storiesofthewind

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இரு கேள்விகள்; இரு பதில்கள்

'கஜேந்திரக்குமார் பொன்னம்பலத்தின் நண்பர்கள்' என்ற பக்கத்தில் ஒரு பதிவைப் பார்த்தேன்: ஒரு கேள்வி; இரு பதில் என்ற தலைப்பில் ஆங்கில ஊடகங்களில் கேட்கப்பட்ட ஒரே கேள்விக்கு கஜேந்திரக்குமார் பொன்னம்பலமும், சுமந்திரனும் அளித்த முரணான பதில்கள் தொடர்பில் தான் இப் பதிவு (பார்க்க:https://www.facebook.com/guruparank/posts/10155712637880251…) இப்பதிவின் அடிப்படை நோக்கம், "ஆங்கில ஊடகங்களில் எவ்வாறு இவர்கள் தொழிற்படுகிறர்கள்" என்பதனைக் கொண்டு கஜேந்திரக்குமார் பொன்னம்பலம் தமிழ்த் தேசியவாதி; சுமந்திரன் தமிழ்த் தேசத் துரோகி என்ற படத்தைக் கொடுப்பதே

ஆனால் இப்பதிவில் தெரிந்தே (அல்லது, தமிழ்/ஆங்கிலம் வாசிக்கத் தெரியாதிருக்க வேண்டும்) பல திரிபுபடுத்தல்கள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டிருக்கின்றது.

எனது பதில் வாதம்:

(1) இருவரிடமும் 'ஒரே' கேள்வி கேட்கப்பட்டதாகச் சொல்கின்றனர். ஆனால் கேட்கப்பட்ட கேள்விகளில்(கேள்வியின் இரண்டாம் பகுதியில்) மாறுபாடுகள் இருக்கின்றது. சுமந்திரனிடம் 'விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் கொள்கைகளுடன் உடன்படுகின்றீர்கள் என்ற குற்றச்சாட்டு இருக்கின்றது. அதற்கான உங்களது பதில் என்ன?' என்றும் கஜனிடம் 'நீங்கள் தமிழ்த்(எனது சேர்க்கை: தேசிய) தீவிரவாதி எனவும் உங்கள் அரசியலில் விட்டுக் கொடுப்புக்களைச் செய்ய மறுக்கின்றீர்கள் என்ற குற்றச்சாட்டு உள்ளது, இதற்கான உங்கள் பதில் என்ன?' என்றும் வினவப்பட்டது. இது பாரியதோர் வித்தியாசம். இது எப்படி நண்பர்களிற்கு விளங்காமற்போனது என்று விளங்கவில்லை.

(2) சுமந்திரனிடம் கேட்கப்பட்ட கேள்வியில் முக்கியமான பகுதியினை நண்பர்கள் நீக்கிவிட்டனர். அக் கேள்வியின் பின்புலம் பற்றியும் எதுவும் குறிப்பிடவில்லை.

சம்பந்தனை எதிர்க்கட்சித் தலைவராக்குமாறு பாராளுமன்றில் ததேகூட்டமைப்பு கோரியிருந்த நிலையிலேயே சுமந்திரன் குறித்த செவ்வியினை வழங்கியிருந்தார். அவரிடம் கேட்கப்பட்ட முழுக் கேள்வி இதுதான்:

'கூட்டமைப்பு புலிகளை ஆதரிக்கின்றனர் என்றும், புலிகளின் கொள்கைகளை ஆதரிக்கின்றனர் என்றும் குற்றச்சாட்டுக்கள் இருப்பதனால் கூட்டமைப்பிடம் எதிர்க்கட்சித் தலைமைப்பதவி செல்வது குறித்து சில பயங்கள் இருக்கின்றது; இதற்கான உங்கள் பதில்?'

