intelligence Agency. Central Intelligence Agency, 12 Jan. 2017. Web. 28 Mar. 2017.
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Argentina In Context: Colonialism and Independence in Latin America
Latin American colonialism was motivated by many of the same factors. Colonies in Latin America were primarily colonized by the Spanish and the Portuguese with the exception of the French and Dutch in the northern parts of Latin America, what are now considered the Guianas. Riches, religion, power, and slaves characterized many of the conquistadors’ ideals. The conquistadors’ were primarily adventurers who traveled to America alone, leaving their wives and children at home.
The indigenous people in Latin America did not pose much of a threat during the arrival of the Europeans. However, in the beginning of the encounter the Spanish and Portuguese desired peaceful coexistence instead of subjugation. When it came time for the subjugation of the indigenous people, they were very successful. Both the Spanish and the Portuguese had experience with indigenous people, either in the Caribbean or Central America. They had resources and weapons that the natives had never encountered before. However, what proved to be the most lethal was the European diseases that the colonizers brought with them. Smallpox decimated these complex, ancient civilizations. Although the Spanish encounter with the Aztecs in Mexico and the Incas in Peru required the use of weapons and strategy, what aided them the most was disease. Additionally, the gathering of native populations in religious villages also proliferated the spread of disease. Because they had so much power and knowledge on their side, colonizers were easily able to subjugate the native peoples. They started exporting cash crops using an indigenous labor force. Argentina, Brazil, and Peru accelerated in sugarcane, coffee, and tobacco production. Encomienda systems were established with payment of tribute from the natives.
Latin American independence was driven primarily by two factors. Liberalism played a major role with desires for progress, reason, a free market, and democracies becoming strong in most countries. A desire for nationalism also characterized most movements for independence. Most Latin Americans wanted to defend themselves against imperialism. They were tired of being subjugated to another country’s jurisdiction. More than anything, Latin Americans longed for social equality, something that they believed would accompany democracy. Today, some Latin American countries have successfully established democracies while others are still struggling. However one thing remains, the Spanish, Portuguese, and European still hold a majority of the power while African Americans and the indigenous people are considered of a lower social standing.
Argentina, like many other South American countries, was colonized by Spain in the 1500’s. The original inhabitants of Argentina were natives, many of them hunter-gatherers. However, with the arrival of the Spanish, a new era of cultural, economic, and social change came about. The largest city in Argentina pre-colonialism was Córdoba, so naturally it became a key city during the Spanish conquest. Perhaps it can even serve as a microcosm of the patterns of Spanish dominance and influence throughout the whole country.
The Spanish colonization of Argentina was conducted in three phases. The Spanish traveled north from Peru, southeast towards Rio de la Plata, named for the indigenous people discovered there wearing silver necklaces, and one coming west from Chile. Córdoba is unique because it is centrally located in Argentina and easy to get to. The Spanish established the social, economic, and communication systems in Córdoba. In many cities throughout Argentina, the wealthy Spanish proprietors constructed large estancias, or ranches, with a large mixed race workforce because of intermarriage. The Spanish believed in strong family networks and had their prejudices towards the non-whites and indigenous people, however interbreeding was inevitable. Córdoba was a city teeming with Spanish military elite, so the ratio of men to women was very unbalanced. The city was a representation of adventure and conquest and although interbreeding was discourage, most Spanish conquistadors had relations with the indigenous women, resulting in a Mestizo race. However, intermarriage with the whites in Córdoba was highly encouraged. It was seen as an economic investment, as the Spanish would marry and take over the wife’s family’s small business.
Buenos Aires was colonized by men as well, but by men who brought their wives and children with them. Although Córdoba was the most centrally located colonial city in Argentina, Buenos Aires became the center for culture. Postcolonial Argentina drew many Europeans to this unique city, especially the French.
The end of Spanish rule in Argentina began in 1807, when Napoleon invaded Spain, overthrew Charles IV, and replaced him with Joseph Bonaparte. Liberals saw this as an opportunity to claim their power over the region, which resulted in a great pushback from conservatives who desired to see the continuation of colonial rule (Lewis 2015). The conflict that followed resulted in the collapse of colonial authority in Argentina, but the question of who should govern and in what manner remained (Lewis 2015). This “territorial fragmentation” is the blame of a region-wide initial failure of former Spanish colonies to successfully govern themselves (Negretto & Rivera 2000). 1820 is known as the “Terrible Year Twenty” as the Unitarians, who wanted a centralized government, and the Federalists, who wanted Argentina to become a federation of provinces, continued to escalate their disagreements into a series of armed conflicts, with the federalists winning out at first, only to be defeated by the unitarians, followed by a final defeat of the unitarians in 1829, and the rise to power of Juan Manuel de Rosas, who dictated the government until 1845 (Lewis 2015). This dictatorship was followed by the establishment of the Argentine Constitution of 1853 which put into place the Argentine Republic that we know today. Spanish rule in Argentina has traditionally been viewed as a “civilizing force” in the development of the nation, especially with regard to the cultural and political center that is Buenos Aires (Matthias 2015). However, many contemporary curricula in schools frame the Spanish colonial period as being a “source of backwardness” which will likely result in a generational divide in the way this very important part of Argentina’s past is viewed (Matthias 2015).
