#IAPA

[axvoter]

Blatantly Partisan Party Review XVIII (NSW 2023): Indigenous­–Aboriginal Party of Australia

Prior reviews: federal 2022, VIC 2022

What I said before: “Their policy platform is really simple stuff: a community that wants to be taken seriously and not treated paternalistically. They seek the space to address their own issues on their own terms.”

What I think this year: The IAPA is not registered at state level in NSW but it is endorsing two candidates. One, Brett Duroux, is standing in the Legislative Assembly electoral district of Clarence. The other, Aunty Colleen Fuller, is running for the Legislative Council as an ungrouped independent—this means she appears in the column at furthest right of the big ballot for the upper house. Her name is second in the list of 11 ungrouped indies. Neither Duroux nor Fuller will get to specify a party affiliation on ballots. Note that Colleen Fuller is not the woman of the same name who is a Gunnedah shire councillor.

The party retains the purpose and goals described in my previous reviews to promote Indigenous communities, provide them with political representation, stop Indigenous deaths in custody, and improve services for Indigenous peoples. The very existence of some of these challenges and unmet needs should shame Australia.

All NSW voters can express a preference for Fuller, but only if you vote below the line. Fuller’s leading goal is to protect the Kariong sacred lands near Gosford. She also wants to protect the right to protest, stop child removals (she is a descendant of the Stolen Generations), and provide more affordable housing. She and two other independents were profiled as the Three Sisters of the Sacred Sites and Environment. I’m a little confused why the other two—Gab McIntosh in the seat of Terrigal and Lisa Bellamy in Gosford—do not have IAPA endorsements, particularly McIntosh because she is featured on the IAPA’s About Us page as their education spokesperson! But both the IAPA homepage and Facebook only feature Fuller and Duroux as endorsed independents.

As for Duroux in Clarence, he has a mix of local policies and statewide goals. The statewide goals concern things such as sacred site protection, better relationships between land councils and traditional owners, better housing for Aboriginal communities, no children in jail, and healthy rivers and forests. His local goals include no mining or fracking in the Clarence Valley, better mental health services in Clarence hospitals, and restoring local swimming pools and allowing kids to swim for free. It all seems positive.

Recommendation: Give independents affiliated with the Indigenous–Aboriginal Party of Australia a good preference.

Website: https://www.indigenouspartyofaustralia.com/ and Duroux’s HTV is here

[endimpunityday]

DAY II - SESSION II - Building safe spaces for journalism in Latin America and the Caribbean.

This Panel seeks to exchange views and visions on the reality of diaspora media professionals, who are faced with multifaceted challenges that have a lasting impact on their careers, personal lives and well-being. During this session, panelists will share their views and visions on the reality of forcibly displaced journalists. A panel of journalists and specialists, as well as organizations that work with journalists, will discuss the challenges faced in the region and the articulation of comprehensive responses. 

Moderator: Rosa María González, Regional Advisor of Communication and Information for Latin America and the Caribbean, UNESCO 

Panel discussion:

Zuliana Lainez, Vice President, International Federation of Journalists and the Federation of Journalists of Latin America and the Caribbean (FEPALC) 

José Luis Sanz, Washington correspondent, El Faro 

Carlos Lauria, Executive Director-elect, Inter American Press Association (IAPA) 

Mauricio Weibel, President of the Society of Latin American Correspondents (SOCOLAC) 

Gypsy Guillén Kaiser, Chief of Advocacy, Committe to Protect Journalists (CPJ)

Nicholas Benequista, Senior Director, Center for International Media Assistance at National Endowment for Democracy

Closing remarks: 

Eduardo Bertoni, Former Rapporteur for freedom of expression, and Representative & Coordinator, Inter American Institute of Human Rights (IIHR)

10:45 - 11:45 - SESSION II - Building safe spaces for journalism in Latin America and the Caribbean.

[indoorplaygroundequipment]

Upcoming Trade Shows

Upcoming trade shows SEA Riyadh KSA May 28-30, 2023 Booth #1E+100 IAAPA Singapore Asia,  June 13-16, 2023 Booth # L1325 Foundations Entertainment University Nashville, TN, July 18-19,2023 YMCA Atlanta GA July 20-23, 2023, Booth 1530 IAAPA Vienna Europe  Sept 25-28, 2023  Booth #A-2423

[simplynotcapable]

I’m curious, in that “Baelon is Visenya’s uncle ‘verse”:

A) how does that change - *if* it does - the relationship(s) between Daemon, Baelon, and Visenya?

Is Daemon more protective/platonically possessive of Visenya in that ‘verse? (aka “that’s *my* firstborn daughter you’re eyeing, nephew”)

B) if so, is Viserys having a grand old time, sitting there laughing about uncles, nieces, and karma?

Tangent - I really love that we know the words for family in High Valyrian and what they might imply about about family structures in Valyrian culture (for example, “kepa” being used for both father and father’s brother - especially since mother’s brother is “iapa” or “qybor”- suggests that a father’s male siblings might be seen as additional/surrogate fathers whereas a mother’s male siblings would take more of an “uncle role”). If I’m right, It definitely makes the creep/cringe factor of Daemyra in canon even worse 😬😂🤦‍♀️

Hi!!!

The relationship between Baelon and Daemon would still be largely the same, if not a little closer considering they’d be spending more time together.

I don’t think Visenya and Daemon’s would be much different from dragonglass and gold either, since she largely sees him as her father there anyway, but if anything they’d be less tightknit. Part of the reason the twins cleave so close to Daemon is their bad relationship with Viserys, and Visenya’s driving force is very much entangled with the fact that Daemon’s the only male authority figure she has that didn’t a) kill her mother and therefore show he does not give a flying fuck about the women in his life’s agency, and b) spend all his time around her bemoaning how she looks like said dead wife. In a life where Viserys is just her weird grandpa and she has two parents with a relatively healthy (psa: grooming is bad and never healthy kids, every modern!Daemon au should put him in prison for statutory) marriage, she isn’t really seeking that same validation from him. She’s always had from Daemon what she was missing from her relationship with Viserys, so she doesn’t have to go through the whole “love me please i’ll be worth it i swear just look at me” sort of thing that she does when Viserys is her father.

Daemon’s just her dad. He’s annoying. Makes kind of gross jokes. Keeps knocking up her mom even though there’s so gods-damn many kids running around that she wants to yank out all of her hair.