இதற்கான சுமந்திரனின் பதிலை, அதன் சாரத்தை, சரியாக மொழி பெயர்த்தால்:

'விடுதலைப் புலிகளுக்கோ, விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் கொள்கைகளுக்கோ நாம் விசுவாசமுள்ளவர்கள் அல்ல. மாறாக, நாம் தமிழ் மக்களின் உரிமைக்காக போராடிவருகின்றோம். (தமிழ் மக்களின் உரிமைகளுக்காக போராடி வருகின்றோம் என்பதற்காக) பயங்கரவாதத்தினை ஆதரிப்பவர்களோ, ஊக்குவிப்பவர்களோ அல்ல; இதை யாவரும் அறிவர்'

கஜேந்திரக்குமாரின் நண்பர்கள் தமது பதிவில் சுமந்திரனிடம் கேட்கப்பட்ட வினாவின் பின்புலம் பற்றி (ததேகூவிடம் எதிர்க்கட்சித் தலைமை செல்வது) எதுவும் பதிவிடவில்லை. கேள்வியின் முன்பகுதியை அப்படியே புறக்கணித்துவிட்டனர். அத்துடன் சுமந்திரன் கூறிய பதிலின் சாரத்தை மொழி பெயர்ப்பதை விடுத்து முற்றுப் புள்ளிகளை அங்கும் இங்கும் வசதிக்கேற்றபடி சொருகி அர்த்தத்தை மாற்றிவிட்டனர்.

(3) விடுதலைப் புலிகள் ஆதரவு தொடர்பில் இருவரிடமும் ஒரே சாரப்பட்ட கேள்விகள் கேட்கப்பட்து உண்மை. ஆனால், சுமந்திரனிடம் கேட்கப்பட்ட கேள்வியின் பின்புலம் முற்றிலும் மாறுபட்டது என்பதை மேலே சுட்டிக்காட்டியிருந்தேன். அதையும் தாண்டி, நண்பர்கள் இன்னொரு உண்மையையும் நாசுக்காக மறைத்துவிட்டனர். அதாவது, தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் பிரதி நிதியாக கட்சியின் சார்பில் சுமந்திரன் புலிகள் ஆதரவு தொடர்பில் நேரடியாகப் பதில் கொடுத்திருந்தார், கஜனோ அக் கேள்விக்குப் பதில�� கொடுக்கவில்லை, நழுவிவிட்டார். அவரது பதிலில் அவர் முற்றாக கேள்வியின் இரண்டாம் பகுதிக்கு (அவரது அரசியல் விட்டுக்கொடுப்பின்மை தொடர்பில்) மாத்திரமே பதிலளித்திருந்தார். நழுவல் இராஜ தந்திரமாக இருக்கலாம் என்பது எனது ஊகம்.

(4) விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் கொள்கைகளோடு கஜன் கூட உடன்படவில்லை. 'தாம் தனி நாட்டைக் கோரவில்லை, தமிழரை தேசமாக அங்கீகரிக்கத்தான் கோருகின்றோம்' என்று கஜன் கூறுவது விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் தனி நாட்டுக் கோரிக்கைக்கு முற்றிலும் முரண்படுகின்றார். ஆகவே, அவரும் 'விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் பிரச்சினை வேறு, தமிழரின் பிரச்சினை வேறு' என்று சொல்லாமல் சொல்கிறார். சுமந்திரன் அதை நேரடியாகச் சொல்கிறார். சுமந்திரன் அரசியல் தீர்வு தொடர்ப்பாக ததேகூவின் நிலைப்பாடு தனது பதிலில் பற்றி எதுவும் குறிப்பிடவில்லை என்பதைக் கவனத்தில் கொள்க, அது தொடர்பான அவரது நிலைப்பாடு அரசியல் ஈடுபாடு கொண்டவர் யாவரும் அறிந்திருப்பர்.

(5) அதே செவ்வியில் சுமந்திரன் தமிழரின் காணி விவகாரம், வடக்கில் இராணுவ மயமாக்கல் முதலிய முக்கியப் பிரச்சினைகளைப் பேசியிருந்தார். அது நண்பர்களிற்குத் தெரியவில்லை போலும்.

'நண்பனைக் காட்டு; உன்னைக் காட்டுவேன்' என்ற பழமொழிதான் நினைவிற்கு வருகின்றது.

