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thorne93 · 5 years ago

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Inside the Criminal Mind (Part 30)

Prompt: You’re married to Dr. Spencer Reid of the BAU, and are a distinguished doctor yourself on the team. You’re sent down to Miami, Florida for teaching and as a side request from the FBI, to investigate a string of missing persons. When you think you’ve figured out who the unsub is, your life becomes more complicated than you ever could’ve imagined.

Word Count: 2819

Warnings: (throughout the fic –>) death, blood, gore, killings, language, disturbing mental notions, mentions of rapes/murder/etc (You know, Dexter and Criminal Minds related business)

Notes: Thank you so much to @arrow-guy, @carryonmyswansong, and @mrs-dragneel-stark-solo - without each of you, I couldn’t have finished, written, or properly navigated this story. Each of you helped me fish out details that were incredibly important to me. Beta’d by @carryonmyswansong and @mrs-dragneel-stark-solo… Aesthetic by @mrs-dragneel-stark-solo

This is a crossover of Criminal Minds x Dexter. First time writing Dexter.

Also, the timeline is after Season 1 of Dexter, but during season 14-ish of Criminal minds into Season 15. Enjoy!!!

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While you and the rest of the BAU worked on the Bay Harbor case, Dexter and Doakes and several others went to another case where a step daughter was dead. Doakes wanted to believe the step father did it, and Dexter backed him up, although it was false. Doakes arrested the step father and continued to question him, even though Dexter put the report on his desk that proved otherwise.

When the team took a break, you and Spencer went back to Dexter’s lab and started chatting before an older woman came into the room.

“Oh, uh, Dexter, can I talk to you a moment?” she asked, tossing a glance your way.

“They’re fine, Camille,” he assured.

She came in and sat down and explained that Doakes was chasing after the records that Dexter had wanted, and when she told him the same thing, he got angry and made her scared. Dexter vowed he would take care of it and she thanked him before leaving, nodding to you and your husband.

“Doakes is really starting to piss me off,” Dexter muttered as he wheeled over his station.

“Wait, you care that he threatened her?” Spence suddenly asked, his brows furrowing.

“Of course?” he responded, confused. “She’s a good friend. She’s nice. Wouldn’t hurt a fly. She does her job and does it well. Doakes is just a fucking asshole trying to scare a nice woman.”

You gave a sympathetic smile before saying, “Well we should head back. See you later.”

As the two of you walked back towards the conference room, Spencer quietly said, “I’m a little impressed at his compassion for that woman… Maybe I misunderstood him.”

The next few minutes were spent going over the manifesto. Spencer offered psycholinguistics. But nothing really moved forward that day, thankfully.

----------------------------------

Two days had passed since the manifesto came to light. All of you were analyzing each sentence when suddenly there was a commotion in the bullpen. All of you turned around to see what it was when you saw it was Dexter, getting slammed to the ground by Doakes.

“What the fuck?” you hissed quietly before scrambling to get up out of your seat and go out through the doors and into the bullpen.

As soon as you got to him, Doakes was hitting him repeatedly. You went to pull Doakes off, but Batista and another detetive pulled Doakes off of Dexter before you could. As soon as he was off, you helped Dexter up, fawning all over him.

“Are you alright?” you asked fervently, your hands on his chest.

He nodded slightly, eyeing Doakes as if he truly feared him.

“Shit, no you’re not alright, you’re bleeding.” You grabbed a tissue off the desk he was leaning against, dabbing at the blood.

LaGuerta came out and ordered Doakes a suspension. He was escorted out and then you led Dexter back to his lab.

“Let’s get this cleaned up,” you quietly said.

Once he got back to his lab and he sat down, you began opening up the cotton swabs and peroxide.

“So,” you started, working on the wound, “you wanna tell me what that was all about?”

“I’m trying to get Doakes out of here, and off my case, and make him look like the crazy fucker he is,” he explained.

“Ah, I see. Well, I trust your judgement, even if you didn’t tell me about Olson.” You smirked down at him before grabbing gauze.

“Sorry again.”

You waved him off.

“How are you doing with the whole not killing thing?” you asked. “Aside from Olson.”

“Surprisingly well.”

“Good, I’m glad to hear it,” you mused with a grin.

“Thanks for being my savior,” he teased.

You made a playful face at him. “Don’t make it a habit of getting your assed kicked. I won’t always be there.”

He smiled and you two returned to your individual work.

At this point Masuka was going over what he’d gotten from another linguist he sent the manifesto ff to. Batista was going over what he interpreted. Two other officers said the unsub was politically motivated. Then arguments started throughout the room before Rossi suddenly said, “This is what he wants.”

Debra looked at your boss. “He wants a cluster fuck?”

“He’s always been a private person, killing silently. Now suddenly he’s a media junkie? It doesn't fit the profile.”

Everyone frowned at his revelation, realizing he was right.

“But who would do that?” he prompted.

“Law enforcement,” Luke responded. “They know what we are looking for.”

With that, a heavy tension fell over the room. It snaked its way into your skin too. This meant you just pushed the investigation closer to yourself and Dex.

“As of right now, this is a FBI central case. We’re going to investigate all eighteen cases with a fine tooth comb, which means that Miami PD - you’re under investigation. Full cooperation is an unspoken understanding here.”

“No offense, sir, uh, Agent Rossi, but if you do this, you risk alienating the force,” Batista said.

“We go where the chase leads us,” he responded.