Works Cited
“Argentina and the Argentines”, Bailey Willis, Bulletin of the American Geographical Society,
Vol. 47, No. 9 (1915), pp. 680-684. JSTOR
Blanchard, Peter. "An Institution Defended: Slavery And The English Invasions Of Buenos Aires In 1806–1807." Slavery & Abolition 35.2 (2014): 253. Advanced Placement Source. Web. 12 Feb. 2017.
“Class endogamy, inbreeding and migration during the Argentinean colonial period: Analysis
based on individuals of European ancestry”, Sonia E. Colantonio, Vicente Fuster and
Alberto J. Marcellino, Anthropologischer Anzeiger, Jahrg. 64, H. 3 (September 2006), pp. 311-319. JSTOR
“Isonymous Structure in the White Population of Córdoba, Argentina, in 1813, S.”
COLANTONIO, V. FUSTER and C. KÜFFER, Human Biology, Vol. 79, No. 5 (October
2007), pp. 491-500. JSTOR
Lewis, Daniel K. The history of Argentina. Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood, an imprint of
ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2015. Print.
Matthias vom, Hau. "From “Civilizing Force” To “Source Of Backwardness”: Representations
Of Spanish Colonialism In Latin America." Historia Actual Online, Vol 0, Iss 37, Pp
117-133 (2015) 37 (2015): 117. Directory of Open Access Journals. Web. 9 Feb. 2017.
Negretto, Gabriel L., and José Antonio Aguilar Rivera. "Rethinking the Legacy of the Liberal
State in Latin America: The cases of Argentina (1853–1916) and Mexico (1857–1910)."
Journal of Latin American Studies 32.2 (2000): 361-97. Web.
Street, J. “Lord Strangford and Río De La Plata, 1808-1815.” The Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 33, no. 4, 1953, pp. 477–510.
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Current Events in Argentina
Last month, the FMO, or the Netherlands Development Finance Company, committed to the progression of Argentina as a nation. More specifically, the FMO “signed a deal with the government of Argentina to develop an investment programme for water and wastewater infrastructure projects in the country” (Michel “FMO backs Argentina water projects”). Not only will this allow for improvement of infrastructure in Argentina, but it is also expected to create many jobs, minimizing unemployment throughout the nation (Michel “FMO backs Argentina water projects”). The FMO has agreed to allow Argentina to pull from their funding to pursue these projects and advance the nation’s economy.
In addition, the FMO aims to provide additional assistance to enhance and accelerate the process, although these details are not clear at this time (“FMO supports infrastructure development in Argentina”). Projections show that Argentina’s economy “is expected to expand by 2% in 2017” (Michel “FMO backs Argentina water projects”). Many may attribute this movement to the current President of Argentina, Mauricio Macri, as he has been working on nationwide reform in this area while in office.
Previously, the FMO has funded other projects in Argentina as well. Funding of 100 million U.S. Dollars was given to CAGSA, or Compania Argentina De Granos SA. This company “is a key player in the Argentinean agribusiness sector” (“Compania Argentina De Granos SA”). It is in direct contact with thousands of farmers in the country to provide them with the services and resources, such as grain, that they need to thrive. The FMO chose to provide CAGSA with this funding not only due to their close relations with farmers, but also due to a tenfold increase in their employment numbers since 2001, (“Compania Argentina De Granos SA”) suggesting an up-and-coming establishment. This, in addition to the newest funding project from the FMO, indicate their complete support to Argentina becoming a prominent figure in the dynamic of the international economy.
This project is undoubtedly a great step for the economic state of Argentina, furthering their economic strength as well as their overall presence in the international economy. All throughout history, Latin American nations have struggled with the dependency theory, or the belief that Latin American countries could never advance enough to not be dependent on economic and political superpowers, such as the United States or other European countries. Despite Argentina’s 98% literacy rate, these underlying opinions about Argentina (among many other Latin American nations) are still held by many powers throughout the world. This project, along with others, is a step toward breaking these ties and the demeaning stereotype. However, the FMO is a European company that is lending their financial support to Argentina. Upon reading this article, one must wonder the social impacts of the loans from the FMO – will they heighten the dependency sentiment? The development of this project is crucial to this question.
The President’s mindset of reform is a good sign that this project will be viewed as a partnership rather than a dependency. Furthermore, the fact that the FMO is lending its money to specific businesses and companies of infrastructure rather than the general government indicates that Argentina has specific goals for its economic growth as opposed to a general attempt to become more economically independent. The progress of this project has a substantial impact on how the nation is viewed by the world, and as long as the President and citizens are active contributors, the dependency theory will not be in question for Argentina as a result of this initiative.
Works Cited
"FMO Supports Infrastructure Development in Argentina." FMO. N.p., 28 Mar. 2017. Web. 07 Apr. 2017.
Michel, Melodie. "FMO Backs Argentina Water Projects." Global Trade Review (GTR). N.p., 29 Mar. 2017. Web. 07 Apr. 2017.