சுமந்திரன் எதிர்வரும் பொதுத்தேர்தலில் யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் போட்டியடப் போவதாக செய்தி கசியத் தொடங்கிய நாளில் இருந்தே தாங்கள் மாத்திரமே தமிழ்த�� தேசியத்திற்காகப் போராடி வருவதாகக் காட்டிக்கொள்ள முனையும் ஒரு அரசியற் கட்சியும், அதற்கு ஆதரவானவர்களும் இணையத்தளங்களிலும், சமூக வலைத்தளங்களிலும் தமக்கு வந்தபடி சுமந்திரனைப்பற்றி வாய்க்கு வந்தபடி வசைப் பேச்சுப் பேசிக் கொண்டிருக்கின்றனர்.

உதாரணமாக: 'எட்டப்ப புத்திரர்கள்!', 'எச்சில் எலும்புக்காய் - குரைக்கும் விசுவாச வீரர்கள்!' (திரு. சம்பந்தனையும் சேர்த்து)

https://www.facebook.com/VoteForTNPF/photos/a.690429954390047.1073741828.690425551057154/691265157639860/?type=1&theater

நாம் இன்றும் இந்தத் 'துரோகி'ப் பட்டம் சூட்டும் அரசியலில் இருந்து வெளிவரவில்லை. யார் எல்லாம் யதார்த்தமாக தமக்கு சரியெனப்பட்டதைக் கூறி, நேராக அரசியல் செய்ய விளைகின்றனரோ, இன்னுமொரு மொழியில் சொன்னால் யாரெல்லாம் தமிழ் அரசியலில் அதிகம் 'சவுண்டு' வைக்கிறவர்கள் சொல்லும் கருத்துக்களுக்கு முரணாகப் பேசுகின்றனரோ அவர்கள் எல்லோருக்கும் சட்டென துரோகிப் பட்டம் குத்தி ஏதாவது ஒரு கம்பியில் தூக்கில் இட்டுவிடுவது இவர்களுக்கு நன்றே பழகிய விடயம். அதைத்தான் மீண்டும் செய்கின்றனர்.

தமிழ் வாக்காளர்கள் விழிப்புடன் இருப்பது அவசியம்.

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Ecological Disaster –  in Vallikamam, North Sri Lanka

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By - Prof. Daya Somasundaram, University of Jaffna

There is an ecological disaster of serious proportions taking shape over the last few years with the effects already showing in the Vallikamam area of Northern Sri Lanka. It is being realized by the more than quarter million people living in Vallikamam that their ground water is polluted by oil waste. According to samples of wellwater from a 1.5 km diameter area surrounding the Chunnakam power station takenduring 2013 – 2014, the great majority of wells (73%) were contaminated with oil levels above the acceptable level (1 mg of oil/ L of water).  Since then, from observations reported by residents, the oil contamination appears to have spread to contaminate wells to an area of over 4km in diameter. The health, ecological and other long term impacts of the oil pollution is not known. The recent Water Resource Board reports says “long term expose of the contamination may cause cancer, miscarriages and detriment to Early Childhood Development, Skin and mental health”. However, though there is already widespread alarm, apprehension, anxiety, panic and confusion among the general public, they have not been informed of what the risks are, what they have to do; and, what the government needs to do or will do to contain the disaster. Instead, with the lack of authoritative, authentic and clear information, there are unsubstantiated rumours, misinformation, conjectures, theories, fear and unrest. For example, recently (28 Feb. 2015), at a public meeting arranged by Transparency International on Good Governance held in Jaffna, representatives of civil society organization claimed that Lead  has been found to be contaminating the water source.  However, the Water Resources Board Report found no heavy metal contamination in their samples.

The Water Resources Board Report has identified the Chunnakam Fossil Fuel Power Station area as the possible source of contamination. From a detailed analysis and mapping of their data, the ‘oil spreading pattern’ showed that there were ‘high oil and grease concentration layers’ surrounding the Chunnakam Power Station with gradients of diminishing concentration outwards from the power station. By 2015, the contamination appears to have spread further. Apparently, testing of samples from the wells have been done before by government and private organizations but the results have not been made public. It is suspected that the waste (lubrication oil from generation of electricity from fossil fuel during periods when the Jaffna Peninsula did not receive power directly from the National Grid (Laxapana)) had been disposed into the surrounding land by pumping it under pressure through drill holes.  

