neuroscotian

[neuroscotian]

The Double Empathy Reader brings together a substantial collection of work from leading researchers, theorists and practitioners, with first-hand accounts of neurodivergent people, to explore this growing area of study within the neurodiversity movement.

This comprehensive handbook explores Damian Milton’s ‘double empathy problem’: the breakdown in mutual understanding that can happen between any two people yet is more likely to occur when people of differing dispositions attempt to interact. It challenges the traditional view that in exchanges between autistic and non-autistic people, this breakdown was simply the result of autistic people being inherently deficient in empathy. Thirteen years after the theory was first published, The Double Empathy Reader brings together an important volume of work to explore the research that has developed in that time as well as the many gaps in our understanding that still exist, with the aim to understand the potential of this theory to aid a reframing of autism itself and the radical change this could bring when considering best practice models for supporting autistic people in different settings. This title is the first in a new ‘Readers in Neurodiversity’ series, which follows Milton et al’s The Neurodiversity Reader, first published in 2020. In keeping with this earlier collection, this new volume also explores how the concept of the ‘double empathy problem’ may be of use in wider theory and practice regarding neurodiversity.

[neuroscotian]

In response to Phillips and Soorenian’s recent contribution to the Polyphony, we wish to highlight that wearing a face mask is not the norm in 2025, opposing their call for ‘normalising not wearing face masks and taking other measures’ in various disability events. We instead argue that all efforts to work through ‘access friction’ (conflicting access requirements) must be based on an accurate understanding of the broader situation at play: one in which mask wearing is highly stigmatised.

In the UK, there have been many political protests occurring in recent months, whether in response to proposed cuts to disability benefits or in opposition to the ongoing genocide in Gaza. At these protests, there is consistent stigmatisation of those who do mask, with the UK law (enacted under the 2022-2024 Sunak Conservative government) stating that ‘Police will be given power to arrest protestors who wear face coverings’ (Home Office, Cleverly, & Philp, 2024). Protesters who choose to wear masks might face arrest, up to a month in jail, and a £1,000 fine (Ibid). Additionally, in April 2021, there was a UK Government petition to ‘ban the use of face masks in schools’ when COVID-19 infection rates in the UK were at a significant peak (UK Government, 2021). In North Carolina, USA, on June 11th 2024 the General Assembly passed a bill that stated it is illegal to mask in public unless you have a contagious disease – implying that it is illegal to wear a face mask in a preventative manner (Stone, 2024). Evidently, masking is not considered the norm, neither in the UK nor elsewhere, including in our own workplace.

Public health messaging has been systemically politicised into claiming the COVID-19 pandemic is over. We argue that the logical jump from ‘masking is the societal norm’ to ‘this norm specifically stigmatises or others non-masking disabled people’ (Dorfman, 2024: 69), in the manner suggested by Phillips and Soorenian, is unsound and concerning. As masking crip killjoys, we hold together the dual realities that masks are an important, scientifically proven, part of a risk-mitigation protocol and that disabled people have an ambivalent relationship to masking. Phillips and Soorenian’s personal experiences are not at issue here. However, their claims regarding access frictions need to be handled with greater care given the existing discourse around masking. Here we extend conversations of access friction relating to masking beyond what we argue are damaging centrist frameworks that rely on personal discomfort and ‘questioning’ with little regard to broader political contexts and consequences.

[neuroscotian]

Research Review: Conceptualizing and measuring ‘problem behavior’ in early intervention autism research – a project AIM secondary systematic review

https://acamh.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcpp.14177

There is little agreement among researchers about the kinds of behaviors that should be considered a problem, the root causes of these behaviors, and the best approach to supporting autistic children who exhibit such behavior.

The current study is a secondary systematic review of a previously conducted meta-analysis of nonpharmacological intervention research conducted with autistic children up to age eight (Sandbank et al., 2023). In this secondary analysis, we examined studies that included an outcome in which a behavior (e.g., self-injury) or group of behaviors (e.g., restricted and repetitive behaviors) were targeted for reduction, to determine how autism intervention researchers conceptualize, address, and measure behavior considered problematic.

In this study, we use ‘problem behavior’ to refer to the collection of behaviors that intervention researchers have attempted to decrease or eliminate in autistic children, because this is a term commonly used in the literature. However, we note this term is problematic and potentially stigmatizing. In our discussion, we suggest alternative approaches to defining and referring to this group of behaviors.