Daemon is 100% the dad that sits on the porch cleaning a gun when his daughter has their first date, so Baelon and Visenya’s friendship makes him very erratic. Just frothing at the mouth “what do you mean they went on a 3am flight alone i’m going to eat his pancreas raw” and “WHY IS HIS HAND ON HER BACK RIGHT NOW RHAENYRA” even though Baelon and Visenya have a mostly pretty platonic relationship for most of their childhood.

Viserys thinks this is karmic justice from the gods, is absolutely no help whatsoever, and uses it to very cheerfully fuck with Daemon all the time.

(Daemon: get your SON

Viserys: it’s perfectly innocent. what kind of uncle would seduce their fifteen year old niece?

Daemon:

Viserys: it isn’t like he’s bringing her to brothels

Daemon:

Viserys: or stealing her from her wedding

Daemon:

Viserys: that’d be an example of a bad uncle

Daemon:

Viserys: I’m calling you a—

Daemon: no yeah I got the message thanks)

I’ve never thought about the significance of kepa being a word for uncle and father, but that’s a really interesting point. The age gap and how young Nyra is when Daemon is starting to show interest is weird enough. Thinking about it through the lens of Daemon having this cultural responsibility to act as a father figure and instead being like “familial power as a stepping stone to being a child predator, a 500 page guide by Daemon Targaryen” makes it 1000x worse and also just more fascinating a dynamic than it already was.

Thank you!! 🩵

[welldonebeca]

The Christmas War (5)

If you like my work, consider buying me a coffee or subscribing to my Patreon. It’s just $2 a month and helps a lot while I go through these hard times.

Masterlist

The mall was peaceful, looking just like any other mall in Westeros Harwin had stepped on, and Jace walked as if he knew every step of it.

Well, he probably did, right? If there was something he knew teens liked, it had to be malls.

"Are you done with your Christmas shopping?" Harwin asked him.

"Yeah," Jace nodded quickly. "We went shopping early, kepa wanted to make sure we had time to buy everything without rushing."

Wasn't that nice of his Kepa?

"What does that mean?" Harwin frowned, though. "Kepa."

Was that stepdad in their language?

Luke had said they all called Daemon that.

"Well, two things," he looked at him. "It's dad, and brother of dad, so paternal uncle."

He frowned.

"That's very confusing. How do you know the difference?"

Jace shrugged.

"You just do," he told him simply. "It's how you say it, how you talk to him."

"So you just call everyone father?" he asked. "Your father, your uncles..."

"On the father's side, yes," he confirmed. "But not on your mother's side. Your mother's older brother is your iapa, and your mother's younger brother is your qybor."

Harwin stared at him.

What now?

"Say it again?"

Laenor chuckled behind them.

"Your mother's older brother is your iapa," he repeated. "Which is how the Baela and Rhaena call dad, he is their uncle, their iapa."

Harwin nodded along.

"And the younger brothers of your mother are referred as qybor, so that is how I would speak to Aegon or Aemond," he explained again. "If I did speak to them. Which I don't."

Yeah, there was a bit of drama on that side of the family.

"Tell him how you'd prefer to Helaena," Laenor told him, sounding very amused.

Helaena? Rhaenyra's sister?

"Muña," Jace told them.

He frowned a little.

"But muña means mother," he corrected him. "I remember Rhaenyra teaching you that."

Jace just nodded.

"Yeah, it means both, just like kepa."

His brain was melting.

"You know," he shrugged and turned straight to him. "Muña. And muña. Muña Rhaenyra. Muña Helaena."

Yeah, it was the same thing. They sounded identical.

"Hey," Laenor called them. "I found the ice cream place."

They followed him, though Harwin was still very confused, and Laenor was already talking to one of the employees as Jace stepped to him, quickly asking for something before waving to him to come closer.

"Come on, ice cream is on me," his son called.

The names were all in Valyrian, obviously, and he was left to try and decipher them by their colour, not wanting to bother them with his questions.

"Is that chocolate?" he pointed at one, a little unsure.

"Valyrian chocolate, yes," Laenor told him. "It's Joffrey's favourite."

"Do you want it?" Jace asked.

He nodded. If it was Joff's favourite, then it had to be alright.

"My Joffrey or your Joffrey?" he asked, though.

Laenor squinted at him.

"They are both my Joffrey," he corrected him.

He breathed in.

"Well, only one of them is mine," Harwin scratched his temple.

"It's Joff's favourite," Jace interrupted them. "Little Joffrey, not uncle Joffrey."

Alright.

The employee scooped some ice cream, setting it on a plate along with Jacaerys' and Laenor's, and his son was about to pay for it before anyone else could even pull their wallets.

"You don't have to," Laenor argued.

"I invited you," he corrected them.

Harwin smiled a little.

He was a very good boy, his son.

Laenor ruffled his hair, though.

"Yes, and you are still a boy," he corrected him. "We are your fathers. We pay for you, not the reverse."

"Save your money for the car," Harwin told him. "You're going to need insurance."

Rhaenyra probably would never let him even touch the car if it wasn't insured.

They sat down together, and he made a mental note to pay Laenor back.

"We can get the tub before we leave," Laenor told them. "I'm sure your mother will like the treat."

Harwin nodded, and he could see as Jace frowned a little bit, looking a bit worried before covering it up.

That was strange.

"Is the supermarket still around?" Laenor asked, not seeming to notice it. "We can get Joff some fruit. They have great oranges here, he needs vitamin C."

"Mangos too," Harwin reminded him. "They are his favourite."

Laenor raised his eyebrows a little, surprised with the addition, but nodded.

"And mangos."

Harwin took a spoonful of ice cream, expecting the sweet flavour of chocolate to spread on his tongue, or the bitterness of the dark chocolate Rhaenyra would place on his lips when she was in a sharing mood, but it wasn't that.

Well, the ice cream was sweet.

But it was also hot. Spicy.

Very spicy.

He tried not to cough as he swallowed it, trying to get used to it.

Valyrians and their spices.

"Is it alright?" Jace asked. "The ice cream."

He gulped.

"Yeah," he lied. "Peachy."

Harwin made a mental note to brace himself the next time they were out for any kind of food.

He was graduating in, what... a year?

"Well, kepa suggested that I get my education abroad," he told them. "There is a very nice university in Pentos, the world's best diplomats graduated there, so I'm studying very hard to get into it."

Harwin tried not to look bothered. Yes, it was nice, but it was so far away!

"And not Westeros?" he asked. "You're not even considering it?"