"Project Detail - COMPANIA ARGENTINA DE GRANOS SA." Project Detail - COMPANIA ARGENTINA DE GRANOS SA - FMO. FMO, n.d. Web. 15 Apr. 2017.
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Music’s Integral Role in Culture and Politics in Argentina
Where would you be without music?
Throughout history, music has proven to be vital to the development to society and culture. It has been a medium of communication, a common ground, a method of religious praise, an expression of individuality. Music, in all styles and forms, has been present in moments of the world’s past, both large and small. It is safe to say that without music, the course of history would have been drastically different.
In Latin America, music has had a particularly profound impact on the history of its people and the development of its nations. Prior to colonization of Latin America by European powers, such as Spain and Portugal, music was filled with Indigenous instruments and styles. “The syncopated music of Latin America is generally of African origin, but there are differences” (Tandt, Young 239), suggesting a sense of originality of music to the region with certain variations from group to group. The variations in pre-colonial music highlights the ability of music to express individuality as the styles utilized may be dependent upon certain religious practices, traditions, or dialects present throughout Latin America. Overall, however, it is clear that “music had important social and ceremonial functions throughout the continent at the time of the arrival of the Europeans” (Tandt, Young 239). This fact remains constant in any region of Latin America, and it is thought that the frequent exposure and use of music in the Indigenous peoples’ lives made them more open to music of the Europeans in their Church practices.
In Argentina specifically, traces of Indigenous musical practices are known today. For example, the Bombo legüero is a drum that was used by the Indigenous people of Argentina. It consists of “a hollowed tree trunk and covered with cured skins of animals such as goats, cows or sheep” (“Indigenous Instruments of Argentina”). This instrument was extremely important to early versions of folk music of the nation and has more recently been incorporated in the popular styles of Argentina’s musicians. Another important instrument to pre-colonial Argentina was the erkencho, originated in areas of Northern Chile but used in folk music of Argentina as well. Made of a reed with a horn attached to the end, this instrument acted as a clarinet, introducing a more melodic type of sound to Indigenous music in Latin America (“Indigenous Instruments of Argentina”). Both of these instruments, among many others, significantly impacted the musical practices of pre-colonial Argentina, as well as the rest of Latin America.
Despite the importance of music in pre-colonial times, European influence inevitably changed Latin American music and lifestyle in its entirety. During Colonial times, Spanish and Portuguese leaders forced assimilation and unwanted change upon the Indigenous people of Latin America. This transformation was especially evident in the form of music. Rather than embracing the musical traditions of the people of Latin America, Europeans stripped these people of their instruments, styles, and practices. They were replaced with European traditions in order to promote cultural assimilation in the New World. For example, “cathedral choirs and orchestras often relied on native musicians and sings” (Tandt, Young 241). By integrating Latin American natives into their religious practices through music, they further reiterate the new cultural practices and Catholicism that they are promoting the Indigenous people to adopt.
New instruments were also introduced to natives as old ones were prohibited. “Cathedral orchestras included instruments such as the organ, harp, flageolet, bassoon, different types of horns and, later on, violins and other stringed instruments, as well as flutes” (Tandt, Young 241). Indigenous and mestisajes were taught how to use these instruments, as well as how to perform in religious masses. The purpose of this was essentially to distract natives from the musical freedom and individuality that had been stripped from them; the Europeans were attempting to prevent unrest and rebellion. As a further attempt to heighten dominance, “musical accomplishments were measured against European standards, initiating a long-standing tradition of colonial insecurity” (Tandt, Young 241) as well as an inferior sentiment. In this way, the conditions of musical expression were parallel to the political domination experienced in Latin American countries: strictly controlled and oppressed.
It is important to note, however, that “European influence has been both continuous and changing during the five centuries of history since the first ships arrived” (Tandt, Young 240). The influence of European music (and the arts in general) became less negative following independence. Qualities of European music are particularly apparent in Argentina. In the nineteenth century, the Italian opera and similar performances were performed in Buenos Aires (Tandt, Young 245). Decades later, Argentina was able to produce other forms of song and dance that would soon be associated with the identity of the nation. This would lead to the sentiment of nationalism throughout many countries of Latin America as new, hybrid forms of music came to life.
Nationalism in Argentina was expressed through the Sinfonía Argentina, or the Argentine Symphony. An important aspect of this was that it included the dance of tango. Tango has been extremely impactful on Buenos Aires throughout history, as well as Argentina and its culture as a whole. Despite its importance to Argentine culture, the tango originated in brothels and served as “an ‘acting out’ of the relationship between the prostitute and her pimp” (“Tango History”). As Tango became more popular, it lost its negative connotation and became a form of musical expression for many individuals throughout the nation. In addition, the dance style spread internationally and became popular in many regions throughout the twentieth century.
Musical advancement also became a focus in Chile in Argentina. In Argentina, places “such as the Grupo de Renovación and Agrupación Nueva Música” served the purpose of “[modernizing] musical practice in their countries” (Tandt, Young 249). Rather than promoting nationalism, the mid twentieth century encouraged the embracing of other trends from different parts of the world in addition to older traditions. This fusion had the goal of leading Argentina to be more advanced, both in music and in general.