It is possible this process may have been practiced from the late 1950’s by the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) until 1973 when Jaffna started receiving electric supply from Laxapana, and then again more recently during the war years when electric supply was cut off.  Initially Agri Co and then Northern Power Company were contracted to provide electricity supply using generators until 2012 when Jaffna again regained connection to the national grid. It is estimated for that the Northern Power Company may have had to  dispose of around 100,000 to 200,000 Litres ( @2,000 L per  5 generators three times a year for six years) of lubrication oil. During the war years, the power station at Chunnakam was tightly guarded by the military and public did not know what was going on inside the more than 20 acres of land. After over a decade without electricity, people were more than happy to have some irregular supply, than to ask any questions.

Now with the end of the war, and the emerging awareness about the contamination of the ground water, the state, considering the high risk to public health and ecology, has a grave responsibility to investigate the source of contamination and take remedial action. The organization(s) involved should be compelled by law to disclose what they have done and where. The possible area of contamination should be dug up or at a minimum bore drilling done to locate the source of contamination, so that it would be removed to prevent further contamination and spread of the pollutants. However, it is said that powerful and influential parties are preventing the release of vital information that is if of public interest.

Although the government institutions and organizations tasked with responsibility of first approving these procedures and monitoring for environmental protection and safety such as the National Environmental Authority, Ceylon Electricity Board and the various governmental bodies, local and national, had not done their duties, the alarm was raised in 2010 by farmer’s associations of Chunnakam South, who wrote to the Government Agent (GA), Jaffna when they noted the water they were using was polluted with oil. No action was taken. Shortly after, the Kalaivani Community Centre in the area complained of foul smells and oil contamination in their water. Subsequently, the Water Resource Board had stopped taking water for distribution from the Chunnakam Intake site. A warning in 2012 by the head of the Water Resources Board on the dire ecological consequences of the spreading oil pollution was ignored and he was removed from office instead.

It was only after legal action instituted by the local civil society, Nature and Environment Protection Association, that further contamination has been stopped with the courts ordering the Northern Power Company to stop functioning. It is welcome news (26.02.2015) that even belatedly, after the civil society agitation, the authorities have asked Norwegian experts and Nation Building Research Organization to use radar to locate the source of contamination. Further an expert committee of the various national universities has been formed to investigate and report on the issue. They are reported to consult appropriate national and international experts on how to remedy the pollution.

People have been living in the Valikamam area for centuries as evidenced by the historical  Kantharodai archaeological site, using the high quality pristine and perennial ground water resource for drinking, agriculture and other uses. The Water Resource Board describes four aquifers in the Jaffna peninsula. The Chunnakam aquifer had the highest capacity with a thick lens of fresh water floating over sea water. That this historical source of water is now polluted is a calamity of great proportion. If drinking and using this polluted water is going to pose a risk to the population and all living organisms, what is going to be the future of this land? If wells in the surrounding area of the Chunnakam Power Station and further afield are contaminated by a visible, thick layer of floating oil, could it be that microscopically, the contamination has spread to affect the whole aquifer? It is noteworthy that the same Water Resource Board Report also incidentally found unacceptable high level of nitrate (above 0.01mg/L) in some wells as a result of the excess use of synthetic fertilizer for agricultural purpose. The risks to health of high levels of nitrates, including blood disorders, is well known unlike the risks from oil pollution of ground water. Manmade disasters are becoming far too common in the modern world of aggressive and unsustainable development and exploitation of nature.  

