mostly a personal archive. fully tumblr activity i dont want people to see
Don't wanna be here? Send us removal request.
Text
if you're in Europe PLEASE consider signing the Stop Destroying Games initiative. the deadline is July 31st 2025. i've posted about it before; it aims to create legislation for publishers to stop killing the games you pay for and to provide an end-of-life plan for live-service products. thank you!!!
5K notes
·
View notes
Text
Iâm Saja from Gaza⊠and this is my story under war
My name is Saja. Iâm a woman from Gaza, married, and a mother to a little girl who still doesnât understand why we donât have bread or why we live in constant darkness. I used to study online, hoping to build a better future for my family. But the war has taken that away. The internet is gone. Electricity is unstable. And now, even food has started disappearing from our homes.
Flour is incredibly scarce, and prices are unbelievably high. We wait in long lines, hoping for just a small bag of flourâand often leave with nothing. Everything has become a struggle⊠even the simplest things: bread, clean water, and safety.
We try to stay strong, to hold onto the little we have, but life in Gaza today needs a miracle.


I write these words with a heavy heartânot seeking pity, but because I truly need your help. I just want to continue my education, provide food for my daughter, and protect the little hope I have left.
Your presence, your supportâeven a kind wordâmeans the world to us. Every donation, every share, every prayer makes a real difference in my life.
đ Donation & Support Link:
đ Thank you, from the bottom of my heart, to everyone who sees us, supports us, or simply prays for us. You are our only light in this darkness. đ
400 notes
·
View notes
Text
One very stupid thing that bothers me in historical romances and fanfic is the fact that male characters often take off shirts but stay in their breeches. The breeches arenât the last layer of underwear, the shirt is. The shirt is the body linenâ thatâs the thing that goes against the skin and is the first thing to be put on and the last thing to be taken offâ thatâs the thing that is sewn by hand by wife/ sister/ daughter/ mother partly out of a lack of extensive manufacturing but because it is the most intimate layer of clothing and you donât want a strangerâs work against your skin.
Is it just because to modern eyes it would look silly? Is this a case of âI got too interested in the material culture of body linens in the Regency era and now I know too much to enjoy myselfâ??
17K notes
·
View notes
Text
How the CSP celebrates June Pride:
Arguments augment by 5000%
20 notes
·
View notes
Text
Collot dâHerbois timeline
A timeline over Collot dâHerbois whole theater career and early years in revolutionary politics, based primarily on the first two parts of the biography Collot dâHerbois â lĂ©gendes noires et RĂ©volution (1995) by Michel Biard andLa SociĂ©tĂ© des Jacobins: recueil de documents pour l'histoire du club des Jacobins de Paris (volume 1-3) by Alphonse Aulard.
â
12 July 1746 â the marriage contract between Jacques-Gabriel Collot and Jeanne-AgnĂšs Hannen is passed. Both husband and wife come from relatively well-to-do families, in the latterâs case they can even be called very well-to-do. Jacques Gabriel is a goldsmith companion who obtains his masterâs degree a year after his marriage. The couple at first settles on Rue Saint-Denis in Paris, but in the 1750s they move from there to Rue Saint-Louis.
19 June 1749 â birth of Jean-Marie Collot, the coupleâs first child (DâHerbois was a pseudonym, and the first recorded appearance of it is in a letter dated September 27 1770). They later have three more children â Elisabeth Charlotte (1750), Jeanne Louise (1751) and Jacques Louis (1754).
5 November 1757 â Collotâs parents get a divorce. It is unknown what happened to their children after this and what kind of education they got. Nothing is known about Jean-Marieâs life between this moment and 1767.
1767 â Collot becomes an actor, for the time a rather unpopular profession. For six months heâs part of a group that, under the leadership of one Bellements, sets up plays in Bretagne. He doesnât particulary like his time there, five years later he writes to his friend Desroziers and tells him that âhad not these unfortunate times given me your friendship, I would have liked to forget them forever.â Collot keeps up correspondence with Desroziers during the rest of his acting career as well.
1768-1769 â Collot works as an actor in Avignon.
1769-1770 â Collot works as an actor in Toulouse.
1770-1771 â Collot works as an actor in Aquitaine. Around this time he gets his first meaningful role.