Contemporary music of Argentina has been a result of many changes of existing styles in addition to new influences. For example, after the decline of tango’s popularity, a new version of tango was born. This version included “elements of jazz and blues with traditional sounds and orchestrations” as well as hints of popular music (Tandt, Young 251). This evolution of music reflects the political and economic transformations that Argentina and other Latin American countries were experiencing: incorporating various influences in order to overcome the barriers of dependency on other nations.
Another form of popular contemporary music in Argentina is rock. Rock was used “to signify resistance to dictatorship and social control” (Tandt, Young 254). Similar to previous musical movements in the nation, the emergence of rock was accompanied by negative connotations, particularly by the government in order to diminish the possibility of rebellion. However, following the Falklands/Malvinas War, censorship of this music style ceased. Rock eventually became more patriotic and an integral genre of the nation.
An extremely important aspect of modern music in Latin America as a whole has been Nueva Canción. This style of music “combines folk traditions from many different regions … with commercial forms and creates politically and culturally committed music” (Tandt, Young 255). One of the many different regions that influenced this movement is Argentina. The movement was inspired by the “rise of totalitarian military governments in South America during the 1960s and 1970s [that] brought increased political oppression and deteriorating social conditions” (“La Nueva Canción”). Singers of the time, such as Mercedes Sosa, an Argentine native, utilized music to speak out against the political and social oppression present. Issues included: poverty, basic rights, and democracy; many turned to music as a means of expression to protest the current conditions. The incorporation of traditional music into this movement was extremely important because it promoted “the preservation and recuperation of regional and national identities” that had been lost as a result of European colonialism (Tandt, Young 255). In other words, the members of this movement were determined to not lose their identity to political oppression once more. Additionally, “Nueva cancioneros throughout the Americas today continue to sing out against injustice with the same sense of urgency as the genre's founders” (“La Nueva Canción”).
Throughout history, music has reflected the malleable dynamic of Argentina and Latin America at large. Musically, politically, and socially, Argentina has proved itself to be capable of immense transformation and innovation. Music has been an integral aspect of this nation’s progression. It has provided a platform for change, while still bringing its natives back to their core roots and values. Music has proven to help Argentina “incorporate new traditions and forms” in order to enhance the nation as a whole (Tandt, Young 256). Without music, there is no telling the drastically different path that Argentina may have taken throughout the course of history, and the way that this may have impacted the world. It has contributed to the break from dependency on other superpowers, socially and politically. Music is an aspect of Argentina’s culture that is incredibly characteristic of its diversity and strength. It is a method of advancement, an outlet for emotions, and a way to fight for change.
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The History of Soccer and Politics in Argentina
Soccer arrived in Argentina on the backs of the English elite in the late nineteenth century. It made its journey from English intellectual circles into the poorest barrios of Buenos Aires. Soccer quickly became an epidemic, infecting the old, the young, the rich, and the poor. It had no language and required no money, allowing it to spread rapidly through the slums of Buenos Aires. One single ball quickly became the core of Argentinian identity. One ball had the ability to become so central to Argentine politics and economics. It is a way of life, it is patriotism, it is religion, and most importantly, it is power.
Soccer in Argentina began humbly. It began in the streets of the poorest barrios, with a ball not necessarily being a ball, but a jumble of trash or rags. Kids and immigrants picked up the game from the English and it spread rapidly from there. Fields, beaches, alleyways, and parks were arenas. Wherever there was open space, the presence of soccer was made known. This constant companion soon was made known to everyone. The knowledge of the game became the organization of the game into clubs and teams. With the formation of clubs came the birth of soccer into the economic sector, the birth of soccer as an industry. Membership in clubs evolved from free to a fee, with it never getting too high because of popularity in poor barrios. Soccer was no longer played with a ball of rags but with uniforms and equipment.
The first clubs in Argentina had ties to politics. They were dominated by influential men, with ties to the social and political issues of that particular barrio. The clubs helped create barrio identities, which are central to the culture of Buenos Aires. Because many of the barrios were poor and lacked the equipment and training necessary for their clubs to flourish, they turned to outsiders. These outsiders were often politicians. Coincidentally, the development of clubs came at the same as the development of the voting system, in the early 20th century, specifically, 1912. It also coincided with the establishment of universal suffrage for men. Politicians gave their support, often monetarily, in exchange for votes. Most of the men interested in these football clubs were young adults, young adults with a newfound eligibility to vote. As a result, football clubs became central to the campaigns of Argentine politicians. Clubs needed powerful patronage and politicians needed votes, essentially a symbiotic relationship.
Soccer in Argentina is unique to other Latin American countries in that it is centered in one city, Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires alone has seventy-nine stadiums in which professional football is played. The nature of football in Argentina is shaped by diversity, reflecting the multitude of ethnicities found in the barrios of Buenos Aires. Many of the clubs in Buenos Aires were formed in the period of time before major political reform in Argentina, so a fairly open political system was formed between politicians and clubs, which is distinctive to Argentina. Additionally, clubs are rarely taken advantage by by wealthy or corrupt politicians because the elite tend to be more involved in rugby, field hockey, golf, and equestrian sports. Social mobility in Argentina is more common than in other Latin American countries, so it is difficult to determine the social status in many clubs, seeing as how they consist of a mixture of middle and working class.