Jace moved, a little uncomfortable.

"Well... you know..." he spoke slowly. "With... the people there. It's... you know."

Rhaenyra's family, he meant.

"I'm in Westeros," he reminded him. "And the Velaryons, too. You could go to Dragonstone or Wintefell."

There were more people there than his politician grandfather and their children.

"You won't be alone," Harwin assured him. "And you'll have your chance to start on your own somewhere. Do your own things, try your own path..."

Jace watched his face, looking half unsure and half boomed, his excitement gone.

"I like what I have here," he told him. "And I like Essos. I love Pentos, and I really think they will prepare me better than any other school in Westeros."

Harwin sat back, and when he looked at Laenor, he had his eyes very wide.

"Of course," he confirmed quickly. "I'm not saying they can't. I just... I thought you'd like to know that you have options. But your choice is important."

Jace nodded, eating his ice cream quietly as the hurt set between them.

They moved to go buy the fruit, and Harwin bought himself some normal candy - actual gummies that he had eaten before - and made sure to get extra mangos. Maybe he could bond with Joff over them.

Jacaerys, though, continued very quietly.

He didn't say anything as he drove back home again and stayed in the car for a bit as Laenor took off with their shopping bags, moving around with the documents but doing nothing at all.

Harwin knew that face. Maybe not on him but on Rhaenyra.

"So," he looked at him. "What's up?"

Jace turned to him, looking surprised by the question.

"I'm sorry I didn't understand how you felt about Pentos," he told him. "We all have dreams. It was a little insensitive of me."

His boy nodded a little, still uncomfortable.

"It's alright," he assured him. "I thought about doing my last year of school in Westeros, actually. I was going to."

Harwin perked up.

"Really?" he asked.

Jace nodded.

"Before going to Pentos. So I could be back there for a bit. I was born there, it'd be nice to close this chapter there."

"That is awesome!" Harwin exclaimed. "You could go up North with me! I have space in my house, you can live with me!"

Jace winced a little.

"But I'm not going," he shook his head. "I can't go. I... it's not... I shouldn't."

He frowned.

Oh?

"Why?" he asked.

But Jace just shook his head.

"We better get inside," he unbuckled his seatbelt. "The ice cream is going to melt."

Harwin reached for him, holding his wrist.

"Laenor took it inside already," he corrected him. "There's no rush."

Jacaerys looked very excited about the idea of going to Westeros.

Why wouldn't he go?

"Did Daemon discourage you?" he asked. "Is he-"

"No," he shook his head again, moving his hand to push his hair back.

His roots were already starting to show, Harwin noticed.

"I..." he tried to speak. "The... we... I..."

Harwin continued to wait, and Jace bounced his leg nervously.

"I'm being stupid," he tried to say instead.

"I don't think so," Harwin corrected him. "I think you're reasonably worried about something."

His son looked up at him, and it was like seeing Rhaenyra stepping around the library again, fidgeting with her fingers and her nails, looking like all the weight of the world was on her shoulders as they all waited for the printer to finish printing the results of her pregnancy test, sixteen years ago.

"Mum is weird," he confessed. "I don't know what it is."

Harwin couldn't say anything for a second, and Jace moved back to pick on his nails.

"I noticed she was a little strange by November," he explained. "But it wasn't bad. And then out of a sudden, the mood shifted. I don't know if I'm the only one who noticed, but she was... she was so weird. She still is."

"Did she say anything?" he asked.

Jace shook his head.

"No, but everything kind of changes. She's... I don't know how to describe it. And dad is overprotective out of a sudden," he continued.

Dad as in Daemon.

"They don't say anything, but they feel different," he explained. "I don't know how to word it, and I don't know what to do!"

His eyes filled up with tears, and Jacaerys blinked them away.

"I don't know if she is sick," he explained. "Or maybe he is!"

Harwin rubbed his shoulder, not knowing if he would be comfortable with a full hug.

"I'll try to talk to her," he promised him. "Your mother loves you very much. If she is hiding anything, then she probably got it in her head that she is protecting you by doing so."

Jace nodded, breathing in and out and moving a hand to dry his eye.

"You know it's alright to cry, right?" he asked softly. "It helps with your feelings."

He chuckled a bit.

"Yeah, everyone tells me that," Jace assured him. "All four other parents."

Harwin frowned.

"Four?" he asked.

Jace smiled a bit, holding a hand up.

"So we got mum," he raised one. "Daemon. Laenor."

He raised two more.

"There’s you," he rested a finger on his fourth finger. "And uncle Joffrey. He's a... honorary parent, I guess. The stepdad."

Harwin chuckled a little.

"Well, they are right," he insisted. "Men cry too. I cry sometimes. I cried a lot when you all left Westeros."

He didn't know how much he'd miss them until the day he woke up and realised he would miss all of Joffrey's milestones, that he would never have the easy access to the boys he used to have before. It hurt more than any physical pain he had ever felt before or after.

Jace raised his eyes to him again, and he could see he was surprised.

"I know I wasn't around a lot," he told him. "And I regret it. So, if all of this is solved, and you still want to have your last year of school in Westeros, I will find you a spot in the best school in the North, and we can make up for the lost time."

Jace smiled, looking happy with the idea, but they were interrupted by Luke as stepped into the garage.

"Hey, did you get me any ice cream?" he rushed to the car. "Dad said he only got mum's!"

Jacaerys shrugged.

"You can get your own when you start driving," he teased his brother, leaving the car.

Harwin shook his head and looked down at his bag before also leaving the car.

"I got you some gummy bears, Luke," he gave it to him. "I can't read Valyrian, so I couldn't pick any up, so I went with the next best option."

Luke's frown was quickly replaced with a smile.

"Thanks, Harwin!" he took it from his hand and then glared at Jace. "At least someone remembered me."

He chuckled, watching the two making faces at each other.

His boys.

…

“The Christmas War” is being posted on my Patreon two weeks before it comes to Tumblr and AO3! To have early access to all of my works, subscribe to my page! It’s just $2 a month!

. . .

Forever Tags: @emoryhemsworth​​​ @amythyststorm33​​​ @shaelyn102​​​ @yknott81​​​ ​​ @maximofftrash​​​ @kgbrenner​​​ @thefridgeismybestie​​​ @magpiegirl80​​​ @mogaruke​​​ @shadowhunter7​​​ @musicalcoffeebean​​​ @megasimpleplan4ever​​​ @deemoriarty​​​ @05spn18​​​ @malindacath​​​ @kdcollinsauthor​​​ @random-fandom-fangirl2112​​​ @widowsfics​​​ @frozenhuntress67​​​ @averyrogers83​​​ @notyourtypicalrose​​​ @nerdypinupcrystal​ @giruvega

[khadijahkhalid]

Subhanallah ..!!!