1772-1773 â Collot works as an actor in Bordeaux. People there appriciate him and consider him good at his job. Itâs here that Collot starts getting lead roles and writes his very first play â Lucie, ou les Parents imprudents, which is played for the first time on 14 March 1772. The five act long play attacks societal norms, above all arranged marriages. It enjoys success and is soon being played on many provincial theaters and even abroad. The philosopher Ălie FrĂ©ron praises the play the very same summer, though Collot doesnât let himself become convinced by him. He tells Desroziers that he wants to go to Paris, but is forced to lower his ambitions.
1773-1774 â Collot works as an actor in Nantes. People there like him. In 1773 Collot writes a new play âClĂ©mence et Monjair, a variation of Shakespeareâs The Merry Wives of Windsor. Neither the play nor reviews of it have been conserved. The same thing goes for Collotâs third play Rodrigue et SĂ©raphine, a comedy in four acts.
1774-1776 â Collot works as an actor in Angers.
1776-1777 â Collot works as an actor in Nancy.
1777-1779 â Collot works as an actor in Avignon and/or Marseilles. On 25 November 1778 is printed a new play of his, Il y a bonne justice, ou le Paysan magistrat, drame en cinq actes et en prose, in its turnbased on the play The Mayor of Zalamea, Or, The Best Garrotting Ever Done by Spanish dramatist Pedro CalderĂłn (1600-1681). In the play, Collot attacks the nobility and the army while portraying the king as a benevolent father figure watching over his subjects. No reviews from the time the play was first released have been conserved, but we do know it was appriciated when it was played in 1789 and 1790. In 1778 also appears L' Amant loup-garou ou M. Rodomont: piĂšce comique en quatre actes et en prose imitĂ©e de l'anglais, a comedy in four acts based on Shakespeareâs  The Merry Wives of Windsor. When the play is set up in Marseilles without mentioning who the author is, Collot sends the theater an angry letter.
November 4 1777 â Collotâs very first play Lucie, ou les Parents imprudents is set up in Montpellier, with Collot in the lead role. After the show is over, Collot gets into an argument with the Treasurer of France in the Generality of Montpellier and an advisor to the Court of Aid. One of them asks Collot why he seems to be staring at him to which Collot replies: âthe truth is that I find you very pleasant to look at.â The other man then intervenes and tells him: âMonsieur, you are an author and actor, go back, Monsieur, to your estate,â to which Collot loudly replies: âYes I am an author and actor, I find glory in it, I honor these states and those who speak to me dishonor theirs.â For this, the two men have Collot sent before major commanding the place, and, after he refuses to back down before him as well, to the prison and court of the citadel. Now he is finally forced to puts his guns down, pledging to "be more circumspect and restrained in his words and writings in the future.â
1779-1780 â Collot works as an actor in Anvers.
1780-1781 â Collot works as an actor in Rouen. When the dauphin is born on 22 October 1781, he writes La FĂȘte dauphine, ou le Monument français, praising the royal family. After this he puts down his pencraft, and doesnât pick it up again until 1789. Collot also gets married to Anne Catherine JosĂ©phine Catoir (born 23 December 1759) in either late 1780 or early 1781.
1782-1784 â Collot works as an actor in Lyon. The people of the city have only positive things to say about him.
1784-1787 â Collot becomes a director, perhaps inspired by his friend Desroziers already having walked the same road. On May 1 1784 he rents a house in Geneva where the lease covers two full years, suggesting he and his partner Desplace had been given authority of the theater of the town for at least two seasons. Collot personally travels to Paris to recruit actors for his troup, which makes its debut on May 9 1784, playing Voltaireâs L'Orphelin de la Chine. He uses his position as director to sometimes put up some of his own plays, such as L'Amant loup-garou and Le Paysan magistrat, and also sometimes works as an actor in the plays he sets up, often playing the lead role. Collot works together with famous people such as Francesco Righetti and, perhaps, Mademoiselle Saint-Val. Things do however start going badly for him in Geneva. Already at the troupâs debut theyâre received badly by the local critic Ami Dunant who notes that the actors âwere dressed badly and played badly.â Two years later he still hasnât changed his mind, calling Collotâs troup mediocre at best. The theater quickly loses its audience, already in the spring of 1785 it has lost two thirds of it, and Dunant describes theater nights with barely 100 people in a room with the maximal capacity of 1100. More trouble is caused by Genevaâs strict religious policy, which demands the theater dedicates a show to charity about every second month. In December 1784 Collot and Desplace decide to arrange four balls in the hopes of earning some extra money. The experiment is successful, but when they try it again the two following years the results are much more discouraging. In June 1784 an envoy charged with transporting belongings of three of Collotâs actresses accidentally dumps it all in Lake Geneva and the three actresses demand compensation from Collot, but a trial is needed to get him to pay the indemnity of 5000 livres. One of the actresses, Madame Duchateau, gets fired by Collot the following year after having asked for a huge raise, but as the theater starts losing its audience because of it he is forced to take her back a month later. Finally, when Collot one year after that is preparing to head to Paris to hire new actors, seals are placed on the prop storage of the theater, since he hasnât payed the rent in time. Collot does however manage to scrape together enough money to pay what he owes.
