#blanche de navarre

[histoireettralala]

Blanche de Navarre

A month after Marie's death in March 1198, a throng of barons accompanied nineteen-year-old Thibaut III to Melun, where he did homage for his lands and was knighted by the king. A year later the young count married Blanche of Navarre, the younger sister of Richard the Lionheart's widow Berengaria. Attending the magnificent ceremony in Chartres cathedral were the dowager queens Berengaria of England and Adèle of France (Thibaut's aunts), as well as many prelates and barons. The jubilation was short-lived, however, for Thibaut died in May 1201 while preparing to lead the Fourth Crusade. He left twenty-year-old Blanche a widow in the last week of her second pregnancy. For the next twenty-one years she would guide the county through the most perilous internal and external threats it had yet faced.

Whereas countess Marie clearly had possessed the requisite qualifications to act as regent — intimate connections with the Capetian and Plantagenet royal families, eleven formative years preparing to be countess, and sixteen years as countess consort — countess Blanche must have seemed singularly unsuited for such a role. A Navarrese speaker with a strong religious temperament, she had little experience as countess. She also faced an extraordinary challenge from the start: were her children, in fact, the legitimate heirs to the county? In 1190, when the unmarried Henry II left on the Third Crusade, the barons had sworn to accept his younger brother Thibaut III as count if Henry himself did not return. No one had anticipated that Henry would remain overseas seven years, marry there, and have children. Thus it was a legitimate question, in May 1201, whether Henry II's own daughters had better rights to Champagne than his brother Thibaut's infant daughter.

Blanche skillfully mastered a difficult situation. Mindful of king Philip's attempt to seize Flanders in 1191 in the absence of a male heir, she quickly made an alliance with the king the cornerstone of her regency. Within days of Thibaut's death she found Philip at nearby Sens, did homage — the first homage ever rendered by a countess — for her right of wardship and her dower lands, and promised not to remarry without his permission. As security for her conduct, she surrendered two castles bordering the royal domain (Bray-sur-Seine and Montereau-faut-Yonne) and her oneyear-old daughter to be raised at the royal court. Several days later the birth of a son, Thibaut IV, confirmed the soundness of her strategy: he was born heir apparent under royal protection.

Theodore Evergates - Aristocratic Women in Medieval France

[goodqueenaly]

Do you see a similarity between Margery Tyrell (as well as Elinor Tyrell, Megga Tyrell, and Alla Tyrell) being put on trail and the trail of the daughter's in law of King Philip the Fair of France (specifically as described in The Accursed Kings), I was reading the Iron King a few weeks ago and it made me wonder if there was a connection as GRRM is a fan of the The Accursed Kings.

Me, think about a connection between ASOIAF and The Accursed Kings? Now when have I ever done that before?

(It me, it always me. Also long, more under the cut.)

Absolutely, I 100% believe that GRRM partially (emphasis on partially) based the supposed love affairs of Margaery and her cousins on the Tour de Nesle Affair as depicted in The Accursed Kings - specifically the first novel of the series, The Iron King. To very briefly summarize, the Tour de Nesle affair centers on the three daughters-in-law of King Philip IV of France: Marguerite of Burgundy, wife of Philip’s eldest son, Louis (and Queen of Navarre, since Louis is King of Navarre in his own right); Marguerite’s cousin Jeanne of Burgundy, wife of the king’s second son, Philip; and Jeanne’s sister (and, naturally, Marguerite’s cousin) Blanche, wife of the king’s third son, Charles. Marguerite and Blanche engage in extramarital sexual affairs with two courtiers, the brothers Philippe and Gautier d’Aunay, with Jeanne acting as facilitator and messenger for their trysts; the affair takes its name from the tower of the Hôtel-de-Nesle, the manor of the King of Navarre, where Marguerite and Blanche entertain their lovers. The affair is discovered by another French prince, Robert of Artois, and he and Philip IV’s daughter, Isabella, engineer a scheme to trap the princesses and expose them. Marguerite, Blanche, and Jeanne are subsequently caught and found guilty, the former two of adultery, the latter of aiding and abetting them; Marguerite and Blanche are imprisoned (the former until she is murdered, the latter until she dies, prematurely young and apparently insane), while Jeanne is likewise initially imprisoned but eventually freed by and reunited with her husband.

With respect to parallels between this story and the plot of AFFC, the Tour de Nesle affair and the affair Cersei invents for Margaery both involve several interrelated royal (or semi-royal) ladies. I mentioned above the princesses in The Iron King, who are called the “Princesses of Burgundy”: Marguerite is the daughter of the Duke of Burgundy, while her cousins Jeanne and Blanche are referred to as the “sisters of Burgundy”, daughters of the late Count of Burgundy. (Yes, the Duchy of Burgundy and County of Burgundy were at this time two separate political entities despite sharing a name). Likewise, the sexual scandal dreamed up by Cersei centers on four Tyrell girls at court, with one a queen: Queen Margaery, of course and three of her cousins, Megga, Elinor, and Alla. None of the Tyrell girls are sisters to any of the others, but all four are part of an extended Tyrell family, grouped together as “Tyrells” much as the three princesses of The Iron King are counted together by Robert of Artois as part of the “family of Burgundy”. In turn, just as Robert of Artois seeks to reveal the scandal specifically so that “[t]he whole family of Burgundy will be plunged up to the neck in the midden … [and] their inheritance will no longer be within reach of the Crown” - leaving that disputed inheritance open to Robert himself - so Cersei, furious at being “awash in roses”, dreams of framing Margaery for a crime of treason so serious that “even her own lord father must condemn her, or her shame becomes his own”.