Bijak sekali yg merangkai arti abjad A hingga Z

Cuba baca ya :)

A llah

B eri kita hidup

C uma sekali

D i dunia ini...

E sok kita muhasabah

F ikir akan akhir hayat

G erbang akhirat pun

H ampir tiba

I nilah hakikat hidup

J anji Allah itu pasti

K alimat syahadah

L ailaha Illallah

M uhammaddur Rasulullah

N ikmat dunia hanya sementara

O rang muda atau tua

P asti merasakan mati

"Q uality" iman jaminannya syurga

R asulullah s.a.w bersabda :

S iapa boleh mengucap syahadah jaminannya syurga

T api..jika gagal...

U ntuk mereka adalah neraka

V isi kita adalah akhirat

W alaupun dunia di depan kita

Y ang pasti semua akan ditinggalkan...

Z alimnya kita jika tak ada iman dan amal.

*Jangan disimpan utk diri sendiri tapi kongsikan kepada orang lain*

[warmthestcordofcare]

MountainTop Snug Resort / IAPA design via ArchDaily

[axvoter]

Blatantly Partisan Party Review XXIV (Victoria 2022): Indigenous–Aboriginal Party of Australia

Prior review: federal 2022

What I said before: “This is a party that simply wants an opportunity for their people to thrive.”

What I think this time: Here I was, thinking I had successfully reviewed every micro-party fielding candidates in Victoria’s state election, whether registered or not. It was only on the final stretch of my entry about independents running for the Legislative Council that I discovered two ungrouped independents endorsed by the Indigenous–Aboriginal Party of Australia (IAPA). Let me know if I've missed any others!

The IAPA ran candidates in NSW and Queensland back at the federal election, and in the lead-up to Victoria’s state election they tried to expand into Victoria and gain registration with the VEC. They weren't able to be registered, but they have endorsed three candidates. Two are standing for the Legislative Council: ungrouped independent Colin Mancell for Northern Metropolitan and ungrouped independent Storm Hellmuth in Western Victoria. These two men will only appear below the line in the furthest-right column on the ballot and you cannot vote for them above the line. A third candidate is standing in the Legislative Assembly: IAPA endorses Laylah Al Saimary, independent candidate for the electorate of Melbourne, and if you live in this electorate you will have to include her somewhere in your preferences to cast a valid vote.

The IAPA remain as I described them in my federal review. Their goal is more Indigenous representation in government and for Indigenous perspectives to be heard. I was a little surprised to not see some specific content about Victoria’s Treaty process. It predates the Uluṟu Statement: Victoria had already begun the Treaty process when the Uluṟu Statement settled on the order of Voice, Treaty, Truth. But I think we can safely assume that whether it’s Voice at federal level or Treaty at state level, the IAPA simply want Indigenous people to thrive. Their policy platform is really simple stuff: a community that wants to be taken seriously and not treated paternalistically. They seek the space to address their own issues on their own terms.

Since the IAPA has had to resort to endorsing independents in the absence of registration, let’s have a quick look at the candidates. The IAPA's website doesn’t give much specific info on the two upper house candidates, so we can take it as read that Colin Mancell (Northern Metropolitan) and Storm Hellmuth (Western Victoria) support the IAPA’s policy platform. The blurb about Hellmuth emphasises that he wants systemic change for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander policies (he also has the best name on the ballot in the entire state).

Laylah Al Saimary might well be the youngest candidate in the state. She’s 18 and her goal is to represent Indigenous youth, particularly so-called “school refusers” such as herself. She wants to provide Indigenous-controlled schools that have a curriculum for Indigenous youth who struggle in the mainstream system. She also wants Indigenous drop-in centres where kids can receive help with homework and reading and writing skills—and eat some fresh fruit. Come on, how are we in a position as a country where an Indigenous candidate has to campaign for something as simple as fresh fruit for marginalised youth.

My recommendation: Give the candidates endorsed by the Indigenous–Aboriginal Party of Australiaa good preferences. To vote for their Legislative Council candidates, you must vote below the line; all ballots with 5 or more preferences marked below the line are valid votes.

Website: https://www.indigenouspartyofaustralia.com/

[sociedadnoticias]

Gobierno capitalino ofrecerá Sedesa pruebas de VIH, sífilis y servicios médicos durante marcha de la dignidad

Pruebas gratuitas de VIH, Sífilis, Hepatitis C y otras infecciones de transmisión sexual, así como servicios médicos sin costo en el IAPA-BUS Por Paola Ramírez | Reportera La Secretaría de Salud de la Ciudad de México (Sedesa), a través del Instituto para la Atención y Prevención de las Adicciones (IAPA) ofrecerá pruebas gratuitas de VIH, Sífilis, Hepatitis C y otras infecciones de transmisión…

[kamlatheripemango]

Political advocacy has rarely approached the single-minded tenacity of Jamaica's Daily Gleaner to unseat former Prime Minister Michael Manley during last autumn's national elections.

Only eight years earlier, the Gleaner's support helped vault Manley's People's National Party into office after a decade of rule by the Jamaica Labour Party. However, Manley's entente cordial with the pro-free enterprise Gleaner soon fell apart as the pell-mell growth of the 1960s gave way to global economic gloom in the 1970s. For Manley, the world-wide recession threw Jamaica's economic problems into bold relief. His solution was democratic socialism: more state-run businesses, better prices for essential commodity exports like sugar, bauxite, and bananas, land reform, and cooperation with other Third World countries demanding a New International Economic Order.