1787-1789 â Collot works as a director in Lyon. The first play he contributes to is set up on April 16 1787, very shortly after he has left Geneva. The staff, with around 160 people, is about three times bigger here compared to the former town. Collotâs material situation is also much better, with a fixed salary of 6000 livres per year and a lodging at the theater itself. This time he does no acting, focusing solely on directing, nor does he choose to set up any of his own plays. The theater opens its doors almost every day, with 321 shows between April 16 1787 and March 15 1788. Most plays that are set up are comedies, with a love for Voltaire, while drama and tragedy are the least common. The biggest obstacle is the amount of actors who become unavailable due to health reasons, already in May 1787 Collot complains about having to spend much time visiting the sick and making sure theyâre doing OK. In December the same year, when going to comfort an actress in her dressing room, Collot is literally tossed out of there, though afterwards he still asks that the actress not be punished for it. Collot still enjoys success in Lyon, and he gets the oppurtunity to expand the amount of seats in the theater and raise the prices. Witnesses also report full houses. His wallet is likely far from empty once his career in Lyon comes to an end somewhere in April 1789 (the myth that Collot went hard on Lyon in 1793 as vengeance for the citizens not having appriciated him during his theater career does in other words appear to be just that, a myth).Â
2 October 1789 â first proof of Collotâs activities in Paris. We donât know if he was there even earlier and present for the storming of the Bastille. In his defence from 1795, Collot claims he moved to the capital in order to âlive in solitude and philosophy,â with his wife after more than twenty years spent on the scene, in other words not to participate in the revolution or get inspiration for new plays. He settles in Chaillot.
17 November 1789 â the play LâInconnu, ou le PrĂ©jugĂ© Ă vaincre is set up at Théùtre du Palais-Royal, marking Collotâs comeback as playwright. The play is almost entirely based on Gotthold Ephraim Lessingâs The Jews from 1749, and preaches religious tolerance and open-mindedness. In particular, it condemns the costoms in which the family of a criminal becomes guilty by association. It also criticises the military and the royal court, but the king is once again spared and portrayed as a defender of liberty. It gets played at least fifteen times between November 1789 and August 1790, of which nine within the first two months. It also gets set up at several theaters outside of Paris, such as in Bordeaux, Rouen and Douai. Opinions on the play are divided, but the press overall shows itself sympathetic to it. The harchest criticism comes from the journal L'AnnĂ©e littĂ©raire which writes that the play seems to both be âwrong in substance and uninteresting in detailâ but also âriddled with bad jokes.â It does however also confess the successes of the play and admits itâs got a certain spirit.
7 December 1789 â premier for Collotâs old play Le Paysan magistrat at Théùtre du Palais-Royal, that is then played again on the 10th, 13th, 16th and 19th. It is on the suggestion of ComĂ©die-Française that a hesitant Collot has agreed to set it up (the play largely revolves around a group of soldiers preparing to massacre a village, something which may not be very well received in a time where disorder within the country has created a split between the nation and a part of its army), along with other plays that before the revolution have been viewed as âtoo dangerousâ for the established order to be played in the capital. In a letter published in Chronique de Paris the same day as the premiere Collot nevertheless makes sure to underline that the play is based on the work of CaldĂ©ron and not current events. The play gets support from some papers and critique from other. It ends up being more or less a flop, something which Collot himself admits in a letter.Â
14 January 1790 â Premiere for Collotâs new play La JournĂ©e de Louis XII, meant as an antipode of Joseph ChĂ©nierâs newly released Charles IX, ou, LâĂ©cole des rois: tragĂ©die. The play is a celebration of Louis XVI and ends with him being declared âthe father of the people.â In the first of the playâs three acts the king is surrounded by his family, showing his qualities as a father and husband. He gives his wife the advice âto make herself more beloved by the French people than sheâs been up until that point,â an obvious allusion to Marie-Antoinette. In the same act, a person preparing a feast for the king, transparently enough named La Fayette, is also praised. The play enjoys huge success â after its premiere on January 14 it gets played again the following day, during which the public openly demands it to be played at the 16th as well. In total, it is set up 21 times between January 14 and March 21 1790, 17 of which during the first two months. The papers write that the play draws enormous crowds, and even in March there are people complaining about not yet having found empty seats. Critics are also united in their praise of Collotâs work. The play itself was however never printed.