-----------------------------

That night, you and the guys were catching dinner at a local seafood place.

“So much for that manifesto,” Dexter said before taking a swig of his beer, disappointment lacing his voice.

“I really thought it would work,” Spencer responded with a dejected tone.

At least they weren’t fighting.

“What are we gonna do?” you asked desperately.

“Well I know what I’m going to do,” Dexter said.

“Another brilliant solo idea?” Spencer asked and you couldn’t tell if it was a teasing question or actually filled with malice.

“Actually, I’m telling you what I’m doing so it’s not a solo idea,” Dexter shot back with a grin. “No, I think I’ve decided it’s actually best if I stay in the shadows. I don’t do well being proactive.”

You nodded. “Yeah, I guess all your best work has always been hidden.”

“I agree,” Spence chimed in. “We should just react to whatever the case brings up.”

Everyone agreed and Spencer suddenly said, “Also, Dexter you’re going to be called in. Rossi wants to discuss some bloodwork with you so, get a good night’s rest.”

“Aww, Spencer is that some form of compassion I hear in your voice?” Dexter inquired, trying not to laugh.

“It’s a cautious warning to help you and protect my wife, nothing else,” he coolly replied.

“You’re just a big softee,” Dexter replied.

Spencer stared at him and said, “If you keep this shit up I will turn you in right now.”

“Spence,” you chided.

Spencer relaxed and the three of you finished dinner before heading your separate ways to sleep.

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When Rossi pulled Dexter into the room to question him, your nerves were on fire. Rossi was a skilled man, albeit not as keen as you were at profiling. He was still very much brilliant and you were incredibly worried he would see through him. Dexter relied on charm and wit, but Rossi could always see through that, especially when it came to a high profile murder case.

You sat in the bull pen trying not to think about it or watch them, but you were bouncing your leg and becoming restless. Spencer saw you and came over to sit next to you,putting his hand on your knee, to silently signal that you needed to stop being so fidgety.

“Hey, it’s alright,” he assured quietly. “We need to focus on the cases, combing through them,” he reminded.

You were nodding, about to respond when Batista and Deb found some lead. They announced they were going to see a citizen that took notes all the time, so they wanted to see if he had anything of value. You just shook your head, writing it off. What would some random citizen know?

Unfortunately, that answer would come back to bite you later.

When Dexter exited the interview, he was clearly unhappy and that made you swallow. Of course you knew Dexter would never hurt you, but that didn’t mean he wasn’t a very eerie man when he was upset.

“Your boss is very astute,” Dexter complimented as he sat down next to you and Spencer.

“Yes, he is,” Spencer agreed, seeming uninterested.

“Look at this fucking jackpot,” Debra said as she walked in, throwing a heavy box onto her desk. The three of you looked up to see Batista carrying one of his own, and dropping it on his desk.

“Jackpot?” you asked, trying to sound professionally curious and not mortified.

“This guy lives next to Rodrigo, he takes notes on every fucking thing. We get the joy of sorting through all this,” she informed, as if she were clever.

“That will help, how?” Dexter asked.

“Because he might have something on the night Rodrigo was killed. A description of the gy, the car, something to go on,” she explained. “Hey, Agent Reid, do you care to help read over these? Since you’re like super fast at this shit.”

“Sure, give me a few moments to finish this case and I’ll help,” he obliged.

You wanted to give him a look that begged him not to help, but you couldn’t. Spence had to pretend he was on the case, and furthermore he had to show he was a team player. It was absolutely exhausting trying to keep up with the appearances.

As the day wrapped up, Dexter walked out with you. You and Dexter went to his place for a casual night in, while Spencer stayed behind at the station for another hour or so before going back to the hotel.

Batista and the guys called asked to go out. Dexter confirmed with you if it was alright if he went. You said you weren’t his girlfriend so the two of you went out. He went bowling and you sat by and simply watched. It gave Batista and Masuka plenty of time to try and find out even more about you, but you just stayed focused on Dexter.

As everyone came out of the alley, you and Dexter were laughing about something before you saw a guy run up behind Dexter.

“Dex!” you shouted as he made his way around a car in front of you.

Dexter tried to find him off with his bowling ball bag, but the guy just kept coming after him knife in hand. The guy was able to punch Dexter in the face before slicing at him, cutting his arm. You jumped into action without thinking. You kicked towards him, hitting his ribs but as you went to go to kick him again, he gathered himself quickly, jumped in his truck and sped off.

The other Miami PD officers heard the commotion and came over, guns out. They checked on Dexter, seeing if he needed to be taken to a hospital. You assured them you’d take care of him.

You got behind the wheel of his car, Dexter in the passenger seat.

“Do you need a hospital?” you asked.

“No, I’m fine. Just need to patch it up.”

“Okay, we can do that at your place. Why did you lie to them? That guy didn’t grab for your watch at all.”

He didn’t say anything though. He averted his gaze out the passenger window as you drove.

“Are you fucking serious? You’re going to lie to me right now? After everything we’ve been through? Dex, what the hell. Who was that?”

“It was my mother’s killer. Jiminez.”

“Why was your mother’s killer after you? How did he know you’d be there?”

“He must’ve followed me…” He sighed. “Look, a few weeks ago, I went to Naples. I found my mother’s killer, learned he was alive.”

“You told me he was alive…. But you never told me you went to see him, why not? What the fuck?”