Moreover, the parallel between these plots in The Iron King and AFFC is strengthened by the identities of the respective plotters. As I noted, one of the two chief architects of the plot against the princesses of Burgundy is Queen Isabella - daughter of King Philip IV of France, sister-in-law to the three princesses, and Queen of England as the wife of King Edward II. Just as Cersei is considered one of the most beautiful women in the Seven Kingdoms, inheriting the golden good looks of any number of Lannister antecedents, Isabella is often compared to her famously handsome father, Philip the Fair, sharing what Druon calls the king’s “legendary personal beauty”; a courtier of her father’s, Hughes de Bouville, even goes on to compliment Isabella in a later novel, The She-Wolf of France, by saying that Isabella had inherited “all [King Philip’s] beauty which was so impervious to time”. Yet The Iron King opens on Isabella by calling her “the loveless queen”, and it’s a description as fitting to Cersei as it is to the daughter of Philip IV.  Just as Isabella is trapped in a miserable marriage to Edward II, so Cersei was trapped in a terrible marriage to King Robert Baratheon - marriages made by their respective fathers, for the political gains of their paternal families. Indeed, King Philip’s retort to Isabella’s complaints about her bad treatment at the hands of her husband - “I did not marry you to a man … but to a King. I did not sacrifice you by mistake” - seems like the sort of reply Tywin would have given to Cersei, having chosen to make his daughter queen and secure a future royal grandson despite privately dismissing Robert as a stupid oaf (to say nothing of Robert's years of abusing Cersei). 

Likewise, both queens seek solace in their eldest sons, as well as their birth dynasties. Isabella is first shown approving that her baby son Edward’s first word was “want”, which Isabella calls “the speech of a king”; she also teaches her son that “he belongs to France as much as to England” and insists that he “get accustomed to the names of his relatives” and learn “that his grandfather, Philip the Fair, is King of France”. Isabella also surrounds herself with reminders of her French past: The Iron King opens with Isabella listening to a French poem, her most trusted lady-in-waiting is the French Jeanne de Joinville, and in a later novel, The She-Wolf of France, Isabella loses to her husband’s favorite a book of poetry by Marie of France. For her part, Cersei has made sure - or at least tried to make sure - that Joffrey was raised as a Lannister with no love for his Baratheon “father”; indeed, Cersei even likes to think of conceiving Joffrey with Jaime as an act of revenge against Robert while trapped at the home of Robert’s maternal family. Joffrey’s surcoat when he duels Robb at Winterfell shows the Lannister lion equal to the Baratheon stag, imagery he later makes his official standard when he becomes king, and he famously has in the first book a sword he proudly calls Lion’s Tooth; too, when he is married, the Lannister banners are displayed as equal to the Baratheon and Tyrell banners, underlining the Lannister importance in Joffrey’s reign. 

Too, neither queen has much love for the eventual objects of their respective plotting. When Robert of Artois informs Isabella that the princesses of Burgundy “hate you”, Isabella replies that “[t]hough I don’t know why, it is true that as far as I am concerned, I never liked them from the start”; Robert then adds his opinion, that Isabella “didn’t like them because they’re false, because they think of nothing but pleasure and have no sense of duty”. Indeed, Isabella’s longstanding dislike and distrust of her sisters-in-law seems reflected in her suspicions, apparently established before the beginning of The Iron King, that the princesses were already deceiving their husbands with extramarital lovers, seemingly heightened by the contrast to her own faithful (for her part) but loveless marriage - Isabella later tells Robert that “when I think of what I am denying myself, what I am giving up, then I know how lucky they are to have husbands who love them”, declaring “[t]hey must be punished, properly punished!”. Cersei’s distrust of Margaery, of course, can hardly be overstated, though in her case the origins of her hatred stem not from Margaery herself but rather Cersei’s paranoia about her, Cersei’s, own prophesied downfall at the hands of a younger and more beautiful queen. Convinced - probably at her ultimate cost - that her son’s (or sons’) eventual wife would fulfill the prophecy Maggy gave so many years prior, Cersei was predisposed to dislike, distrust, and deeply fear such a woman from the first 