19 April 1790 â premiere for Adrienne, ou le Secret de famille, a rewrite of Collotâs old play Lucie, ou les Parents imprudent. The original five acts have been reduced to three, but aside from that the changes are minimum, with only a few here and there in connection to the upheavals that have taken place since the play eighteen years earlier was penned down. Phrases like âthe French people are brothers, long live God, the king is their fatherâ are however left untouched. The play does however become somewhat of a failiure, and a few journals write about it with much negativity. It is only played eight times between April to August. The play is the last Collot sets up in colloboration with Théùtre du Palais-Royal.
16 July 1790 â premiere for Collotâs new play La Famille Patriote, two days after the feast of the federation. It is a celebration of the revolution, the king and the unified nation, and the only storm clouds it brings up is that there still exists misled Frenchmen who donât yet follow the revolutionary path. The play is once again a success, and gets played twenty times in Paris and also set up in several other cities, including Bordeaux, Lyon, Rouen and Brest. All the reviews have only positive things to say. This marks the start of Collotâs colloboration with Théùtre de Monsieur, a theater which opened 1789 and declared itself symphathetic to the revolution right from the beginning.
November 1790 â premiere for Le ProcĂšs de Socrate, ou le RĂ©gime des vieilles temps, Collotâs fourth and last play of the year. It is more or less a copy of Voltaireâs play Socrates, and just like with Adrienne, ou le Secret de famille, the result is more or less a failure. It is played nine times in November, three or four in December, none in January and two in February. The play is controversial and gets met by both praise, reluctance and open hostility. According to Collot, this has more to do with the political opinions of the reviewers and not the quality of the play itself.
3 December 1790 â Collotâs first recorded speaking at the Jacobins. He is listed as secretary several times throughout March and April 1791.
February 1791 â premiere for Les porte-feuilles: comĂ©die en deux actes et en prose, a new play of Collotâs where the political allusions are much weaker compared to previously. The play enjoys huge success â Théùtre de Monsieur sets it up at least 55 times between February 1791 to July 1792, almost three times more than it did La JournĂ©e de Louis XII. It gets played nine times in February, seven in March, and is after that set up three to five times per month for over a whole year, something that is actually quite rare for the time. Even papers who ordinarily are hostile towards Collot praise the play, listing its long length as the only minor flaw. The play is the only one of those Collot wrote during the revolutionary period to have given birth to several editions, and is undeniably Collotâs most successful projet from that era.
17 March 1791 â Collot signs a contract with Théùtre de Monsieur, which underlines several generous compensations for each show played. It will however be almost a year before the theater sets up a new play of Collotâs.
30 March 1791 â At the Jacobin Club, Collot gets scolded by Danton for having inserted praise of BonnecarrĂšre in one of the clubâs minutes while serving as secretary. BonnecarrĂšre is a member of the jacobins who has just been elected minister in LiĂšge. According to Danton, someone part of the executive power can no longer be a friend of liberty, and praising someone like that is therefore something only suitible for slaves. This is the second time Collot is recorded to have spoken at the club and the first of his recorded apperances outside of the theatrical realm that catches some attention, as several journals, including those of Brissot and HĂ©bert, mention the fiery debate. The journal Sabbats jacobites even inserts a poem about it:
Air: Quel dĂšsespoir
Monsieur Danton Quittez enfin cet air farouche; Monsieur Danton On vous prendrait pour un dĂ©mon; Collot d'Herbois me touche, Baissez un peu le ton; Dans un cas bien plus touche Il me donna raison. Monsieur Danton, Quittez un peu cet air farouche; Ou tort ou non, . Collot d'Herbois aura raison.Â
6 June 1791 â Collot reads his very first report at the Jacobin club. It regards the affair of six soldiers from Bourgogne who have been sentenced to death by a court martial. Collot strongly attacks both the officers and the Minister of War and demands that the convicts be released.