“My sponsor told me to do it. She said I should face him, talk to him, tell him what he took from me.”

“That’s the most idiotic idea I’ve ever heard. Do you hear yourself? And you also didn’t tell me? I thought we told each other everything. I’ve told you about my marital problems and everything else.”

“I know. I should've told you.”

“So why didn’t you?”

“I guess because I realized it was stupid the second I did it. I also didn’t want to add any more to your plate.”

You bobbed your head side to side. “Well, I appreciate that, but now he knows where you bowl and he nearly stabbed you.”

You pulled into his apartment complex. You jumped out and grabbed his stuff before jogging up the stairs to unlock his door. You got inside and he sat on his bed, at your order, and you gathered the tools to clean up his cut.

He took his shirt off and you came back into the bedroom sitting beside him on the bed.

“Oh, well it’s not too deep,” you commented. You set to work on the wound. “So, you weren’t going to tell me about your mom’s killer, fine. I don’t like you keeping me in the dark, but that’s your personal business. So you obviously didn’t kill him, did you get anything from visiting him?”

“No,” he affirmed.

“So what are you going to do? You can’t just have this guy stalking you.”

“You’re right. I’m going to kill him.”

“What? Dex… No, come on, you’ve made such good progress,” you begged, finishing cleaning the wound.

He took his hand and put it on yours, getting you to stop working on him. He held your hand, staring at you. He started to speak softly, “Y/N, whether or not Harry made me what I am, I am what I am. I know I’m not a monster to you, and I’m starting to believe you, but for better or worse, I am a killer. The minute I let my guard down, I almost got killed. I have to kill him. It’s part closure, part who I am.”

You nodded. “I understand. So… you’re going to kill him?”

You didn’t like it. You were somewhat hoping to cure Dexter of his desires, but he’d tried this route, and truth be told, you did understand. If you found the person responsible for killing someone you loved, you’d take the same revenge. You knew you had to be supportive of him in this.

“I have to.”

“I want to be there, to help you, if you’ll have me. This is something big in your life and I’d like to help.”

He stared at you. “I’d like that a lot, actually. I’d also like it if your husband came along.”

You pulled away from him, your hand and all. You were shocked. “What? Spencer? Why? Are you insane?”

“Don’t you see? His issue with us is all in his head. He doesn’t know how we work, how I work. He needs to see us in action. Maybe then it would kill off all of his illusions. He’s made up this idea in his head that is probably far worse than what we actually do.”

“This is insane. No! We can’t invite him!”

“You've told me yourself that the only person he loves as much as you is his mother Now, I’m trying to get revenge for my mother. He can understand that. When that woman had his mother held hostage, he strangled her. If this doesn’t bond us, nothing will.”

A sigh escaped you as you stood up and gathered the things to clean up. “It’s not the worst idea… I suppose you’re right. If showing him how we operate at any time would work, now would be the time.”

“It’s the one case he could possibly completely sympathize with.”

You nodded. “Okay, I’ll ask him. You should be good, by the way.”

“Thank you,” he gently said. “I’m glad you were with me tonight. If you weren’t there, he could’ve done a lot worse than a cut on the arm. He was behind me, I didn’t see him--” he shook his head, staring off as if he was already contemplating how to do it.

“Well, I did, and that’s all that matters.”

“What’s worse is you upstaged me in a fight,” he said with a bit of a smile. “I’m supposed to be the vigilant, tactful killer. It would appear that around you, I have a weak spot.”

Bobbing your head side to side you mused, “Well, since I did protect you and warn you, maybe I’m not a blind spot, but a guardian angel.” You smiled at him warmly. “I warned you about everything in the case. I’ll always be on your side, helping you.”

“Yeah, despite all the things that should’ve told you to run.”

“I’d never do that to you.”

“I know.”

The two of you smiled at each other before wrapping up your evening and heading home to talk to Spencer about Dexter’s plan.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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languagesunlimitedmiami · 4 years ago

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https://www.languagesunlimited.com/miami-translation-services

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getlegalservices-blog · 6 years ago

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Document translations in Florida

Legal Translations was founded by a court certified interpreter. Ever since that time, the company has grown serving tens of thousands of clients both nationally and internationally. At its core is your commitment to exceeding customers' expectations by providing you. Our experience involves interpreting from US Public Defenders, several federal districts, local authorities, private law firms, insurance companies, and television programs for US courts. We've got access to specialist linguists for every single speech. Even languages of lesser diffusion, like Mayan dialects and regional specialists.

Legal Translations Inc. 199 E Flagler St #141, Miami, FL 33131, USA (800) 537 3047

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Driving Direction to Legal Translation, Inc - Interpreting is a activity in which one produces a initial and last translation on the grounds of a one-time vulnerability.The most typical two modes of interpreting are simultaneous interpreting, which is done in the right time of their vulnerability to the source language, and sequential broadcasting, which is performed at breaks to this exposure. Interpreting is a ancient human activity which predates the creation of writing. However, the origins of this profession of interpreting back to less than a century. Research into the various Facets of the background of interpreting is quite new For as long as most scholarly curiosity was given to professional conference interpreting, very little academic work was performed on the practice of interpreting ever, and until the 1990s, only a few dozen publications were performed on it Our knowledge of the past of interpreting tends to come from letters, chronicles, biographies, diaries and memoirs, along with a variety of other documents and literary works, website many of which (and with few exceptions) were only incidentally or marginally related to interpretingMany Indo-European languages have words for 'interpreting' and 'interpreter' Expressions in Germanic, Scandinavian and Slavic languages denoting an interpreter can be traced back to Akkadian, around 1900 BCE. The Akkadian root targumânu/turgumânu also gave rise to the term dragoman via an etymological sideline from Arabic.