For the Gleaner, the Prime Minister's volte-face was tantamount to handing the country over to communism. Within a few short years of Manley's 1972 election, the newspaper's highly skilled columnists took daily potshots at the government's policies. There is nothing strange about that. Politicians change their stripes, and newspapers change their minds. Except in the island's highly charged political atmosphere, the Daily Gleaner is not just another newspaper. It is considered the voice of Jamaica - a 145-year-old cultural institution whose reach is so broad and authority so ingrained that traveling Jamaicans sometimes ask for a New York or Toronto 'gleaner.' Deserved or not, the Gleaner also has status outside the country. The newspaper's views and interpretations of events in Jamaica are accepted without question by major North American and British journals. Gleaner publisher Oliver Clarke has been an active US-based Inter-American Press Association (IAPA) member for years. The IAPA is also linked to the Cabot Prize Committee, which awarded the Gleaner a Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism extraordinary citation of merit in 1979. The award boosted the paper's public image and self-esteem just as it prepared for a full-fledged attack on Manley's administration. Publisher Clarke told New York Village Voice reporter Andrew Kopkind, 'The business community here feels it is under siege from the government, and it looks to the Gleaner to advocate for free enterprise and a Western style of life.'

In last October's election the Gleaner pulled out all the stops to protect those two pillars of Jamaica's middle and Upper class. Columnist John Hearne, one of the most vociferous Manley detractors, said. Kopkind: 'It would be idle to pretend that there has not been a systematic attack on the government by the Gleaner. For myself, my one intention is to get this man Manley out of office by any means at hand.' The 'systematic' aspect of the Gleaner's barrage began to rouse suspicions among Manley supporters and those to his left. Recalling revelations of the CIA's use of El Mercurio to create an atmosphere of fear and instability in Chile before the 1973 overthrow of Salvador Allende's government, critics looked at Gleaner's tactics.

At the invitation of the Press Association of Jamaica, analyst Fred Landis of the Washington-based Cover Action Information Bulletin pieced together a series of startling parallels with El Mercurio. Gruesome stories of murder and terror were featured prominently in the Daily Gleaner alongside pictures of Manley or his ministers illustrating another article. A typical Gleaner front page would include a four-column photograph of a blood-spattered policeman. The photo accompanied a story headed. 'Policeman slain by gunman'. To the left of the photo was a smaller one-column article entitled 'A Cadillac for the PM.' 'The idea,' said Landis, 'is that while all this mayhem is taking place, the most the Prime Minister can think of is to get himself a Cadillac, the theme of the PM fiddling while Rome burns.'

The presence of 200 Cuban doctors, engineers, teachers (and probably a few intelligence officers) was puffed up into a 5000-strong fifth column - brainwashing school children, threatening Jamaica's sovereignty and ready to fight to defend Manley's form of 'communism.' The Prime Minister's friendship with Fidel Castro was exploited whenever possible to back up the supposed Cuban threat. The Gleaner charged Manley with plotting to suspend elections under a state of emergency to maintain power. The Jamaican Labour Party leader Edward Seaga accused Manley of planning a 'military solution' to the polls.

Bottling it up in Kingston, Jamaica.

Photo: Peter Stalker

According to Dr. Landis, the similarity in style and method of attack between El Mercurio and the Gleaner was not just a coincidence. Behind it all, he saw the not-so-subtle machinations of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. At the same time, dissident ex-CIA staff revealed the names of 15 CIA members at the U.S. Embassy in Kingston, Jamaica. The station, they said, was 'undoubtedly the largest in the Caribbean and perhaps the third or fourth largest in Latin America.' The Gleaner was unflappable for its part, dismissing the charges as 'outrageous and unfounded allegations.' Taking the Gleaner's lead, the foreign press amplified the stories of creeping socialism,

economic chaos and unpredictable violence.

Liberal newspapers like the Washington Post made unsubstantiated claims of Manley's intention to 'declare a state of emergency and suspend elections. Linking Grenada, Cuba, and Jamaica, the Los Angeles Times warned of 'Socialist Trade' spreading chaos in the Caribbean. The Miami Herald, US News and World Report, the Journal of Commerce, the London Daily Telegraph, and other significant newspapers played up the disastrous consequences of Jamaica's flirtation with socialism. There was a certain amount of self-fulfillment in the Gleaner's denigration of Manley's government. The tourist trade plummeted during the 1979/80 season as news of the island's political violence spread. It was confined almost entirely to Kingston's squalid shanty towns, not the North Coast tourist strip. After the victory of Manley's landslide in the 1976 election, major multinational corporations, including the economy's linchpins and American and Canadian bauxite companies, refused to extend their investments. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) forced strict conditions on loans to the Manley government, including wage controls and currency devaluation. By the time Manley repudiated the IMF, the economic damage was done - more grist for the Gleaner's mill.

The upshot of it all was Manley's thumping defeat last fall (1979) at the hands of Jamaica Labor Party leader Edward Seaga. What Manley's supporters referred to as the Gleaner's 'destabilization' tactics had turned the tide. Virtually overnight, Jamaica's pariah image was shed. Prime Minister Seaga was welcomed as a lost sheep back to the fold by corporate investors, multinational bankers, the IMF, and U.S. President Reagan. Seaga's first step after assuming the office was to order Cuban Ambassador Ulises Estrada to leave the island. His next was to visit Mr. Reagan in Washington. Talks with IMF officials were initiated even before the Jamaican Labor Party's victory. Rewards were quick to follow for the pro-American, pro-capitalist Seaga. The U.S. announced $60 million in new aid to Jamaica, including a $1.5 million military sales credit. A recently concluded IMF agreement requires neither wage controls nor currency devaluation. In addition, a $103 million foreign Debt with 100 commercial banks was successfully renegotiated - a year earlier, Manley was turned down flat by the same banks. According to the Washington Post, Jamaica's finance secretary Horace Barber says 'the whole atmosphere has changed. The business sector is more bullish'.

The alleged CIA manipulation of the Gleaner to destabilize the Manley government may never be proven. Apart from Dr. Landis's intriguing testimony, no hard facts have emerged. However, Gleaner's role in forming public opinion, both nationally and internationally, is not disputed. What seems evident is that some compelling people shared the paper's political assumptions with the ability to make or break the economy of a small Third World nation. It may be just a chance of convergence of interests. However, that seems unlikely.

http://www.newint.org/issue100/vendetta.html

"During George H. W. Bush's first months in Langley, the CIA, under orders from Henry Kissinger, launched a campaign of destabilization of Jamaica to prevent the re-election of Prime Minister Michael Manley. This included a large-scale campaign to incite violence during the election, and large amounts of illegal arms were shipped to the island. $10 million was spent on the attempt to overthrow Manley, and at least three assassination attempts took place with the connivance of the CIA. During his year at Langley, Bush was incredibly forthcoming towards Wall Street, above all, towards the family firm. On at least one occasion, Bush gave an exclusive private briefing, including forecasts on the future development of the world energy market, for partners and executives of Brown Brothers, Harriman. Such an incident, redundant to point out, entails the gravest questions of conflict of interest."