26 June 1791 â Collot reads a new report at the Jacobins, this time regarding the Nancy affair. Collot of course picks the side of the soldiers who took part in the mutiny and condemns the marquis François Claude de BouillĂ© who sent his troops to crush them (BouillĂ© interestingly enough fled France for his role in the the royal familyâs recently failed escape attempt just a day before the report was presented at the club). The jacobins orders it to be printed and copies of it sent out to the clubs in the provinces.
6 July 1791 â Collot reads a follow-up report on the Nancy affair. This time itâs about thirty gunners who have also fallen victim to BouillĂ©. Collot strongly expresses support for giving the soldiers, who he argues have too often been exposed to the hate of their leaders, proof of their protection.
15 July 1791 â Collotâs play La Famille Patriote is set up once more in Paris in celebration of the anniversary of the feast of the federation.
20 September 1791 â Collotâs play Les Portefeuilles, along with two other plays, is played with free entrance to celebrate the Constitution. Itâs once again a huge hit and the papers report how both seats and corridors get overcrowded.
23 October 1791 â At the Jacobins, the winner for a competition launched on September 20, with the goal of finding the work best suited to showcase the virtues of the new constitution, is announced. Out of the 42 entries that have been submitted, it is Collotâs Almanach du PĂšre GĂ©rard that ends up receiving the first prize. This work, which may or may not have been inspired by Benjamin Franklinâs Almanach du bonhomme Richard, is devided into twelve interviews, all between the title character PĂšre GĂ©rard, a Breton deputy in the constituent assembly, and peasants. Each interview is about a certain topic, and they all give Collot the opportunity to explain the foundations for the new regime while also critisizing some of its limits. While heâs still for a constitutional monarchy, he also speaks in favor of more radical elements â such as a rejection of the active/passive citizenship, the veto right, slavery and refractory priests. The almanach also contains two specific allusions to the current political climate â one that concerns refractory priests which PĂšre GĂ©rard declares must be avoided or even rejected for not having realized that âthe God of justice and goodness, who protects all people and loves and defends liberty, is ours,â while still urging reason rather than violence to get them or their side, and one that concerns the idea of using the army to defend and spread the revolutionary ideals abroad. Here PĂšre GĂ©rard responds that, although protecting liberty is highly commendable, âwarrior virtue isnât everything, for then, the military spirit would become dangerous. There exists virtues where the exertion is more lenient but no less important for the happiness of life and the tranquility of the citizens.â When Collot is declared the winner at the Jacobins, he gets received by applauds and embraced by the president. After having read his work aloud, Collot announces that his intention is to give the prize money of 25 louis to the Swiss of ChĂąteau-Vieux and a jacobin charitable fund. The almanach gets read aloud at the club the following day as well, during which it again often gets interrupted by applauds. It also enjoys publication success, being released in both Annonah, Auxerre, Lille, Carpentras, Reims, NĂźmes, Rennes, Bourg-en-Bresse, Chalon-sur-SaĂŽne and Nancy, and translated into both Provencal, Dutch, English and German. Patriotic journals praise it, while it receives criticism only in certain counterrevolutionary circles. It also becomes the subject for several imitations with the goal to disprove it, such as Almanach de l'abbĂ© Maury or Les Entretiens de la MĂšre GĂ©rard.New editions of Almanach du PĂšre GĂ©rard were released during the 1870âs, 1889 and 1905, despite Collotâs by then infamous reputation.
31 October 1791 â At the Jacobins, Collot reports on the state of the ChĂąteau Vieux soldiers.
1 November 1791 â At the Jacobins, Collot speaks about the Nancy affair, proposing that the Swiss nation should not be granted the right to judge offences concerning only France, and again asking for support of âthe poor soldiers of ChĂąteau-Vieux.â
18 November 1791 â At the Jacobins, Collot speaks in favor of sending commissioners to Avignon to probe their minds on the political situation theyâre currently in.
20 November 1791 â Collot acts as vice-president at the Jacobins, and, in the absence of the president Couthon, reads aloud a list of persons wishing to appear before the club.
27 November 1791 â at the Jacobins, Jean Dusaulx reveals that an artist is working on an edition of PĂšre GĂ©rard with engravings and asks the club to support it financially. Collot stands up to offer some reflections on the preferred cost, as well as to express his satisfaction over âthe eagerness with which this work is desired.â
28 November 1791 â When Robespierre enters the Jacobin club for the first time after a two month long absence from Paris, Collot, who is still occupying the role as vice-president, asks that âthis man, justly nicknamed the Incorruptible, presides over the Society,â a proposal which gets passed. Collot then engages Robespierre to step up into the presidentâs chair, which he does, expressing his gratitude to the society. This is the first recorded meeting between the two.