Actually, they simply wish to have a loyal and eloquent interpretation of ST, using no doubt that a good translator will supply it. They do not know that word-by-word translations could sound nonsense in the target language, and usually, don't have any idea of translation standards. Translators would choose to stick to the standard they find more suitable in a particular situation according to their expertise rather than to try to instruct the court staff.

Legal translators consult law dictionaries or bilingual. As a few law dictionaries are of inferior quality, care has to be taken and their usage may cause mistranslation.

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96thdayofrage · 4 years ago

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While incarcerated at the Stewart Detention Center, Wilhen Barrientos—an immigrant from Guatemala—was forced to labor for CoreCivic, the infamous for-profit prison company. During his incarceration, he worked in the facility’s kitchen, making between $1 and $4 per day as part of the ironically named “Voluntary Work Program.” Barrientos explained that in prison, he faced an “impossible choice”: he could either work for pennies, or attempt to live without necessities such as soap and toilet paper, which were not provided to detainees and had to be purchased. (Once, when Barrientos requested more toilet paper, a CoreCivic guard denied his request and told Barrientos to “use his fingers” instead.) And when Barrientos refused to work double shifts, or tried to organize his coworkers, guards would threaten him with solitary confinement. In 2017, CoreCivic punished Barrientos by placing him in medical segregation for two months, using the excuse of a non-existent chicken pox infection as justification for their retaliation.

Barrientos is not alone. On any given day, there are about 50,000 immigrants being held in detention, most of them in private prisons. Just to be clear, these immigrants are not incarcerated as punishment for a crime; rather, they are being held in what’s called “civil” detention until their deportation cases can be heard by an immigration judge or an appeals court. Under the law, “civil” detention is supposedly non-punitive; it’s simply an administrative measure to ensure that people don’t flee and disappear before their cases are decided. But for those on the inside, immigration detention is functionally indistinguishable from being in any other prison. Approximately half of those 50,000 detainees work in the “Voluntary Work Program,” earning a pittance for their labor, and many more are forced to do entirely uncompensated janitorial work. All across the country, detained immigrants are forced to labor to increase the profits of the corporations which keep them incarcerated.

The public debate over the use of for-profit prisons has largely focused on the privatization of prisons that incarcerate people convicted of crimes. Although most people—libertarians excepted—agree that profiting from incarceration is morally abhorrent, some critics have pointed out that private prisons are not major drivers of mass incarceration. Historian David Stein has accurately described them as “a camera, not an engine” of mass incarceration. In 2017, about 8 percent of state and federal inmates (121,420 people) were housed in private prisons. In the federal system, for-profit prisons play a somewhat bigger role: about 27,500 people, or 15 percent of federal inmates, were held in private facilities. The state with the highest proportion of prisoners in for-profit facilities is New Mexico, which holds about 42 percent of its incarcerated population in private prisons.

121,420 people is a huge number, but it’s a relatively insignificant percentage of the huge numbers of people currently imprisoned as a result of the world historical crime that is American mass incarceration. Thus, while ending the use of private prisons in the criminal punishment system is still a worthy goal, it’s not one that will likely lead to systemic change. On the other hand, private prisons are absolutely central to the “civil” system of immigration detention. The vast majority of detained immigrants—more than 70 percent—are held in for-profit facilities. The radical expansion of immigration detention over the last thirty years would not have been possible without the for-profit incarceration industry.

The story of the companies that have made this lucrative imprisonment of immigrants possible began in the 1980s. Privatized, profitable punishment had a long history in the United States prior to that point, but after the horrific abuses of convict leasing led to its abolition in the first decades of the twentieth century, profitable prisoner exploitation enterprises like chain gangs and prison farms were managed directly by state authorities, not by private individuals and companies. This began to change in 1983, when two entrepreneurs named Robert Crants and Thomas Beasley saw a business opportunity at the intersection of the rapid growth of incarceration and the Reagan Administration’s push for privatization. They decided to start a private prison company called the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA). Neither Crants nor Beasley had any experience with managing prisons, so they reached out to T. Don Hutto, a warden with a long track record of running public prisons at a profit in Texas and Arkansas. It so happens that people incarcerated at these public prisons had previously sued Hutto because of conditions that were described by the district court as being “a dark and evil world completely alien to the free world;” conditions which included prisoners being whipped with a five-foot long leather strap, receiving electrical shocks to their genitals with the “Tucker Telephone,” and being fed a starvation diet while held in punitive isolation. Hutto’s sinister track record, however, did not stop Crants and Beasley from partnering with him; they believed Hutto could help them turn a profit. CCA received its first contract to run an Immigration and Naturalization Service detention facility in 1984 and went public in 1986. (Today, CoreCivic manages an immigration detention center named for T. Don Hutto near Austin, Texas!)