"George Bush: The Unauthorized

Biography" by Webster G.

Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin

See

http://shs.westport.k12.ct.us/chia/

Caribbean/NTTHresearchproj/michael_manley.htm

Bob Marley himself was viewed as a Rastafarian messianic figure by some fans, particularly throughout the Caribbean, Africa, and among Native Americans and Australian Aborigines. His lyrics on love, redemption, and natural beauty captivated audiences, and he gained headlines for negotiating truces between rival gangs and, later, two violently warring

Jamaican political parties (at the One Love Concert), led by Michael Manley (PNP) and Edward Seaga (JLP).

http://www.jamaicas.co.uk/Inform

NationOnJamaica/

CIA -- BUSH

1976: JAMAICA. Military coup to overthrow the government of Michael Manley. Unsuccessful.

1979-1980: JAMAICA. Financial pressure to destabilize the government of Michael Manley and campaign propaganda and demonstrations to defeat it in elections. Successful American involvement

http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/sep01/jamaica.html

During the 1972 election campaign, the United States ambassador, Vincent de Roulet, warned Manley not to make the US-owned bauxite industry a nationalization issue. Otherwise, he would "oblige" the opposition Labor Party to take up the issue. Manley kept quiet. He had, however, upset the American government by supporting the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), which the United States government was attempting to destroy and had established diplomatic relations with Cuba and the Soviet Union. In December 1975, U.S. Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, arrived in Jamaica to "suggest" that unless Manley changed his policies, Jamaica's request for a $100 million trade credit "would be reviewed." The Jamaican Prime Minister chose not to toe the Kissinger line and continued to support the Cuban army presence in Angola. The Americans moved into action. By 1976, before the election in Jamaica, the CIA station chief in Kingston, Norman Descoteaux, drew up a destabilization program. Covert shipments of arms were sent to the Jamaica Labor Party. In one shipment alone, which was aborted by the Manley government, there were 500 submachine guns. Pro-Labor gangs began to use such

tactics such as arson, bombing, and assassinations. A wave of strikes in the transport, electrical, and telephone industries hit the island, provoked mainly by the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), the CIA's principal labor "front" in Latin America and the Caribbean. The AIFLD also provided covert financial support to the Labor Party, as well as infiltrating the Jamaican government's security service.

Propagandists also arrived from the United States, including evangelists. Moreover, faith healers preach against the "evils of communism." Locally, the Daily Gleaner poured out a stream of anti-Manley propaganda, who, in the October 1980 elections, was defeated mainly due to the continuing deterioration in the workers' standard of living, but, in no short measure, due to the intervention by the United States. Jamaica has been uncovered to thousands of tourists; it is the happy island of rum, reggae, and sunshine. However, a new film reveals how rich countries and the IMF keep the Caribbean poor. By Linton Kwesi Johnson

Linton Kwesi Johnson

Friday, February 28, 2003

The Guardian

"The issue is to make globalization work for all. There will be no good future for the rich if there is no prospect for a better future for the poor." That glib, cynical statement from the International Monetary Fund Director Horst Köhler is brilliantly exposed for the platitude it is in Stephanie Black's engaging documentary Life and Debt. Black's film is intelligent in its examination of how IMF and World Bank policies, determined by the G7 countries, led by the U.S., impact on poor developing countries. Life and Debt focuses on Jamaica as a typical example of a small developing country that has taken the IMF medicine. Having made modest strides in shaking off the legacy of slavery and colonialism on the road toward self-reliance during the first decade of independence, Jamaica was suddenly plunged into a deep financial crisis by the rise in the price of oil in 1973. The late Michael Manley, then the leftwing leader of the People's National Party, which served two terms as prime minister in the 1970s was rudely awoken to the realities of international finance.

"In Washington, they just looked at us and said, 'No. Your inflation last year was 18%, and we are not allowing you to lend to your farmers at 12%. You must charge 23%.'" The IMF told Manley he could get a short-term loan under their conditions but would not entertain discussing long-term solutions. At first, the Manley government was defiant. Manley's espousal of "democratic socialism," his friendship with Fidel Castro, and his activism in the Non-Aligned movement did not endear him well to Washington. The CIA deepened Jamaica's financial crisis with destabilization, which dissident CIA agent Philip Agee exposed. In the end, the Manley government had to go back to the IMF cap in hand for a loan, and Jamaica has been swallowing the IMF medicine ever since.

Jamaica's continuing financial crises, high unemployment, lawlessness, and social turmoil have to be seen against the background of IMF/World Bank policies that governments of both the left and the right have been forced to pursue for well over two decades. Life and Debt graphically illustrates how those policies have impacted workers, small businesses, farmers, and Jamaican society. We visit the local farmer whose enterprise is no longer viable because, like his neighbors, he cannot compete with the cheap imported onions and carrots from the U.S. Local farmers were able to make a decent living selling their produce to the local market before the IMF insisted on the removal of tariffs on imported goods. When the farmer tried to diversify to honeydew melons for export, he was told by his prospective American client that the produce did not meet their specifications. "We use machetes for farming -- can Machete compete with the machine," asks the farmer. The dairy tells the same story of the farmer who has to pour his milk down the drain because he cannot compete with the cheap imported subsidized milk powder from the U.S.

We hear from the chicken farmer whose business is no longer viable. After all, his 50-cents-a-pound chicken cannot compete with the 20-cents-a-pound chicken parts from the U.S. At a Rasta camp; we encounter three dreadlocked elders reasoning about the state of the Jamaican economy. One of the elders says that he never saw chicken backs in any supermarket when he visited the U.S., yet they are exported to Jamaica. His bredrin explains that, from the days of slavery, the master kept the best for himself, and the scraps were left for the enslaved people. There are also testimonies from banana farmers whose industry has been devastated by the US-instigated WTO ruling that robs them of their secured tariff-free markets in Europe. The furniture maker who shifted to making coffins is doing good business. In Life and Debt, we see Jamaica through the eyes of the tourist. We also see the Jamaica that the tourist rarely encounters slum dwellers watch themselves on news footage of riots, political violence, and industrial unrest. The Antiguan novelist Jamaica Kincaid's essay "A Small Place" is aptly adopted to provide a poetic narrative. Footage of the slums of Kingston is underscored by reggae and ragga music and dub poetry, as well as lyrical meditations on the nation's state. "I and I want to rule I destiny," chants Buju Banton. Anecdotes from Manley about his "bitter, traumatic" experience with the IMF, World Bank, and the Inter-American Development Bank are juxtaposed with the IMF deputy director Stanley Fischer's diagnosis of and prescription for the Jamaican patient.