29 November 1791 â At the Jacobins, Collot speaks about what should be done about the émigrĂ©s, and shows himself sympathetic to the decree passed by the Legislative Assembly on October 31 1791 demanding all to return to France by the end of the year under threat of being declared tratitors. He says that these resolutions âare those that the entire nation, if it could assemble, would have adopted.â The same session, Collot, alongside PĂ©tion, Robespierre, Lanthenas, RĆderer and Bourdon, is chosen for âthe honorable function to instruct children and teach them the catechism of the constitution.â
6 December 1791 â At the Jacobins, Dufourny announces the results of the votes for procureur-syndic to the Commune, where Collot has stood for election. He does however end up in second place, losing hard against Danton who got 1162 votes. Collot himself got 654, GĂ©rard de Buzy 399 and Hardy-Thouret 279.
8 December 1791 â At the Jacobins, Collot, who is currently acting as vice-president, says heâll give up the chair for the session since it concerns not the jacobins but the public, who has come to give their judgement on the national education plan recently out forward by the Legislative Assembly. However, âthe general acclamationâ assures him that no one is more worthy than him to occupy the chair and Collot therefore keeps it. Later during the session, he holds a speech praising the education plan.
9 December 1791 â at the Jacobins, Collot reads the two page long pamphlet Opinion de M. J. M. Collot dâHerbois sur notre situation actuelle, et sur la pĂ©tition prĂ©sentĂ©e au roi par les membres du directoire du dĂ©partement de Paris. In it, he identifies both external enemies in the forms of the Ă©migrĂ©s who have found protection abroad, and internal enemies, the most dangerous of which are refractory priests.
16 December 1791 â At the Jacobins,  Collot rises to speak in favor of several women whoâve come to listen but canât find a seat in the gallery. He says they are âmothers of families, worthy of Ancient Romeâ and asks that they be granted two or three benches. This proposal is adopted unanimously.
23 December 1791 â At the Jacobins, Collot obtains the floor to speak about âthe affair regarding the unfortunate soldiers of ChĂąteau-Vieuxâ which is on the order of the day the next day for the Legislative Assembly. The club orders the printing of his speech and for it to be distributed to members of the Assembly as they enter it the next morning.
25 December 1791 â At the Jacobins, Collot talks about âthe success of the affair regarding the unfortunate soldiers of ChĂąteau-Vieux.â
1 January 1792 â At the Jacobins, Collot reports about the two decrees the Legislative Assembly has passed the same morning regarding the ChĂąteau-vieux affair â one that states the 41 soldiers of shall immediately be put under amnesty, and the other being about the accusation against the princes. The whole club is rejoiced by the news, and Collot, âthe defender of the oppressed,â gets met by applauds. Later the same session, Collot reveals that heâs donated 1500 livres of the money heâs made from Almanach du PĂšre GĂ©rard to the soldiers of ChĂąteau-Vieux, and another 1500 to the jacobin welfare fund.
January 6 1792 â At the Jacobins, a discussion arises regarding the question of what should be done with members who have gone over to the Feuillant club. Collot points out that many defectors repent and that they therefore shouldnât delve too deeply into facts of this nature. This suggestion is however violently opposed by Robespierre, who states any member who presents himself at the Feuillant club canât ever be allowed back at the jacobins again. He is applauded, and Collot instead suggests an amendment according to which the clubâs presentation committee gets a fixed date up until which they can present defectors, after which they must stop stop. This idea is however once again opposed by Robespierre, who asks that they stick entirely to his proposal, and after a long discussion, itâs finally adopted.
15 January 1792 â At the Jacobins, Collot communicates a letter from the soldiers of ChĂąteau-Vieux, written âon the benches of the galleys.â
16 January 1792 â Collot tells the jacobins about the steps it had entrusted him with in order to bring mayor PĂ©tion, who supposedly is ill, the assistance he needed. He explains he had great difficulty in getting PĂ©tion to accept it but eventually succeded, and that the latter was in a much better state when he left compared to when he came.
17 January 1792 â premiere for Collotâs new play LâAinĂ© et le Cadet, that in total gets played five times more that month, alongside one time in February and one time in March. This play, which once again contains very few political allusions, is to be Collotâs last, after this he leaves the theater world and occupies himself entirely with politics.