Throughout the 20th century, clubs grew significantly in membership, and football became a mass spectacle. Radio stations began broadcasting games and lighting permitted games at night. Games were an all-day affair, with businesses and restaurants in that particular barrio shutting down for game days. Support for the clubs in certain barrios was overwhelming and powerful, and still is to this day. Barra’s Brava’s, or die-hard barrio club fans, created and still create conflict with the police force. Hooliganism, defined by the nature of certain fans, became and still is a source of urban violence in the barrios. Although when the clubs were first formed the political system was stable, it has degraded over time and resentment and disillusionment with the government has manifested itself in soccer. With political instability under Peron and the coup following, many people felt as if many aspects of their lives were out of their control. One aspect that they could control was the environment, colors, symbols, and territory of the stadium. Because of this, when the government or police force attempted to control this, violence ensued especially under the military junta established after Peron’s overthrow. Additionally, because soccer is centered around the barrios, there is a strong sense of competition between barrios often ending in violence as well. Although Argentine soccer does foster a sense of nationalism with their national men’s team, it is unique in that soccer also polarizes the nation. Because some of these clubs have been around since the early 20th century, people have an overwhelming sense of pride and faith in their club. Tensions between clubs have been present since the beginning, with each club having their own unique identity. Inevitably, violence occurs and necessitates the involvement of the police. Because of the disillusionment with the government and the association of the police with the government, this fosters more resentment.
The government began to use soccer as a platform in the late 20th century. This was done in an effort to distract the Argentine people from the hardship the government had been and was putting them through. Soccer was used as propaganda. The government put it on all news channels, with the occasional government sponsored message in the hopes of reaching as much of the population as possible. They used it to push their own agenda, their government propaganda, a tactic that the Argentine people saw right through. The Dirty War in Argentina coincided with the hosting of the World Cup in 1978. The military junta that governed Argentina during this time hoped to unite the country under one national flag, ironically while killing and kidnapping many Argentines at the same time. Prior to the World Cup, the junta did everything in their power to shut down any sources of political dissidence, killing thousands of Argentines in the process. They wanted to show the world a peaceful and united Argentina. The junta knew that soccer united all of Argentina and they used the World Cup to gain even more power and more influence.
In Argentina today, soccer is everything. Despite Catholicism as the established religion, soccer is the real religion. The most infamous rival in Buenos Aires today is the rivalry between Boca Juniors and River Plate. As a child, you are born into one of those teams, and dissidence against your family team can cause heated family arguments. It is also not uncommon for couples to split, even divorce, over the support of a particular team. The support of the team brings families together. Grandma’s and grandsons alike sit down every weekend to watch their team play. Government involvement in soccer today has not evolved much from the twentieth century. If President Trump were to schedule a presidential address around a soccer game in order for people to watch, that would be akin to the relationship of soccer and politics in Argentina today. Despite the polarization of some barrios and occasional tension between the government and rowdy fans, Argentina is characterized by their love for soccer. It has given every single person in the nation purpose, from the poorest orphans on the streets of Buenos Aires to the old men listening to a game on the radio under the Bosques de Palermo. It unites the people in times of hardship and gives them hope in times of fear. It is the lifestyle that they live.
Work Cited
HOROWITZ, JOEL. "Football Clubs and Neighbourhoods in Buenos Aires before 1943: The Role of Political Linkages and Personal Influence." Journal of Latin American Studies, vol. 46, no. 3, 2014, pp. 557-585, ABI/INFORM Global; Arts & Humanities Database; Political Science Database; Research Library: Business; Research Library: History; Research Library: Social Sciences; Social Science Database; Sociology Database, http://proxy-remote.galib.uga.edu:80/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/1546203860?accountid=14537, doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022216X14001035.
Moreira, Verónica. "Futbol, Violencia y Politica: Redes De Relaciones En Argentina." Revista Colombiana de Sociología, vol. 36, no. 1, 2013, pp. 65-76, Latin America & Iberia Database, http://proxy-remote.galib.uga.edu:80/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/1677204316?accountid=14537.
Taddei, Renzo. "La Invención De La Violencia (De Las Hinchadas De Buenos Aires) */The Invention of Violence (of Soccer Fan Groups in Buenos Aires)." Antípoda : Revista de Antropología y Arqueología, no. 24, 2016, pp. 15-33, Latin America & Iberia Database, http://proxy-remote.galib.uga.edu:80/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/1783699336?accountid=14537, doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.7440/antipoda24.2016.02.