Would the people have to be displaced to some other safer environment as has happened in other ecological disasters life the Fukushima and Chernobyl nuclear disasters, Bhopal gas leaks or the droughts in Sudan and Somalia? The manmade disaster of this rich water resource can spell the doom of this hospitable land that has supported life for years. As in Weliweriya in the Gampaha district of the South, the people from the Valikamam area have started to protest the pollution of their water, demanding urgent action by peaceful means. It is the responsibility of the authorities to take the necessary step and action to reverse the process of pollution and find immediate and long term solutions to the problems threatening the people of the area. It is a positive sign that some of the more affected rural areas are now been provided regular clear water through bowsers. However, this has to be expanded to all affected areas. Along with the supply of clean water, people need to be provided with proper information and warning about the risk and implications of drinking and/or using the water for cleaning, bathing, cooking, and the risk for other living organisms. Compensation will have to be paid for the losses people have suffered and risks they have been exposed to. But more important and urgent are preliminary steps towards short and long term strategies to prevent further spread, remedies and a recovery process initiated to return the water to its original state. Perhaps a useful step to garner all available resources, plan and implement interventions towards recovery, and attract international aid and expertise would be to declare a disaster situation which it is. For example, regular testing and monitoring with well equipped laboratories with the greater sensitivity and speed the contamination levels, perhaps even mobile laboratories that go to affected sites are needed. Adequate arrangements for regular supply of clean water to the population, possibly pipe born supply from other unaffected areas or bowsers is needed. Research on the impact on human and other living organisms, on the ecological system and food chain will need to be carried out with remedial or precautionary action based on the findings.

(Reproduced with the author's permission.)

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Sri Lanka's Rainbow Revolution

Enter Sirisena

It was around six in the evening. Friendship Villa in the South Eastern University was full of activity. As I made my way through the corridor in search ofdrinking water, a batch mate from Batticaloa beamed at me. He was shaking with excitement. Sinhalese students could be heard shouting from their rooms. I soon came to know the cause of all the commotion: the opposition had unveiled Maithripala Sirisena as the common candidate.

Bythe time I logged into facebook a little later, the Batticaloa friend had sent requests inviting all of us to ‘like’ Sirisena’s facebook page. Another university friend, popular for his hilarious quips on social media, had shared the photograph of Sirisena getting out of his car for the press conference with the caption ‘just in case’. A tweet read ‘by God, now there is a chance’.

Photo via: Groundviews

A week ago Mahinda Rajapaksa was assured of victory. No one gave the opposition a chance. Experts penned article after article trashing the UNP and Ranil Wickremasinghe. Suddenly, the tables had turned.

Contrary to popular belief, the electoral defeat of Mahinda Rajapaksa became a possibility in the minds of many Sri Lankans from the moment Sirisena announced his challenge.

Jumping Olympics

As the people of Sri Lanka geared up for a historic election, their representatives in governing bodies developed a keen interest in ‘jumping’. So much so that in the final weeks of campaign it was a full blown circus. It was hard to keep track of cross-overs.

The Man of the Match award should surely go to Amir Ali, the ex-Eastern Provincial Councillor. Mahinda Rajapaksa appointed Ali to the national list seat previously held by A. H. M. Azwer, the UPFA’s official court jester, possibly with the hope of cashing in on Ali’s eastern vote base. Three weeks later Ali, along with Rishad Bathuideen jumped ship, shattering Rajapaksa’s two-thirds majority in the process. Rauf Hakeem was some way off the pace.

Election Day

There was no doubt that Tamils would vote for Sirisena. The lingering question was how many would vote. If Rajapaksa was to be defeated minorities needed to vote in large numbers. My fears of low voter turn-out ceased as early as 7.15 am on election day.

I woke up to the sound of my mother rushing through the gate (it makes a thundering noise). She was back from the polling centre. This was the first time she exercised her franchise in almost twenty years. Even though she was reading the newspapers rather keenly in the lead up to the election, I dismissed it as old-age boredom. No one in the family expect her to vote this time. I was pleasantly surprised by her enthusiasm. If my mother, the embodiment of political apathy - was so bent on seeing the back of Mahinda . . . there was certainly hope.

I accompanied my sister to the polling centre – my sister’s school, which was only a few hundred meters away from home. Mannar folk were out in their numbers. A sizable queue confronted us as we made our way through the entrance.

As we waited in the queue, an elderly lady slowly made her way in the direction of the booth. In a loud voice, she declared her intention to vote despite not possessing identification. We came to know that she was in her late eighties when she showed her NIC number, scribbled on a piece of paper beneath her name, to an independent monitor.