Women working in unregulated, tariff-free sweatshops called "free zones" talk about their struggle to make ends meet on their weekly salaries of US$30. Black's film shows the spectacular failure of the IMF "remedy." After the structural adjustments, the cuts in public expenditure, the removal of tariffs on imports, privatizations, and devaluations, Jamaica is still plagued by the financial crisis. Development plans have been abandoned as the vision of independence recedes. Life and Debt is a potent weapon in the arsenal of the global movement for a more equitable economic order.

©️ Linton Kwesi Johnson.

http://film.guardian.co.uk/print/0,,46

14650-3181,00.html

In 1981, I visited a friend working in the U.S. Embassy in Jamaica, and she told me that on the night of the election, after Manley had conceded to the CIA favored candidate Edward Seaga, the CIA station chief, had invited the Embassy staff to a champagne party. He proudly opened his monster-sized safe on whose walls he had pasted the hundreds of articles, editorials, and cartoons written or suggested by the CIA personnel that had appeared in the Jamaica press.

http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/200

2/12/49161.html

SEE

http://www.expedia.co.uk/lonelyplanet/Jamaica/historyandculture.aspx

EDWARD SEAGA: anthropologist, folklorist, and former record producer.

Jamaica looks forward after violence

By

Susan Candiotti

CNN Correspondent

KINGSTON, Jamaica (CNN) --

More than a week after bullets flew in and around Kingston, Jamaicans were wondering if the deadly violence could spark actual reforms in a political system some say has been plagued with problems for decades. At least 22 people were killed and 40 wounded in the violence that began July 8 during a police weapon sweep in a neighborhood considered a stronghold of government opposition groups. Police said snipers fired first, launching the battle, but residents claimed it was the other way around and accused authorities of shooting indiscriminately into crowded residential areas. The Jamaican military moved in on July 10 to quell the disturbance. Jamaican Prime Minister P.J. Patterson took to the national airwaves and announced -- under pressure from the opposition -- the formation of a commission of inquiry to look into the causes of the gun battles. However, many Jamaicans on both sides of the political fence are becoming increasingly weary of a situation that appears to be worsening. The latest trouble in the Caribbean Island had been brewing for months -- the opposition Jamaica Labor Party was calling for an early election and gaining in the polls, ongoing investigations were going on too slowly for some, and rival gang members had been gunned down in separate incidents. Gang violence has plagued Jamaica for years. In the 1970s and 1980s, politicians used gangs as a powerful tool to drum up votes. When Jamaica became a trans-shipment point for drugs, gangs became linked to that lucrative Trade.

Trampling tourism

Jamaica's long battle with political violence has complicated its efforts to improve a struggling economy, in part on a lucrative tourism industry. Drawn to the island's inviting beaches and lush landscapes, tourists bring in more than $2.5 billion per year. However, news of sniper attacks and the military patrolling the streets -- although mainly confined to the capital, Kingston, far from popular tourist attractions -- has image-makers worried. "There are so many other things that Jamaica does well," said Patterson, "so many other positive facets of Jamaican life -- our music, our culture, our sports." But the opposition charges that Patterson's ruling People's National Party, the government has failed to provide answers for poverty, unemployment, and alleged police abuses -- according to Amnesty International, Jamaica has one of the world's highest rates of civilians killed by police. Former Prime Minister Edward Seaga of the opposition Jamaica Labor Party, a charge that Patterson's government incited the recent violence to flex its muscle and show it is still in command. "It is a political device in the circumstances that the government has no other answers to put before the people for the forthcoming general elections," Seaga said. Patterson, who has held the Prime Minister's office since 1992, categorically denies that the government fomented the recent gun battles, limited mainly to Kingston. "It is my view that the police were reacting to the fire which they encountered hostile forces and nothing less," he said. There is no turning back, but long-standing hostility between government party loyalists and the opposition is palpable, particularly in well-defined neighborhoods around Kingston.

Bishop Blair helped lead a recent prayer vigil to unite the warring factions. "I do not know how we have gotten to where we have divided our people to this end, where a mother can cross the road, and her son can be on the other side, and she cannot come down and talk to him," Blair said. After touring the hardest-hit areas, private-sector business leaders met with the prime minister amid talk of renewed efforts to work together. "We will be able to develop a further forum within which both political parties, the government party, and the opposition party can sit together and look at the fundamental issues ... to see if we can develop a fundamental plan that deals with the infrastructure problems," said business leader Peter Moses. Patterson has promised to carry out an ambitious urban renewal plan. He said he remains willing to work with the opposition, despite increasing pressure for early elections that could put his leadership on the line. "We have established levels of dialogue and contacts, which have worked very well in the past," he told CNN. The Jamaica Labor Party leader said that the outlook for Jamaica is good -- despite the problems. "This country has every reason to have a glowing future," he said. Bishop Blair said there is no turning back. "Civil society has said they can take it no more; the private sector has said we can take it no more; tourism industry has said we can take it no more," he said. "I guarantee political leaders will have to listen this time." Changes, many say, are long overdue.

NY CARIB NEWS FEATURED ARTICLES

Topic - International Trade and Investment and Caribbean Regional Economic Development

On Agenda For 11th Annual Caribbean Multinational Business Conference In Panama

By Tony Best

Mention such issues as business partnerships between the U.S. and the Caribbean firms, economic integration, and technology that drives development and executives, entrepreneurs, and elected lawmakers immediately think of the Caribbean Multinational Business Conference. In the decade since the idea of bringing together top managers of some of America's largest middle-size and small firms, together with executives and owners of Caribbean enterprises were first transformed into the annual conference, thousands of decision-makers from the U.S. and the Caribbean examined the vital questions of Trade and Investment, established profitable businesses and enterprises, and moved to dismantle any remaining barriers to joint ventures. Just as important, they have exchanged ideas with elected officials at the federal, state, and local government levels in the U.S. and senior government officials of Caribbean nations and territories.