The founding of CCA marked the beginning of a new era of American incarceration. Just one year later, in 1984, the Wackenhut Corrections Corporation was formed. Both companies have since changed their names, as public awareness of private prison companies (and negative publicity around them) has increased. CCA rebranded itself under the blandly inscrutable name “CoreCivic” after journalist Shane Bauer went undercover as a guard at a CCA prison in Louisiana and released a blockbuster investigation highlighting the abuses there. Wackenhut, meanwhile, is now known as GEO Group. (GEO is not an acronym for anything, it’s just meant to obscure what their actual business is.) Through acquisitions, these two corporations have become by far the largest private prison corporations. GEO Group manages 124 detention facilities of various types in the United States while CoreCivic manages 108. Business is very good: in 2019, GEO Group had $2.48 billion in revenue, while CoreCivic had $1.98 billion. (Two other companies—LaSalle Corrections and the creepily-titled Management and Training Corporation—also incarcerate a significant number of people.)

Both CoreCivic and GEO Group have long had ties to Republican politicians. Thomas Beasley was once the head of the Tennessee Republican Party, and most of CCA’s initial investors—which included then-Governor Lamar Alexander’s wife, Honey—came from his party connections. GEO Group has been particularly active in courting Republican politicians, both nationally and in its home state of Florida. For example, before his election to the Senate, Rick Scott headlined a fundraiser held at the home of GEO Group’s CEO. In addition, GEO recently hired the outgoing president of the Florida Senate as head counsel and former Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi as a lobbyist.

Both GEO Group and CoreCivic donated heavily to pro-Trump political action committees. GEO Group also donated $50,000 to the conservative activist group Turning Point USA, which has strong connections to the Trump White House. In 2017, GEO Group relocated its annual conference from its own headquarters to the Trump National Doral Miami golf resort. In addition, both companies, whose stocks soared immediately after President Trump’s election, donated $250,000 apiece to Trump’s notably corrupt inauguration festivities.

It is no surprise that both corporations would enthusiastically support the Trump administration: immigration detention is central to their business model (and to Trump’s as well). In 2019, almost 30 percent of GEO Group and CoreCivic’s revenue came from detaining immigrants, and ICE contracts are both companies’ single largest revenue source. What’s more, much of these profits are essentially guaranteed by government policy. In 2010, Congress passed a law requiring ICE to maintain at least 33,400 detention “beds”: what this means, essentially, is that ICE is heavily incentivized to keep at least 33,400 human beings imprisoned at all times in order to continue justifying their receipt of this funding. (This provision has come to be known as “the bed quota” because ICE leadership has, in practice, interpreted it as a legal directive that they must keep the pre-funded beds continuously filled.) The majority of those “beds” are managed by GEO Group and CoreCivic. In the government shutdown and border wall fight of early 2019, Democrats beat back the Trump Administration’s attempt to require ICE to maintain 52,000 beds, but the average daily population of detained immigrants nevertheless remained above 50,000 for fiscal year 2019. In its 2019 budget, the Trump Administration asked for an even bigger 54,000-bed requirement.

It’s worth noting that the abuses of immigration detention pre-date the Trump administration. Conditions during the Trump administration have been awful of course: besides the COVID outbreaks and the forced hysterectomies, a USA Today investigation in 2019 found more than four hundred allegations of sexual assault or abuse, as well as numerous instances of inadequate medical care, frequent use of solitary confinement, and more than eight hundred instances of physical force against detainees. These abuses led detained immigrants to file nearly 20,000 grievances between 2017 and 2019. During the Obama administration, hundreds of detained immigrants reported being sexually abused by guards. Despite the administration’s promises, the mass detention of immigrants continued until the end of Obama’s presidency, and detainees were never provided with protection from abuse. The abuse of detained immigrants is caused by the fact of their detention, no matter who is President.

Private prisons, like all privatized services, make money by cutting costs. But once prisons are constructed, the two largest costs are labor and medical care, which are impossible to cut without making conditions worse inside the prisons. For example, labor and benefits costs make up 59 percent of CoreCivic’s operating expenses (even though its non-unionized correctional officers are paid as little as nine dollars per hour, much less than most unionized state prisoner guards). In addition to underpaying their own guards, a key way that CoreCivic and GEO Group further reduce labor costs is by forcing detainees to work for very little or no pay.

There are two main forms of coerced labor in immigration detention centers. First is the so-called “Voluntary Work Program” that Barrientos worked in. The program rests on a thin legal basis, and the going rate—$1 per day—was set in 1979 and then never renewed by Congress, leading some courts to determine that state minimum wage laws might apply to labor in detention centers. Although the application of state minimum wage laws to detained workers is complex, it is clear that absolutely nothing forbids GEO Group or CoreCivic from voluntarily paying the state or federal minimum wage—or more—for detainees’ labor.

Today, all detained immigrants are eligible to work in the Program. They perform a wide variety of jobs, from washing dishes to cutting hair to performing clerical work for the private facility manager. Any job performed by a prisoner for an extremely sub-minimum wage makes it unnecessary to hire an employee to perform the same task, thereby boosting the profits of the for-profit prison corporations. ICE regulations require detained immigrants to “maintain their immediate living areas in a neat and orderly manner,” and GEO Group and CoreCivic have frequently stretched this provision to force detainees to clean the bathrooms, hallways, and common areas of their prisons without any compensation.

ICE’s own guidelines for the Voluntary Work Program make it appear that the program is truly voluntary—so far as any incarcerated labor is voluntary. Officially, detainees cannot be required to work, and cannot be punished for quitting their jobs or refusing to work. These regulations, however, do not reflect the reality of labor in detention. An American Civil Liberties Union report found, “[e]ven though the program is supposed to be voluntary, detainees’ experiences are illustrative of its coercive nature.” The Justice Department has acknowledged that it is possible for facility operators to “illegally” force detained immigrants to work (although they maintain that the program, if run “correctly,” would be voluntary).