[neuroscotian]

The autistic self-advocacy movement would not exist without the work of the self-advocacy movement started by people with intellectual disabilities. We take pride in that history, and we see our work as a continuing part of that movement.

[neuroscotian]

more creature commissions !

[neuroscotian]

let's 😐 with mama

[neuroscotian]

TITLE: Autistic & (mis)Diagnostics DESCRIPTION: Late-identified Autistic people are often assigned a number of other diagnoses before discovering they're Neurodivergent. But...what is a diagnosis good for, anyway? What does it mean to be diagnosed as Autistic? Why is 'self-diagnosis' such a hot debate? How are Autistics so often misdiagnosed? Aslynn (she/they) is an AuDHD psychiatric nurse practitioner and will share some of her experiences working as a diagnostician and navigating her own mental health journey. She'll discuss the relative importance of the DSM and what being diagnosed as Autistic at age 37 has meant for her. Ready for some infodumps and oversharing? Come join us! BRIEF BIO: Aslynn J. Romano, MSN, APRN (she/they) is an AuDHD psychiatric nurse practitioner who works with neurodivergent clients to evaluate and treat mental health conditions as well as provide neuro-affirming diagnostic services to those who suspect they may be Autistic. She also enjoys sharing research, personal anecdotes, and others' stories about autism and Autistic culture on her social media pages and is looking forward to launching a podcast in the near future.

[neuroscotian]

Hidden Nazi past: Ole Ivar Lovaas during the German occupation of Norway

Abstract

Ole Ivar Lovaas – a Norwegian-born professor of psychology at UCLA – is considered a pioneer in the development of interventions for autistic children based on Applied Behaviour Analysis. According to previous accounts, Lovaas and his family were forced farm workers during the German occupation of Norway between 1940 and 1945, when Lovaas was 13–18 years old. This article shows that the Løvaas family were in fact members of the collaborationist fascist party Nasjonal Samling. His father, Ernst Albert Løvaas, was a prominent leader in the propaganda apparatus of the German-installed fascist government. Ole Ivar Lovaas himself was an active participant in, and a local leader of, the fascist youth movement. The article concludes by comparing these revelations about Lovaas to previous similar revelations about another important figure in the history of autism, Hans Asperger.

[neuroscotian]

The majority of research so far has assumed a deficit model of autism, characterizing the differences in autistic sociability and com- munication as deviations from normality in need of remediation (for a review, see ref. 12). This model, however, ignores the relational nature of social interaction and locates the cause of social interaction difficulties exclusively within the autistic person 13.

A growing body of research has begun to examine the factors that influence how autistic people interact with non-autistic people and the impact that this has on autistic social experiences14,15. Communication is bidirectional, and social difficulties experienced by autistic people can be exacerbated by the behaviours, social judgements and misunderstandings of non-autistic social partners 13,16,17.

[...]

Conclusions

This well-powered, preregistered study replicated the finding that autistic and non-autistic people share information and establish rapport with similar levels of success within same-neurotype contexts. Additionally no difference was found in performance in mixed-neurotype chains.

A growing body of empirical evidence 32,34,35, along with first-person accounts from autistic people 13,67–69, have shown a preference forsame-neurotype interactions, with mixed-neurotype interactions being more challenging to navigate. The experimental context tested here may have failed to capture difficulties experienced in real-world cross-neurotype interactions. This could be due to real-world conver-sations being more dynamic and interactive than the unidirectional information transfer tasks used here. Research examining the role of multiple intersecting identities is needed, but for now, these data support a growing challenge to the lack of contextual nuance in the diagnostic criteria for autism.