#really interesting when thinking about the timeline of actors#like iirc the frev gave them rights but their social standing just generally improved in the next decades right?#even then collot's haughtiness in that one conversation :o#also i just realized that titles then and ao3 summaries now are both using the '#'cool liner or actually relevant information' format#also i didn't know there were directors! i thought playwrights directly conversed with the actors#also: shakespeare??? already popularish in france??? hello??????#collot dâherbois#frev#he's also a lot wealthier than i expected. he can spend thousands of francs on the public???#thank you for writing up this post!!!
25 notes
·
View notes
Photo
the terror was so weird and random and inexplicable, you guysÂ
x x
510 notes
·
View notes
Text
Just yesterday I made a post about Israel cutting off Gaza from the rest of the world by destroying its last remaining fibre cable. Today Israel cut off the whole West Bank and placed it on total lockdown, sealing it off with barriers and metal gates with no way in or out. It's all the same policy of isolation. Now you're aware of it. Talk about it.
998 notes
·
View notes
Text

Borzoi White Mohair with zipper (box for pajamas), glass eyes
47K notes
·
View notes
Text
Fine. Maybe I need to update it.
170 notes
·
View notes
Text
hold on i gotta transcribe the rest because it is insane
L'hĂ©roĂŻsme est lourd Ă porter. Ce jeune homme pouvait ses sĆurs, de ses enfants ! Souvent, le soir, aprĂšs les orages de la Convention, le diner pris en commun, il sortait, emmenant son jeune frĂšre ou quelqu'un de sa familly, se promener aux Tuileries. On longeait la terrasse des Feuillants, on passait devant l'AssemblĂ©e, ce volcan, on allait doucement aux Champs-ElysĂ©es, laissant de cĂŽtĂ© le Cours-la-Reine oĂč paradaient les Ă©lĂ©gants. Et si, en chemin, Goujon rencontrait quelque triomphant muscadin, conspirateur Ă la poudre d'iris, il rentrait morne et triste en son logis de la rue Dominique.
Il était herculéen avec ses formes gracieuses, et cassait, dit-on, un fer a chéval entre ses doigts, comme le maréchl de Saxe.

france historians and their need to find at least one guy to get their ephebe descriptions in
22 notes
·
View notes
Text
Goujon, vivant seul, sans relation aucune, au milieu d'une famille nombreuse, fuyant les lieux publics, aimant l'ombre et le calme, souvent regardait mélancoliquement l'avenir.
aw it might just be the youth & all making me associate them because this isn't all that related but it kind of makes me think about how early in the revolution Saint-Just dreamed about a quiet & peaceful life after the revolution finished and late into it he stopped considering it at all

france historians and their need to find at least one guy to get their ephebe descriptions in
22 notes
·
View notes
Text
People being not all that thrilled during the festival of the supreme being compilation

It should not be believed that there was much incense for the god of the day. I heard many imprecations uttered loud enough to reach even the ears of the priest. It has been said that he could have taken advantage of that day to declare his sovereignty; this is not to be believed, discontent was everywhere, satisfaction and joy nowhere. It is much truer to say that his downfall was sworn in this triumphal procession: many made no secret of it, and if the interval was not the principal cause, at least the conspirators took advantage of it to increase their numbers and make people believe in the dictatorship. Moreover, the ceremony ended with an amphibological speech without force, without vigor, and Robespierre gained nothing from his supposed triumph but the hatred of some and the contempt of others, having been unable to give either character or dignity to such a lofty declaration. There were no more than eight people between Robespierre and me, I heard all the curses; they came from Thirion de Montaut, from Ruamps and especially from Lecointre de Versailles, who more than twenty times called Robespierre dictator! tyrant! and threatened to kill him. Notes historiques sur la Convention nationale, le Directoire, l'Empire et l'exil des votants (1893) by Marc-Antoine Baudot
On the day he had designated for his triumph (20 Prairial), I (Lecointre) was indignant at the applause that marked his presence; and I cried out that I despised him as much as I abhorred him, with a force of voice that the applause could not cover. I carried the expression of my hatred to his ears, every time the applause was renewed with affectation; he complained about it, saying, at the tribune of the Convention, on 8 Thermidor, that he had been insulted by a member; the day of the festival of the Supreme Being, and he demanded vengeance. Conjuration formée dÚs le 5 préréal [sic] par neuf représentans du peuple contre Maximilien Robespierre, pour le poignarder en plein sénat: rapport et acte d'accusation dont la lecture devoit précéder dans la Convention cet acte de dévouement (1794) by Laurent Lecointre, p. 3.