By midday, election officers from Tamil areas confirmed 50% turnout. Who said Tamils did not care who won?

A New Dawn

During the exodus of ‘95 batteries were in short supply. Listening to news meant pedaling your socks off: radios were powered up using bicycle dynamos. I recalled this bit of history as I dusted up our old radio and tuned into Sooriyan FM, a Tamil radio station of dwindling repute. My laptop was out of service and the house did not have a television. The ancient Sanyo radio was the last resort.

The time was nine o'clock and postal voting results were expected to flow in soon. I had two dozen mosquitoes for company. For the next nine hours I followed the results on Twitter (for commentary – via my phone) and Sooriyan FM (for breaking results).

Ratnapura postal voting was the first result announced. It was an electorate that had voted for Rajapaksa, and UPFA, in overwhelming numbers in the past elections. Even though Sirisena lost, the margin of defeat was encouraging. More results slowly followed. To my great annoyance, Sooriyan FM kept playing love-failure songs in between.

It was Killinochi that first propelled Sirisena into the lead - a lead that Rajapaksa would often threaten but never assail right till the end. Killinochi results was also a sign of things to come. Rajapaksa's small gains in the southern electorates would be wiped out in style, time and again, by minority votes. The most telling of such blows was delivered by the upcountry Tamils, who thrashed Rajapaksa by a whopping hundred thousand votes.

Around 3.30 am as Mahinda Rajapaksa, his brother Gotabhaya and Chief Justice Mohan Pieris sipped soup and mulled over the possibilities of staging a military coup, I received a text message from a friend in Colombo:

“Pres. Secretariat is getting ready to welcome new president machan. Fuck yes.”

On Twitter and Facebook others began calling the election.

At around six in the morning news broke out that Rajapaksa had vacated the Temple Trees following a discussion with Ranil.

I shut my eyes in a bid to hold back tears.

The fog of fear and repression that held sway over the country for a decade was slowly lifting, the filth of Rajapaksa was already washing away.

End note

The message I received reflects the kind of raw emotion many of us felt on that night. The problem with political analysts is that they reduce politics to the abstract – to jargon, infographics and meaningless discussion of numbers. They talk of politics as though it takes place in a vacuum. In doing so, they undermine human agency and the enormous sacrifices of ordinary people that are the foundations of political change.

Much of the commentary on Sri Lanka’s extra-ordinary moment has not been any different. For example, a professor of law writing in the New York Times declared that ‘Sri Lankans shocked themselves’ by defeating Rajapaksa.

Political change is a matter of desire, more than anything. “How badly people wanted change?” is a far more appropriate question than “how many wanted change?”. Sirisena’s victory stands testament to this. It was possible only because people like my mother and the elderly lady wanted a new direction for the country.

This is the story of Sri Lanka's ‘Rainbow Revolution’ as I know it.

[storiesofthewind]

time to tumblr again

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My article that appeared on Groundviews today: "The experience of minorities in the beautiful eastern district of Trincomalee perfectly encapsulates the dark and depressing reality facing minority communities across Sri Lanka. Trincomalee’s remaking is part of a larger national-level project. The new Trincomalee is a microcosm of the post-war Sri Lanka. At the expense of minorities, the Rajapaksa government is building a Sinhalese-Buddhist nation that is intolerant, illiberal, and regressive. Five years on, any possibility of national reconciliation seems entirely distant and improbable. In retrospect, it is evident that the war never ended. Only armed fighting did. The government has only exacerbated the root causes that led to the original conflict. The future looks bleak indeed."

[storiesofthewind]

New Beginnings

A world gone dark. A life gone dry. Days deprived of inspiration.

There is nothing for me here anymore. Only pain. More pain. I’ve had my dose of unparalleled happiness. Perhaps this is nature’s way of keeping the balance. This must end.

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Excellent

It felt like a dream, one that was slowly fading away.

I kicked desperately at the ground till my back reached the stump of the wall that remained. A trail of blood remained in my wake. I leant back, hands still pressed against the flesh, blood streaming between my fingers. I had felt invincible,...