[neuroscotian]

Abstract

Many autistic people receive a diagnosis in adulthood, often after years of feeling different but not knowing why. While a diagnosis can bring relief, it can also be overwhelming, with few accessible and affirming post-diagnostic supports available. This study explores how a free, self-guided resource—the “Welcome Pack”—helps newly diagnosed autistic adults navigate this transition. The “Welcome Pack,” developed by autistic people, includes personal stories, practical advice, and reflection activities to support self-understanding and identity development. We worked with 11 autistic adults in Australia who had been diagnosed within the past 6 months. After using the “Welcome Pack” for 2 months, they shared their experiences through interviews. Our analysis identified four key themes. First, participants felt validated and less alone when reading personal stories from other autistic people. Second, they found the “Welcome Pack” useful but emphasized the need for additional resources. Third, they reflected on the emotional impact of their diagnosis, describing both relief and grief over years of masking (hiding or suppressing their autistic traits to fit in or avoid judgment). Finally, they faced challenges in self-advocacy and explaining autism to others. Overall, participants valued the “Welcome Pack” as a helpful starting point, but they also highlighted the need for more structured peer support and workplace advocacy tools. These findings suggest that while self-guided resources can provide meaningful support, they should be integrated with broader community and professional services to better meet the needs of newly diagnosed autistic adults.

[neuroscotian]

Bottema-Beutel, K., Zisk, A. H., Zimmerman, J., & Yu, B. (2025). Conceptualizing and describing autistic language: Moving on from ‘verbal’, ‘minimally verbal’ and ‘nonverbal’. Autism, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/13623613251332573

Several researchers have rightly pointed out that, historically, the needs of many autistic people have not been reflected in autism scholarship and support practices (Tager-Flusberg & Kasari, 2013). Much of this concern has focused on the lack of sufficient attention to addressing the needs of ‘nonverbal’ and ‘minimally verbal’ autistic people. These terms are put in quotes, because there is currently no consistently used criteria for fitting autistic people within these subgroups (Koegel et al., 2020). What is held in common across most uses of these terms is a focus on the number of words an autistic person speaks. Definitions vary, but usually specify a maximum threshold of spoken word vocabulary (e.g. under 20 spoken words for minimally verbal, under 5 spoken words for nonverbal), and may note phrase use (e.g. Mirenda, 2013; Zisk et al., 2024), but differ on the values of these thresholds and the assessments used to determine whether a person meets them. For example, some researchers use parent reports indicating whether a child has ever spoken a given word (e.g. Fenson et al., 2006). Other researchers code naturalistic language samples for the number of unique words spoken by a child while interacting with a caregiver or trained examiner (Bal et al., 2016). Most definitions consider only spoken words and exclude words produced via other modalities such as AAC (augmentative and alternative communication) devices. In addition, they may also exclude forms of speech commonly used by autistic people, such as echolalia, which refers to the repetition of others’ speech; and gestalt speech, which refers to speech that is learned and produced as whole phrases rather than as individual words (Haydock et al., 2024; Koegel et al., 2020). Similarly, school-based professionals often consider only spoken words when defining these terms (Zisk et al., 2024).

We, a neurodiverse team of scholars, professionals, and advocates – some of whom use speech to communicate and some of whom use AAC some or all of the time – align with the underlying sentiments that the communicative needs of autistic people are not currently being met, and that this may be especially consequential for autistic people who use little or no speech. Note that from here forward, we use the terms ‘non-speaking’ or ‘minimally speaking’, because they are preferred over ‘nonverbal’ and ‘minimally verbal’ by autistic people these terms attempt to describe (Zimmerman, 2022; Zisk & Konyn, 2022) and, as we argue below, non-speaking and minimally speaking are more accurate descriptors. We propose that there are many issues with the constructs nonverbal and minimally verbal, including how they are named, conceptualized, measured, and used, that may hamper research, practice, and policy efforts aimed at improving the lives of the autistic people who purportedly belong to these groups.

[neuroscotian]

[neuroscotian]

The usual trigger warnings for child abuse and ableism when talking about Lovaas, now featuring, more Nazis….

"People who do not want “to know” usually find a way not to know. That has been amply shown in histories of Nazi Germany. In terms of the histories of autistic people and those who treat them, most of us have chosen not to know."

[...]

Those who work in the multibillion-dollar ABA industry will undoubtedly deny the relevance of his Nazi past. It is not far-fetched, however, to see some ideological continuity between Lovaas’s teenage years and his adulthood. Consider how Lovaas addressed parents of autistic children in his 1981 book: “No one has the right to be taken care of, no matter how retarded he is.” Children, Lovaas insisted, “have no right to act bizarrely, many professional opinions notwithstanding. On the contrary, you have a right to expect decent behavior from your children.”