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Catholicism and Protestantism in Argentina
It is difficult to overstate the importance of developing a working knowledge and understanding of the religious landscape of a culture. There is no other institution that cuts across as many different domains of life and society as religion, having a significant influence on the politics, morals, values, and economy of the region, not to mention having a tremendous impact on the life outlook and experience of countless individuals. Even the words that we use in describing church affiliation suggests a strong bond and influence. In English, Spanish, and Portuguese, we say that people "belong" ("pertecer" in Portuguese and "pertenecer" in Spanish) to the church, which implies a certain level of devotion on the part of the churched and control on the part of the church. So then if we intend to take a close look at Argentina through this critical guide, then religion is one very important lens through which to view much of what we observe in history, current events, and even things like architecture. Religion is of particular importance in the study of Latin America because of its ties to the regions legacy of colonialism. Latin America is a predominately Catholic region, with nearly 40% of the Catholics in the world living there (Wormald 2014). In addition, Pope Francis is actually from Argentina, being the first Pope from South America and the first non-European Pope since the 8th century (Libreria Editrice Vaticana). It will be interesting to see over the next few decades what sort of impact having a Latin American Pope will have on the practice of Catholicism in the region, specifically in Argentina. Another very important reason to study Latin American religion is because the trends in the region are changing. Many people who were raised Catholic now belong to Protestant churches and are known as "evangélicos" (Wormald 2014). This means that people who belong to my generation are growing up in a completely different religious environment than their parents and grandparents, likely forming in them distinct political and moral values.
Catholicism in Argentina:
Historical records suggest that for the majority of the 20th century, as much as 90% of Latin America's population identified as Catholic, whereas today only 69% of Latin Americans belong to the Catholic Church (Wormwald 2014). Catholicism was of course introduced to the region through colonial rule, and the predominance of Catholicism in the region was steady for generations, but now a major change is taking place (Wormwald 2014). Many of those that switched from Catholicism are now Protestant or are unaffiliated with religion entirely. 84% of Latin American adults say that they were raised Catholic, indicating a great loss for the Catholic church in just one generation (Wormwald 2014). Unsurprisingly, however, 73% of Argentina's former Catholics still maintain a positive view of Pope Francis, perhaps as a result of nationalistic loyalty and pride ("The Changing Face of Catholic Argentina" 2014). This shift away from Catholicism has had and will continue to have large implications on the continued development and evolution of the nation and its culture. The historic influence of Catholicism can never be denied, nor could you with the presence of large Cathedrals like the one below, but the rise of Protestantism, being separate from the central ruling of the Vatican, must now be recognized for its tremendous impact on society.
Figure 1: Basilica De Nuestra Señora De Lujan - Buenos Aires
https://s-media-cache-ak0.pinimg.com/736x/ff/13/b6/ff13b61f3234bdf85be9858aa51acde8.jpg
Protestantism in Argentina:
As I mentioned before, one of the domains of society that religion significantly impacts is politics. One study conducted by Eric Patterson identifies religion, specifically the beliefs and experiences of individuals, as being one of the most contested factors influencing politics (Patterson 2004). This is because scholars typically expect values to remain relatively stable over time, but the rise of Protestantism in Latin America (as well as Argentina) is throwing everyone a curveball in their attempts to understand the also shifting political climate (Patterson 2004). Patterson also discusses the opposing theories that Protestantism acts as a "catalyst" for democracy, versus the view that Protestantism is extremely conservative and politically passive (Patterson 2004). Protestants are without a doubt more conservative than their Catholic counterparts, as the Pew Research Center found that Protestants were more likely than Catholics to oppose abortion, alcohol use, use of contraception, divorce, homosexuality, prostitution, sex outside of marriage, and suicide (Wormwald 2014). However, as Patterson finds in his research, this difference is more the result of differences in "devoutness" or "religious intensity" than it is in denominational affiliation, both within Protestantism and not. In viewing this finding through the lens of data from the Pew Research Center, we find one factor that might be influencing this difference in devoutness. Pew found in their survey data that Pentecostal practices, which include practicing Gifts of the Spirit, like speaking in tongues, miraculous healing, and prophesy, are much more common among Protestants than Catholics (Wormwald 2014). More specifically, only 34% of Catholic church-goers reported at least occasionally observing these practices among their congregation, whereas 89% of Protestants reported having observed these practices in their own churches. I would argue that Pentecostal practices are associated with devoutness and "intensity" of religion, as the practice of spiritual gifts is an incredibly intense practice that involves a person's entire being. These practices may very well be a significant factor contributing to the rise of Protestantism in Argentina and their resulting political influence.
Figure 2: Pew Research Center
http://assets.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2014/11/PR_14.11.13_latinAmerica-overview-18.png
Afro-American Religions in Argentina:
Latin America, and Argentina is no exception, is uniquely situated at the intersection of European, Indigenous, and African influence. Unsurprisingly then, African religions have uniquely merged with Catholicism to form religions like Candomblé in Brazil (Frigerio 2002). Candomblé, specifically, has spread further and further south, into Argentina. As one article points out, the subject of Afro-American religion has been neglectfully understudied, especially in North American and English language journals since they have been traditionally associated with a certain race and class (Frigerio 2002). However, with the decline in Catholicism and rise in Protestantism, Afro-American religions have also grown and experienced an increase in followers. This study by Alejandro Frigerio argues through his analysis of adherents to Afro-Braziilan religions in Buenos Aires that these religions are not recognized worldwide, and even domestically in Argentina, as legitimate "spiritual quest[s]" for those that would not typically be associated with the religion, like white people (Frigerio 2002). Understanding this common Argentine reaction to the more widespread practice of religions like Candomblé is important because it highlights for us the sometimes restricting position in society and otherness that minority groups can be associated with in Argentine society. Because of Argentina's ethnic diversity, it will be interesting to see how these Afro-religions become further integrated into their culture, especially as the power and influence of the Catholic Church continues to weaken.