Sure of having sown the seed, I (Fouché) had the courage to defy [Robespierre], on the 20th Prairial (June 8 1794), a day on which, actuated with the ridiculous idea of solemnly acknowledging the existence of the Supreme Being, he dared to proclaim himself both his will and agent, in presence of all the people assembled at the Tuileries. As he was ascending the steps of his lofty tribune, whence he was to proclaim his manifesto in favour of God, I predicted to him aloud (twenty of my colleagues heard it) that his fall was near. Memoirs of Fouché (1825) page 20.
On the day of the Festival of the Supreme Being, before the people, [Bourdon de lâOise] allowed himself the most vulgar sarcasms and the most indecent declamations on this subject. He remarked, with wickedness, to the members of the Convention, the signs of interest which the public gave to the president, in order to draw atrocious inductions against him, in the sense of the enemies of the Republic. Robespierre in a note on Bourdon de lâOise written somewhere after the passing of the law of 22 prairial.
On the Champ-de-Mars, when Babeuf, Bourdon and others said that Robespierre would perish by their hands, my husband said to me: âThe homeland is lost!â Memoirs of Ălisabeth Le Bas, cited in Le conventionnel Le Bas : d'aprĂšs des documents inĂ©dits et les mĂ©moires de sa veuve (1901) by StĂ©fane-Pol, page 136.
On the day of the beautiful feast of the Eternal, a shameful masquerade and sacrilegious farce, which must cover us all with shame and humiliation, I said to a deputy, seeing the amiable Robespierre at the head of the Senate, which he had used as decoration for his pantomimes: Do you see Robespierre? I give him six more weeks to live... Testament d'un électeur de Paris (1795) by Beffroy de Reigny, p. 142.
I attended this celebration, which was given in the Tuileries Gardens. A huge orchestra was set up at the foot of the Clock Pavilion, where the members of the Convention occupied the salons. Robespierre kept  his colleagues waiting for a long time, which greatly upset them. Souvenirs de M. Berryer, doyen des avocats de Paris (1839), volume 1, p. 222.
Among the members who would have thus come to insult [Robespierre] to the limit, FrĂ©ron, Lecointre and Bourdon dâOise have been cited; one has even gone so far as to attribute these words to Lecointre: Robespierre, I like your festival, but I detest you. Only believe this with a grain of salt, and, if you want to know my way of thinking, donât believe it at all. Robespierre was on this day at the height of his glory and power, and to defy him in the midst of his triumph would have demanded an audacity of which Lecointre, Bourdon dâOise et FrĂ©ron, all three of whom I knew well, certainly werenât capable. Souvenirs de la Terreur de 1788 Ă 1793 (1842) by Georges Duval, volume 4, p. 356-357.
#i gotta say independent of lecointre's politicsl alignments he always has the most boring way to word his takes#every time i see that guy i keep thinking i could be reading the most hysterical thermidorian pamphlet right now#frev
91 notes
·
View notes
Text
Not sure if this has been shared here yet, but a history friend showed me this forthcoming Marat biography IN ENGLISH!! It's 950+ pages so I am *quite* excited to finally see a new, thorough English biography of our friend of the people!! (I'm optimistic that the name is just marketing since it's such a thorough study...)

Link (the site was kind of buggy for me but it's being released with UChicago Press in November)
83 notes
·
View notes
Photo

Fighting at the rue Saint-Antoine barricade, 1830
421 notes
·
View notes
Photo
Brother, stand beside me â Brother, lend your arm
212 notes
·
View notes
Photo





Iâve already wished you all a Happy Barricade Day yesterday. So have a Maybe-A-Little-Not-As-Happy Barricade Day today. ;)
Since we all know (by now) what a cheerfully heartless, lying, impenitent bastard I really am, here, have a highly, highly abbreviated version of Combeferreâs speech on me. I realise itâs not what his actual speech is about, but I was thinking about what Hugo said about Combeferre not being an orphan and about to get himself killed, and decided that what I really wanted to do was to frame his speech mainly in the context of the named Amis* and what would follow in the days after their deaths. [â That, and if I actually illustrated his speech in its proper context, it would have taken far more pages, and a finger that was Actually Functional And Very Much Not In Pain.]
Why, for godsâ sake? Because I can.
[And yes, Iâve snuck in people and things all over the place. Also because.]
ââââââââââââââââââ-
* And Gavroche. Because yâknow.
2K notes
·
View notes