Detained immigrants have alleged that the program is coercive for two main reasons. First, participating in the program is the only way to buy necessities such as toothpaste, soap, and feminine hygiene products, which are not otherwise provided to detained immigrants and are sold at highly inflated prices. Second, GEO Group and CoreCivic retaliate against detainees by putting them in solitary confinement or changing their housing assignment if they refuse to work double shifts, refuse to work while sick, or protest unsafe conditions. In at least one GEO Group prison, the official policy was to place detained immigrants in solitary confinement if they refused to perform uncompensated janitorial work or encouraged others to do so. During the pandemic, protests against unsafe working conditions have understandably risen significantly, while at the same time facility managers have retaliated against protestors and placed immigrants who tested positive for COVID-19 in solitary confinement.

Current and formerly-detained immigrants have filed several lawsuits over the last six years, arguing that the work policies in GEO Group and CoreCivic detention centers violate the forced labor provision of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA). The TVPA, first passed in 2000, is best known as an anti-sex trafficking law, but it also contains the most important federal prohibition of forced labor. If a person or company obtains labor through threats of or actual force, “serious harm,” or abuse of legal process, they can be charged or sued under the law. The TVPA is most commonly used to protect immigrant workers, but it applies to everyone in the United States. For example, if you threaten to pull a gun on the guests at a party and force them to clean your apartment, you have violated the TVPA (and several other laws. Please don’t do that).

The forced labor statute of the TVPA was passed in response to a 1988 Supreme Court decision ruling that a farm owner named Ike Kozminski had not committed the distinct crime of “involuntary servitude” when he coerced two mentally disabled men into working on his farm. The Court, always happy to disadvantage workers, held that “involuntary servitude” required physical or legal coercion, not psychological coercion, regardless of how vulnerable or powerless the coerced person might be. The TVPA was explicitly intended to circumvent the Supreme Court’s decision in Kozminski and protect workers from all forms of coerced labor.

So far, the immigrants and their attorneys have won a string of victories. Courts across the country have rejected GEO Group and CoreCivic’s arguments that the TVPA does not apply to for-profit detention centers and that they should therefore be allowed to force detainees to labor. In addition, three courts have certified classes of thousands of immigrants who were allegedly forced to labor while detained. As the lawsuits wend their way through the court system, it appears more and more likely that the plaintiffs could win a judgment which forces the corporations to pay massive damages and stop their illegal practices. The private prison corporations have already begged ICE to pay their legal bills, and one scholar has estimated that paying minimum wage for work in detention centers could reduce their profits by as much as 25 percent.

Other recent activist challenges have further threatened GEO Group and CoreCivic’s profits, compounding the importance of these forced labor lawsuits. Both companies’ stock prices cratered when it appeared the Obama administration would phase out federal contracts with private prisons, but rebounded after Trump was elected. In the last few years, however, activists have successfully forced institutions such as universities to divest their holdings, and, most importantly, forced major banks to stop lending to GEO Group and CoreCivic. Both corporations have acknowledged in SEC filings that “[i]ncreasing activist resistance” poses a significant threat to their profits. Consequently, their stock prices have fallen by more than two-thirds since peaking in mid-2017. Forcing private prison companies to pay up for stolen labor, while simultaneously choking off their access to investors, is a two-pronged strategy that has the potential to cripple their operations.

So what will happen to immigration detention if these lawsuits succeed, or if Joe Biden decides to reinstate the late Obama-era plan to phase out private prisons? Although we should never underestimate the ability of the carceral state to adjust to keep people locked up, without private prison facilities it would be extremely difficult to detain immigrants at the same volume. The roughly 30 percent of detained immigrants who are currently not held in private facilities are held in local jails. In theory, ICE could radically expand its use of jails to detain immigrants. But this may prove difficult: in addition to the logistical difficulties of shifting their detention practices, many localities have recently refused to allow ICE to detain immigrants in county jails. In the past, ICE has responded to these refusals by utilizing more space at private prisons: for example, in 2018 ICE moved detained immigrants to a nearby GEO Group facility when the city of Atlanta canceled its contract to lease jail space to ICE. Without private prison facilities as an option, ICE will have nowhere to put its intended prisoners if local jails decline to lease them space.

Obviously, the clearest moral, economic, and logistical solution to the problems faced by for-profit ICE detention centers is to stop detaining immigrants. The radical expansion of immigration detention is a recent phenomenon and could easily be reversed. But additionally, everyone should be able to agree that it is imperative to stop corporations from profiting from forced labor. The lawsuits against GEO Group and CoreCivic are being argued by dedicated advocates and organizations, but there are plenty of other ways to weaken immigration detention and the for-profit prisons that enable it.

For those who want to see an end to for-profit prisons, forced labor, and the mass jailing of immigrants generally, two useful sites for organizing are divestment campaigns and local elections. Although banks have distanced themselves from private prison corporations, institutional investors still own large chunks of them and can be pressured to sell them off. Vanguard, which likely manages your retirement fund if you’re lucky enough to have one, owns more than 15 percent of both CoreCivic and GEO Group’s stock. Vanguard also manages a number of unions’ pension funds, but so far has resisted divesting from its private prison holdings. Meanwhile, local elections for sheriffs and District Attorneys have a major impact on ICE’s ability to arrest and detain immigrants. ICE relies on the cooperation of local authorities to help arrest and detain immigrants, but local officials are free to withdraw that cooperation, as many have in recent years.