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Wind chills souls When in contact

[storiesofthewind]

தேகத்தில் படும் வரை தென்றல் சுகம் தரும

[storiesofthewind]

To love. To be loved. To never forget your own insignificance. To never get used to the unspeakable violence and the vulgar disparity of life around you. To seek joy in the saddest places. To pursue beauty to its lair. To never simplify what is complicated or complicate what is simple. To respect strength, never power. Above all, to watch. To try and understand. To never look away. And never, never, to forget.

Arundhati Roy, The Cost of Living (via bookmania)

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Beautiful. 

India 

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‘Talk to us about reconciliation Only if you first experience the anger of our dying Talk to us of reconciliation If your living is not the cause of our dying Talk to us about reconciliation Only if your words are not the product of your devious scheme to silence our struggle for freedom Talk to us about reconciliation only if your intention is not to entrench yourself more on your throne Talk to us about reconciliation only if you cease to appropriate all the symbols and meanings of our struggle.’

Filipino poet J. Cabazares as cited by Yasmin Sooka, 'Dealing with the Past and Transitional Justice: Building Peace through Accountability', 88 (2006) International Review of the Red Cross 311 at p. 325 (via a a post from a facebook friend)

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Tamils, Trincomalee and the Real Scope for Peace

|

I was in Trincomalee for a few days after a long time. The trip was fantastic. But, fun aside, the trip was also a harrowing experience as a Tamil. The speed at which the history and heritage of the town has been reversed by the hegemonic state is remarkable.  For example, a huge statue of Buddha (annexed) has been erected right below the famous Koneswaram temple. While I have little clue as to how the hot water springs of Kanniya came about, I know for a fact that the official version has now been reversed. The yellow signboard from 2010 (annexed) has been removed and in its place there is a signboard in Sinhala and English claiming that the wells were part of a Buddhist monastery. While it would take some serious research to actually validate this claim, one has every right to question the motive behind not using Tamil. If the historical claim is indeed true, what purpose does the government hopes to serve by hiding it from Tamils? In addition to the new Buddhist temple that has been built, there are signs of another being constructed. One wonders why. The entire tourism industry is controlled by the military. It was hard to find Tamil vendors around any of the famous tourist attractions that I visited. I wonder what the city will be like in 5 years time.  When the collective existence of a group is under threat and their place in history is consistently undermined by the state, what hope is there for peace? What hope is there for equality? What hope is there for justice? What hope is there for reconciliation?  Let us live.

[storiesofthewind]

India’s Incredibly Powerful “Abused Goddesses” Campaign Condemns Domestic Violence.

[storiesofthewind]

We live in a world where a death of a favourite character in a TV series generates global outrage while the deaths of thousands of innocents go unnoticed. Killers roam unpunished.

[storiesofthewind]

Ragging: Navigating Common Myths

·     | Myth-I: Ragging brings unity

The claim that ragging brings unity is a patently false one since in almost all universities ragging is ethnic-based. A Sinhalese first-year student can only be ragged by Sinhalese seniors, a Tamil first-year student by Tamil seniors and so on. Moreover, ragging is faculty-based. Despite multiple attempts in many universities common ragging has been impossible.

In reality, ragging, far from bringing unity, is in fact a very powerful tool in the perpetuation of ethnic and religious hatred. Ragging thrives on division. Tamil students who study in the south are repeatedly reminded by senior Tamil students that they are in enemy territory. The same is true of Sinhalese students who study in Tamil areas. ‘There is no one to save you but us’ is a statement that is always repeated by seniors in intimidating new comers into submission. ‘Sinhala ass-kissers’ is the name which has been given to a bunch of Tamil students who decided to oppose ragging. One of the writers was told by a senior, on the day he registered for his course, ‘never to trust Muslim dogs’.

It would seem that only the inverse of the unity argument is true. What ragging does bring is a degree of (pervasive) uniformity, a point to which we shall return later.

Myth-II: Ragging makes the new entrant tough

There is a general tendency to view ragging as a toughening up process. Ragging period, we are told, prepares the naïve new entrant for the ‘real’ world which is full of cruelty, treachery, violence and injustice. There is widespread consensus as to the validity of this claim. We, however, hold a radically different view.