Conclusion:
One key takeaway from the rise of Protestantism in Argentina is the most cited reason for conversion from Catholicism, which was because they "wanted a more personal experience with God" (Wormwald 2014). That sort of response would be one that I would expect from a highly individualistic culture like the United States, but not one that I would necessarily look for or expect from a South American nation, yet that is what many Argentines are feeling. Religion is unique in that it is a highly personal experience with such a widespread impact on society, even for those that choose not to actively participate in religion (which, as we see in Figure 2 is a quickly growing population within Latin America). It is clear that many Argentines are longing for something more than what the Catholic Church has been able to give them in recent years. Perhaps that will change under Pope Francis, but for now Protestantism will have to do.
Works Cited
Biography | Francis. Libreria Editrice Vaticana, n.d. Web. 18 Apr. 2017.
Frigerio, Alejandro. "Outside the nation, outside the diaspora: Accommodating race and religion
in Argentina." Sociology of Religion 63.3 (2002): 291-315.
Patterson, Eric. "Different religions, different politics? Religion and political attitudes in
Argentina and Chile." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 43.3 (2004): 345-362.
"The changing face of Catholic Argentina." BuenosAiresHerald.com. N.p., n.d. Web. 17 Apr.
2017.
Wormald, Benjamin. "Religion in Latin America." Pew Research Center's Religion & Public
Life Project. N.p., 12 Nov. 2014. Web. 18 Apr. 2017.
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Tango in Argentina
The tango is a very influential dance and genre of music within the history Argentina. The word tango is most likely derived from the Latin word “tangere” which means to touch. The word probably assimilated into the African slaves’ language from their Portuguese slave owners. The word tango would come to refer to a place where slaves and then later freed people would gather to dance. The tango take its origin from all different cultures however it’s mostly taken from a mixture of various groups of lower class people; “Tango themes were derived from the milongas (folk songs) of the gauchos; tango moves originated from the candombe and habanera (dances) of the Blacks. The fusion of these elements was essential to the creation of the tango. From the sixteenth to the nineteenth century, "lost people" of Argentina (gauchos, blacks, Indians, and mixed-race) had virtually no political voice, and they did not share in the economic benefits of a rigid hierarchical system designed to enrich the elites” (Nielsen & Mariotto 13).
The origin of the tango was in the arrabales or in the lower class neighborhoods on the outskirts of Buenos Aires. Tango in a recognizable form originated somewhere between 1880-1890. Buenos Aires’ population rose to one million people in 1904 and in 1914 over half of the 1.5 million people were immigrants. The arrabales or outskirts of Buenos Aires were in many ways entirely different places from the center or Centro of Buenos Aires. Population expansion and the urbanization of Buenos Aires played a significant role in the rise of tango during this time. In the 1870s the dance the milonga which was a mixture of the habanera (a Spanish-cuban dance) and the polka, became popular among the compadritos: a pejorative term for delinquents in the arrabales. The milonga is considered the parent of tango, and is possibly tango itself but due to semantics no one is certain. Tango itself was a form of self-expression and freedom for the working class as well as a sign of rebellion, which could be observed in the lyrics to the songs and in the dance moves. One cafe where tango bands often played was called La Boca and there is where many of the traditions of the tango instruments were established which included: two bandoneons, two violins, piano and a double-bass. Tango always involved music and dance but lyrics to the songs did not come along until 1917. Tango gained importance and clout in high European society by 1913 and in Europe and North America the popularity of tango lasted until the 1930s. The 1920s-1950s is considered the Golden Age of tango and was an important time in Argentinian history with the start of Peronism as well in 1946. Peronism was the start of the populist movement run by Eva and Juan Perón. Juan Peron disagreed with the government's handling of matters related to national culture” (Nielsen & Mariotto 14). This disagreement became more prevalent in reference to how the government handled the use of lunfardo in tango lyrics, lunfardo being a specific jargon and code created by people in lower classes that the government decided should be banned in tango. “Some tango musicians supported Perón's leadership as the most likely to advance the working class; others turned to Communism for answers” (Nielsen & Mariotto 14). During the time of the Dirty War or la Guerra Sucia some tango lyrics were again banned for fear of an uprising of the working class and tango clubs or “milongas” were viewed as places people could gather to organize anti government plots, “In fact, it was difficult to find a place to take tango lessons or to dance publicly anywhere in Buenos Aires during la Guerra Sucia (the Dirty War)” (Cara 444). Tango was seen as a dangerous force by certain authority figures; a force that needed to be shut down, so one can only hope that the marginalized and lovers of tango didn’t take for granted the power of art in order to change their lives, or at least make a ripple in the status of society and culture.