As dark as the last decade of deportation policy and mass incarceration has been, a world without immigrant prisons—and without for-profit prisons—may be much closer than it seems.

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keywestlou · 4 years ago

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THEY WENT TO FIND A PARTY SOMEWHERE ELSE

A headline in this morning’s Miami Herald: “They Went To Find A Party Somewhere Else.” Who? The Spring Breakers. Turns out last night South Beach was quiet. Relatively deserted.

Where did the Spring Breakers go? I thought a few days ago when the 8 pm curfew was imposed was they would hurry to Key West. Appears I may be wrong. Unless they’re taking eh long way to here.

I woke 3 friends I know were out and about last night. Their responses the same. No appreciable difference re Spring Breakers from the night before. The anticipated Key West deluge had not occurred.

Hope it stays that way. There is always tonight and the rest of the week, however.

One of Key West’s favorite sons has been Tennessee Williams. A Key West resident from 1941-1983. I write about him bcause he was born on yesterday’s date in 1911.

Williams purchased his Key West home at 1431 Duncan Street in 1950. His home for 34 years.

Daughter Lisa lives on Duncan one and a half blocks down across the street.

Duncan today is not as it was in 1950 when Williams purchased his home.

Williams frequently told people he bought the home because of location. He could step out the front door into the water. There was no across the street at the time. Today the ocean is several blocks away.

The Williams home is as lovely today as when Williams lived there. Present owners maintain it as the item of beauty it was and is.

Another Key Wester of note was recently in the news. Stephen Mallory. On March 26, 1851 he was elected as a U.S. Senator from Florida.

Unfortunately, Mallory was an avowed racist. Someone commenting in Citizens’ Voice said, “He was on the wrong side of history and humanity.”

He was a prominent figure in the U.S. Congress. Became a recognized expert concerning Naval matters. Chaired the Senate Committee on Naval Affairs.

Came the Civil War, Florida seceded. Key West however remained loyal to the Union. Mallory opted to go with the South.

During the Civil War, he served as Secretary of the Navy under Confederate President Jefferson Davis.

At the end of he War, he was charged with treason and imprisoned. Served only one year. He was pardoned by then President Andrew Johnson.

The pardon barred him from ever holding public office again. He returned to Key West and successfully practiced law for the remainder of his life.

Key West maintains a Memorial Sculpture Garden located next to Mallory Square. Key West named the prominent ocean front location after him.

The Garden has the busts of 30 famous Key West persons. One is Mallory.

With this group and that taking down various monuments believed to have been improperly placed, why has anyone not ever removed Mallory’s? I do not recall the issue ever arising. I suspect a handful of other traitors are also honored in the Memorial Sculpture Garden.

Lincoln’s statues have been attacked several times in recent years. I reported yesterday the most recent. A person covered a statue of Lincoln in Boise with feces.

Talk has always circulated that Washington and Jefferson should not be honored as they owned slaves. And it goes on.

No statement is being made that Mallory’s bust be removed. I make only the observation concerning his activities during the Civil War.

What I am suggesting is what is good for the goose, should be good for the gander. Interpret the statement as you see fit.

Beginning monday, Monroe County school hours will change for some. The schools will return to a full 5 days of classes. Not mandatory that all attend. Those not wising can continue on a 3 day in class and the other 2 virtually at home.

I am excited. I get my second vaccine shot today.

From what I understand, it is wise to continue remaining at home for an additional 2 weeks. No problem. I have come this far. I can do it. Today is my 392nd day in self-quarantine.

Two weeks from tonight, I will be out and about. Hooray!

Syracuse/Houston tonight. Scheduled for 9:55 pm on CBS.

Syracuse won its first 2 games in the tournament although decided underdogs in each game. Underdogs again tonight. Houston the #2 seed whereas Syracuse the #11 seed.

Whatever happens, happens. I am thrilled we made it this far.

Biden keeps moving ahead with matters he said during the campaign he would.

An announcement re climate change was made yesterday. Biden has called a virtual conference for 2 days beginning April 22.He has invited 40 world leaders, including China and Russia.

Ted Cruz. He acts more and more each day like Donald Trump.

Cruz was at the border yesterday ranting and raving how terrible Biden was bcause of the way immigrant children without parents were being held.

He forgets what the children were subjected to under the Trump administration.

Cruz’s attire surprised me. He was dressed military style. Like many of those who attacked the Capitol January 6.

Enjoy your day!