It is helpful, at this point, to go into the details of what ragging actually constitutes. There are mild forms of ragging such as asking the fresher to sing, and then there are other monstrous forms of it such as indiscriminate physical torture, verbal assault, sexual harassment etc. In order to dispel the myth that ragging moulds bold students, we shall limit ourselves to exploring the more violent forms of ragging.

First, it is important to note that what goes on under the guise of ragging is actually serious criminal activity.  In Dr Brian Seneviratne’s words ‘Sticking candles in vagina, putting testicles in drawers and closing the drawer, throwing people into the shallow Lotus (now the ‘Alwis’) pond at the entrance of the Peradeniya campus having first put bits of broken glass into the pond, parading terrified newcomers, some of whom had left home for the first time, and getting them to perform all sorts of crazy, and even obscene acts in public. That is sadism and criminal activity’.

Second, it is important to get our definition of ‘tough’ or ‘strong’ right. Being a strong man is very different from being a bully. Being strong and being violent are two very different things. Silent obedience to systems of power is not an example of courage, it is cowardice.

Finally, ragging, in fact, creates the so called ‘real’ world to which it purports to prepare people. Those who accept ragging also accept the means through which it is sustained. Those who defend it, similarly, also defend the means through which it is propagated. Ragging period is when innocents are transformed into blind followers of a stupid system that thrives on unjust means such as threat, lies, intimidation, fear mongering and outright violence. It is the time when young students are brainwashed into embracing sadism. It is the time when educated thugs are bred. Ragging is what gives Sri Lanka leaders who have utter disregard for fairness, justice and the rule of law. Ragging snuffs out the very essence of humanity from the country’s future leaders and in its place puts apathy, arrogance and an animalistic sense of ethics.

For the above reasons, the claim that ragging toughens up the naïve fresher and positively prepares her for the future is simply absurd.  

Myth III – Ragging brings equality among students

Claims are abound that opposition to ragging comes from middle and upper middle class students who espouse a kind of superiority complex. It is claimed that ragging, by weeding out the superiority complex of middle and upper middle class freshmen, ensures that all students are treated equal. Upon close inspection this line of defence also fails.

Here again there is a conceptual misunderstanding. Equality and uniformity are not the same things, nor does uniformity imply equality. Equality refers to ‘the state of being equal, especially in status, rights, or opportunities’, whereas uniformity means ‘1. always the same, as in character or degree; unvarying’ or ‘2. conforming to one principle, standard, or rule; consistent’.

It is foolish to believe that conforming to the same dress code for first three months of the first year, or being forced to speak in one’s mother tongue will bring equality in status, rights or opportunities. Far more foolish is the belief that students from rural backgrounds harassing those from urban areas verbally and physically brings parity.

It must be pointed out that with the exception of universities in Colombo, and perhaps also Peradeniya, language is not a dividing factor. Even in universities where language disparities exist, putting in place language regulations does not help resolve the issue; they only reinforce it. It is no secret a great number of students struggle very hard to follow lectures in English, especially in the science stream. Language regulations – insistence upon the using mother tongue alone in communication – undermine the chances of non-English speaking students to pick up the language from batch mates. It goes without saying that English speaking students must act in such a way that non-English speaking students willingly learn from them.

Ironically, even the illusory uniformity does not last long. As soon as the ragging period is over disparities resurface. More often than not, they resurface in glaring clarity.

Underlying this kind of defence for ragging is the assumption that class is the only (at least, the most dominant) dividing factor. Ragging, as noted above, is powerless to bridge gaps that arise as a result of race, religion, caste and territory. There is no evidence to suggest that class is the only dividing factor that needs to be dealt with. Even if so, the methods used in the attempt to remove this problem are superficial and, ultimately, meaningless.

_____________________________________________

Notes:

Dr Brian Seneviratne, Ragging – My Experience, The Sunday Leader (2011)

http://www.thesundayleader.lk/2011/03/27/ragging-%E2%80%93-my-experience/