Tango also had the power to represent the existing dynamics between men and women within the culture whether that be through an exaggerated form of machismo or the beginnings of a more equal representation of men and women. Eduardo Archetti in his book review of The Passion of the Tango by Marta E. Savigliano states that the lyrics and poetics of the tango songs are often profoundly masculine. This masculinity is represented by two main styles of dance: the ruffianesque and the romantic. The difference between the two styles has a lot to do with the way the man is interpreted and represented: “The rufflanesque was aggressive and usually associated with the figure of the compadrito-an elegant seducer whom no woman could resist, admired for his courage, physical strength, and capacity for deception” (Archetti 105), while “in the lyrics of the romantic tangos the compadrito is replaced by a male unable to seduce and fully control the woman he loves. Here the theme of love as hopeless passion is common (Archetti 105). Obviously the romantic tango is less about machismo and more about the woman and Archetti notes that,“Savigliano recognizes the role of autonomous women when she writes that "women have never been just 'docile bodies' or 'passive objects, (Archetti 105). Women are more than just an object to be led in dance by their partner and one of the most important things that occurred due to the tango migrating further into the cities was it opened, "a venue for women to exhibit sensuality in public" (Savigliano 127).
Savigliano also wrote specifically about the reception of tango in Paris and London; “the tango as a dance was rejected by Parisian (and Argentinean and European) bourgeois moralists (Savigliano 109). Europeans generally thought of the tango as an exotic dance. In Paris, the Parisians modified the “original” tango because they thought it was crude and primitive and they associated it with the gauchos, gaucho meaning cowboy or countryman, of the Pampas. The style of tango that was spreading to the cities, such as Buenos Aires, London, and Paris had a more country flavor than what they could culturally accept; because tango, “had acquired a rural flavor that was incongruent with a sexualized urban imagery in which sophistication was highly valued” (Archetti 106). Unfortunately even some nationalists weren’t quick to accept tango because it represented marginal people and the Spanish lyrics were not written in “proper” Spanish, while others embraced it fully. The Argentinians were divided “on the importance of the tango as a symbol of national identity” (Archetti 107). This was largely due to the fact that tango was clearly a creation that originated in Buenos Aires and it was not something culturally representative of the entire region.
According to Archetti’s review of Savigliano’s book The Passion of the Tango she seems to be arguing that tango is a modern dance and commodity that is just ambiguous enough that it can migrate to these other countries, be molded into their cultures and still contain the essence of the dance. One example she gives of this is the migration of tango to Japan, and what one would assume to be the appeal of tango, its exotic nature or otherness, was actually not the case and the Japanese people actually said that the appeal was more about the "compatibility of the two cultures” (Archetti 107). Savigliano also argues that this is probably also true for Argentina in general, and in many ways Argentina’s identity is “dependent on the perception of Others and the recognition of the main world powers” (Archetti 107). This is probably true for many countries that are very connected and entangled with modern consumerism today. Even when something originates in one particular nation, such as tango, it can always go somewhere else and evolve into a separate but similar identity, similar to tango itself because it is a mixture of dances from other cultures as well. This idea of an Argentinian tango mixing with and adapting to the Other is an example of cultural appropriation, a concept which is very controversial nowadays, but one people should try and remember is not always inherently wrong, it can be, but it is also just very complex. However tango, along with tourism, still plays a big part in the national income of Argentina, “tango as a commodity is marketed through official, private, and improvised venues for lucrative profits” (Cara 445). There is no doubt that tango has reached full commodity status in Argentina. Tourists can both see a live “tango” show at Piazzolla Tango, where they can see a well choreographed but very artificial performance, or just take a walk down the street and see an authentic street performance; however “the very concrete awareness of tangos international cultural value for commerce and national identity at the turn of the twenty-first century greatly contrasts with how elite Argentines perceived the appropriation of tango abroad at the start of the last century” (Cara 445).
Tango is a very influential dance and genre of music in Argentinian history that still plays a valuable role both culturally and commercially. As well as being a mixture of immigrant dances, it brought a whole new dance style to the rest of world as well as helped the marginalized and working class people in Argentina come together to establish a form of expression all their own. Tango also helped to break down some of the cultural machismo by allowing women to have autonomy over themselves through dance. Last but not least tango was able to survive various times of government subversion and censorship to become the tango people enjoy today.
Works Cited
Nielsen, Christine S., and Juan Gabriel Mariotto. “The Tango Metaphor: The Essence of Argentina's wayIdentity.” International Studies of Management & Organization, vol. 35, no. 4, 2005, pp. 8–36., www.jstor.org/stable/403976431a
Archetti, Eduardo P. “The Passion of the Tango.” Latin American Perspectives, vol. 23, no. 4, 1996, pp. 104–108., www.jstor.org/stable/2634132.
Collier, Simon. “The Popular Roots of the Argentine Tango.” History Workshop, no. 34, 1992, pp. 92–100., www.jstor.org/stable/4289184.
Cara, Ana C. “Entangled Tangos: Passionate Displays, Intimate Dialogues.” The Journal of American Folklore, vol. 122, no. 486, 2009, pp. 438–465.
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