The upshot: public-private sector policies have emerged and have benefited U.S. and Caribbean cities, towns or villages. That highly successful pattern will continue when the 11th annual Caribbean Business Conference is held in Panama City, November 9-12. It will be the first time the sessions are held in a predominantly Spanish-speaking Central American and Caribbean country with a long history of relations with English-speaking Caribbean countries. "This year's conference to be attended by about 300 participants from the United States and the Caribbean is helping us to branch out into new frontiers that offer exciting possibilities," said Karl Rodney, publisher of New York Carib News, a driving force behind the annual exercise. "The decision to expand our horizons by accepting Panama's invitation was based in large measure on the warmth of Mayor Juan Carlos Navarro of Panama City and the President of the country, Martin Torrijos, and on the country's success as a magnet for foreign investment. Just as important were the interest of Panama's business community and the enthusiasm of the hundreds of immigrants from that country who now call the United States home-away-from-home." With "Panama -Providing the Linkage" is the theme of this year's meeting, a wide range of economic and social issues dominate the agenda. Everything from Western Hemispheric Collaboration;

Unlocking New Regional

Opportunities in Trade and Investment, Expanding Business Horizons, and Technology, the engine of Innovation to regional challenges globalization, security, and travel; to opportunities for Western Hemispheric health collaboration; micro-financing and enterprises, a part of the "Big Picture;" and "doing business in Panama" are to be discussed by the executives, business owners, and government official in joint public sessions. Almost 20 U.S. House of Representatives members, most of them belonging to the Congressional Black Caucus and several Caribbean cabinet ministers, are also to attend. "We believe the conference in Panama adds a new and exciting dimension to the conference," said U.S. Congressman Charles Rangel, one of the longest-serving elected officials on Capitol Hill in Washington. "We in the Congressional Black Caucus consider the conference an effective vehicle that drives closer collaboration between our members and the nations of the Caribbean, our country's close neighbors." Dr. Marco Mason, a Panamanian and prominent member of the Caribbean immigrant community in New York, thinks the decision to go to his birthplace would be an outstanding success. "Panama offers businesses in the U.S. and the rest of the Caribbean prospects for economic growth," he said. "It will also enable people from the rest of the Caribbean to interface with the children and grandchildren of those pioneers who went from Jamaica, Barbados, and other countries at the turn of the 20th century to build the Canal but who have remained in Panama for most of their lives." The conference is being held at the Caesar Park Hotel in Panama City.

[photomattjames]

AI saves the day... again! There's a new-ish feature in Adobe Lightroom that has come to the rescue on a number of occasions, but on Wednesday night it truly stepped up to the podium. Tasked with photographing a private event at the Planetarium Copenhagen for International Powered Access Federation (IPAF), I was a little taken aback when I realised just how dark it was going to be in there. Makes sense – it's a planetarium! In these situations, flash photograph is always an option, but it can also ruin the mood somewhat. All those stars, planets and colours get washed away with a sudden burst of bright light, and I wanted to avoid using it as much as possible. The solution is to increase the camera's ISO settings, which essentially boosts the available ambient light – a bit like using a microphone when someone's speaking softly. But with increased ISO comes increased grain, and the images start to appear fuzzy. This isn't usually an issue at ISO 5000 (my go-to amount), but inside the darkness of the Planetarium's interior, I needed at least 10,000. This puts significant strain on the camera sensor, as it heats up to lend a hand. Back in the office I was faced with a conundrum: manually edit each image to remove the grain, or test Lightroom's "Denoise" feature across multiple images all at once. I felt it was definitely time to try out the latter, so I selected a batch of 150 images and waited for the technology to do its thing. Thirty minutes and one cup of strong coffee later, the results were in. Naturally I was expecting the images to look great, but I was more impressed with the amount of time I saved. Instead of going through the photos one-by-one and fixing them, I'd gained an additional half-an-hour, which I used to get on with other tasks. People often ask me whether I'm concerned about AI taking over my job. I'm not. But I am looking forward to seeing what other technical problems it can help me solve in the near future, so that I can continue to offer my clients a high level of professional service and high quality images. Thanks to Steven Webb and the team at KHL Group for trusting me with this assignment, and congratulations to all the winners and nominees of the IAPAs https://www.photographybymatthewjames.com/p/event-photography

[apostolu]

Suedia si Caterina cea Mare .....

Suedia si razboaiele cu Rusia

Ati vazut serialul de caterinca de pe HBO, ala cu Caterina cea Mare a Rusiei, care si-a otravit barbatul, pe tzarul ei iubit, pe Petru al III-lea, din prea multa ei dragoste de Rusia ?Istoria nu este asa de ispititoare ca actrita din serial, iar adevarata Caterina, pe numele ei de botez “Sophie Augusta Fredericka de Anhalt-Zerbst”, era realmente o iapa nemteasca de tractiune, precum rasa aia de…

[endimpunityday]

DAY I - SESSION 3: Making Impunity Visible: Initiatives towards preservation of cases and memory of killed journalists.

This session will feature various initiatives by actors in fighting impunity for crimes against journalists. Initiatives spotlighted will include memorials, innovative investigative reports, artistic representation, media campaigns, and symbolic trials, among others. The session seeks to highlight some of the current initiatives and inspire new ways of mobilizing innovating strategies in combating impunity and keeping the memory of killed journalists alive. 

Moderator: Michael Greenspon, President, Inter-American Press Association (IAPA)

Testimonies from:

Les Amis de Ghislaine et Claude 

Hang Samphors, Team Leader, Cambodian Female Journalists 

Panel discussion:

Evelien Wijkstra,  Policy and Advocacy Director, Free Press Unlimited

Barbara Cochran, Fallen Journalists Memorial Foundation

Victor Coello Munoz, Pixel and Pixel

Selay Marious Kouassi, Network of African Investigative Journalists and Editors (NAIRE). 

Jineth Bedoya, journalist, El Tiempo

14:00 - 15:00 - Session 3: Making Impunity Visible: Initiatives towards preservation of cases and memory of killed journalists.

[pet-farm]

Pregnant Mother Dog Rescued at Our Gate Gives Birth to 14 Adorable Puppies

In a heartwarming turn of events, the Instituto Amor em Patas (IAPA) recently encountered a pregnant mother dog who had been abandoned at their gate. Natajuli, as she came to be known, was nine weeks pregnant and in dire need of help. When the compassionate volunteers at IAPA found her, she was weak, unable to stand, and consumed by fear. Her vulnerable condition tugged at the hearts of those who…

[rafitamgamer]

Jóvenes y Salud mental IAPA. José Antonio Alcocer y Pablo Puig