THEY WENT TO FIND A PARTY SOMEWHERE ELSE was originally published on Key West Lou

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interlangueinter · 1 year ago

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interlangueinterpretingblog · 4 years ago

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supersportsnewsblog · 5 years ago

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A federal appeals court has denied relief to victims of Jeffrey Epstein under the Crime Victims’ Rights Act, refusing their requests for remedies such as the release of FBI documents and a public hearing on Epstein’s criminal case in Florida.The opinion comes as part of a 12-year legal battle between Courtney Wild, who was underage when Epstein sexually abused her, and the federal government. After Epstein secured a controversial plea deal in 2008, Wild was one of two “Jane Does” to sue the feds, alleging the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Miami violated the Crime Victims’ Rights Act (CVRA) by keeping more than 30 victims in the dark about Epstein’s non-prosecution agreement.In May of 2007, Epstein was facing a 53-page indictment for trafficking underage girls and could have spent life behind bars, if charged and convicted. But Epstein’s lawyers secretly negotiated with federal prosecutors to scrap the drafted indictment, and the perverted financier pleaded guilty to lesser state charges instead. (Epstein served 13 months in a private wing of the Palm Beach County jail. The money-manager was permitted to spend 12 hours a day, six days a week, on “work release,” and during that time, he continued to abuse young women.)On Tuesday, the appeals court ruled the CVRA does not apply to Wild’s case because “the government never filed charges or otherwise commenced criminal proceedings against Epstein” and thus “the CVRA was never triggered.”Jeffrey Epstein’s Hollywood Pipeline Ran Straight to Harvey Weinstein“Despite our sympathy for Ms. Wild and others like her, who suffered unspeakable horror at Epstein’s hands, only to be left in the dark—and, so it seems, affirmatively misled—by government lawyers, we find ourselves constrained to deny her petition,” wrote the panel, which included judges Kevin C. Newsom, Gerald Bard Tjoflat and Frank M. Hull. (The decision was written by Newsom, with Tjoflat concurring. Judge Hull dissented.)“We hold that at least as matters currently stand—which is to say at least as the CVRA is currently written—rights under the Act do not attach until criminal proceedings have been initiated against a defendant, either by complaint, information, or indictment,” the judges’ decision continued.“Because the government never filed charges or otherwise commenced criminal proceedings against Epstein, the CVRA was never triggered. It’s not a result we like, but it’s the result we think the law requires.”Brad Edwards, a lawyer for the victims, told The Daily Beast he would request a hearing before the full Eleventh Circuit court to reconsider the panel’s decision. “It is clear that even the majority detested the government’s treatment of the victims but apparently felt there was a loophole in the CVRA that the prosecutors and Epstein successfully exploited,” Edwards said in an email. “For all the reasons given in the 60-page dissenting opinion, we strongly disagree with today’s ruling—which leaves victims like Ms. Wild without any remedy, even for victims like her who have been ‘affirmatively misled’ by federal prosecutors.”In February of 2019, U.S. District Judge Kenneth A. Marra ruled federal prosecutors in Miami violated the CVRA by secretly negotiating with Epstein’s lawyers to downgrade his charges to state court. “Petitioners and the other victims should have been notified of the Government’s intention to take that course of action before it bound itself under” a plea agreement, Marra wrote in his decision.But in September, Marra rejected victims’ requests for remedies, which included voiding the plea deal’s immunity provisions that protected Epstein and his alleged accomplices. The alleged co-conspirators, according to the agreement, include “Sarah Kellen, Adriana Ross, Lesley Groff, or Nadia Marcinkova.” Wild petitioned the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit to reverse Marra’s decision and order the district court to grant victims “all appropriate remedies,” including rolling back “the NPA’s immunity provisions, holding a public hearing on the case, release of documents, and an award of attorneys’ fees.”The appeals court’s decision suggests the CVRA doesn’t apply to Epstein’s victims at all.According to the federal law, crime victims have rights—which include the right to timely notice of any public court proceeding involving the crime; the right to be heard at any public proceeding in the district court involving pleas or sentencing; and the right to confer with the attorney for the government in the case.“The interpretation of the CVRA that petitioner advances, and that the district court adopted, is not implausible; the CVRA could be read to apply pre-charge,” the panel stated. “We conclude, though—reluctantly, especially given the mistreatment that petitioner seems to have suffered at the hands of federal prosecutors—that the Act is neither best nor most naturally read that way.”“On balance, we conclude that the Act’s terms—including the provisions on which petitioner relies—demonstrate that its protections apply only after the commencement of criminal proceedings.”The panel majority adds, “Again, must prosecutors consult with victims before law-enforcement officers conduct a raid, seek a warrant, or conduct an interrogation? That seems exceedingly unlikely.”In a dissenting opinion, Judge Hull said the panel majority “patently errs in holding, as a matter of law, that the crime victims of Jeffrey Epstein and his co-conspirators had no statutory rights whatsoever under the CVRA.”“Instead, our Court should enforce the plain and unambiguous text of the CVRA and hold that the victims had two CVRA rights—the right to confer with the government’s attorney and the right to be treated fairly—that were repeatedly violated by the U.S. Attorney’s Office in the Southern District of Florida,” Hull wrote.The dissenting judge warned that the majority’s “pre-charge rule will deny victims’ CVRA rights to confer and fairness in cases involving white-collar and other wealthy defendants who commonly engage in pre-charge plea negotiations.”“Jeffrey Epstein’s case illustrates my point,” Hull added. Hull pushed back on the majority’s claim that pre-charge CVRA rights would result in prosecutors having to consult with victims before authorities “conduct a raid, seek a warrant, or conduct an interrogation.”“The Majority is more afraid of a future ‘crime victim’ potentially asking a ‘readily identifiable’ government ‘attorney’ to confer ‘reasonably’ with her pre-charge, than it is of secret pre-charge plea deals for wealthy defendants, even though it’s now common practice for them to seek the best plea deal in advance of indictment,” Hull continued. “The Majority’s new blanket restriction eviscerates crime victims’ CVRA rights and makes the Epstein case a poster-child for an entirely different justice system for crime victims of wealthy defendants.”Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

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