So both queens set out to denounce and bring down their royal in-laws through the revelation of a sexual scandal - the bombshell news that a queen and her aristocratic cousins have taken lovers in the persons of a few highborn courtiers. Both plots begin at their outset with the queens appointing spies in the households of the targets of the plots. Robert of Artois advises Isabella to request one of his allies be placed in Marguerite’s household as what he terms “a spy within the walls” - a successful move for Robert and Isabella's conspiracy, as not only does Marguerite (correctly) suspect Madame de Comminges for “always trailing about in her widow’s weeds”, but Robert also reveals that “[s]ince entering Marguerite’s service, Madame de Comminges sent him a report every day”. Cersei herself recruits Taena Merryweather from Margaery’s own household, blithely confirming Jaime’s suspicion that “[s]he’s informing on you to the little queen by saying that “Taena tells me everything Maid Margaery is doing”. Taena, for her part, tells Cersei what Cersei wants to hear, often dropping sexually suggestive hints supposedly about Margaery and her court, which encourage Cersei in her plot against Margaery. 

Additionally, each queen faces the difficulty in singling out the rival queen in question given the presence of those rivals’ respective ladies. Robert of Artois complains that the princesses of Burgundy are “[c]lever wenches” because while Jeanne or Blanche often go to “pray” with Marguerite at the Tour de Nesle, each acts as an alibi for the other; as Robert concludes, “[o]ne woman at fault finds it difficult to defend herself”, but “[t]hree wicked harlots are a fortress”. Indeed, Taena Merryweather borrows almost the exact same castellated metaphor from Robert, claiming that Margaery’s “women are her castle walls”, as “[w]henever men are about, her septa will be with her, or her cousins”. This commentary from Taena inspires Cersei to ponder whether “[Margaery’s] ladies are part of it as well … [sic] not all of them, perhaps, but some” and then manipulate the confession of the Blue Bard to implicate Elinor, Megga, and Alla in the invented affair.

So in both cases, the groups of royal ladies are accused of fornication, with one lady from each excepted for a charge of what we might call criminal knowledge instead. In the case of the princesses of Burgundy, it is Jeanne who is deemed “guilty of complicity and culpable complacence”, while in the case of the Tyrells it is young Alla who is “charged with witnessing their shame [i.e. the supposed sexual relationships of Megga, Elinor, and Margaery] and helping them conceal it”. The distinction in charges notwithstanding, all the ladies are thereafter imprisoned, with both the Burgundy princesses and the Tyrell ladies stripped of their finery: at their judgment, the princesses of Burgundy kneel before the king “shaven and clothed in rough fustian” (so humbled that Jeanne and Blanche’s mother mistakes them for “three young monks”), and when Cersei visits the imprisoned Margaery, the young queen is dressed in “the roughspun shift of a novice sister”, with “[h]er locks … all a tangle”.

(It’s probably going too far to suggest that the planned roles for two courtier brothers in Cersei’s plot echoes the involvement of the d’Aunay brothers in the Tour de Nesle affair. After all, only Osney of the three Kettleblacks was supposed to have had sex with Margaery, and only Osney did have sex with Cersei, whatever Cersei would later claim to the High Septon.)

(I would be amused if GRRM named Margaery after Marguerite of Burgundy, knowing perhaps he would use her in an Accursed Kings-like plot in the future. However, I’m not saying this was necessarily or even likely the case: Margaery had been named since AGOT, after all long before the writing and publication of AFFC, and while GRRM’s affection for Maurice Druon and The Accursed Kings predates ASOIAF, there is no evidence that he planned this sort of parallel all the way back in 1996. The similarity of names may be simply an amusing coincidence, or even a retroactive realization by GRRM that he could use a similarly named character to star in a plot directly inspired by Marguerite of Burgundy’s story.)

Now, does this mean GRRM limited himself to The Iron King in creating this plot point for AFFC? Absolutely not, I would say. Indeed, I think it is very clear that GRRM also looked to the popular conception of the downfall of, and all but certainly false accusations leveled against, Anne Boleyn for further inspiration. Here, as in the popular imagination of Anne’s undoing, is a queen accused of sexual affairs with several male courtiers, who are imprisoned along with her (though note that according); here, as in the trial of Anne Boleyn, is a singer, supposedly among those accused lovers, tortured into a presumably false confession (and being the only accused lover to confess); here, as with Anne and George Boleyn, is a charge of incest against a queen and her brother, so obviously ludicrous in both cases that no contemporary takes it seriously; here, as with the arrests and subsequent release of Thomas Wyatt and Richard Page, are two courtiers seemingly accused of the same crime, but expected to be freed in order to demonstrate the guilt of the others. It’s an obvious but important point that GRRM does not need to borrow only to one point of inspiration, fictional or historical (or, rather, what he imagines as historical), for any given narrative he wants to write. Drawing connections between The Iron King and the plot against Margaery and her cousins no more invalidates connections between that same plot and the popular conception of Anne Boleyn’s downfall than comparing, say, Baelor to Louis IX of France (including the latter’s depiction in The Accursed Kings) invalidates comparisons between Baelor and Henry VI of England. 

This last point extends to Cersei herself as well. While I definitely believe GRRM borrowed elements from Isabella of France for Cersei, I have also argued, and still believe, that Cersei also shared elements of her character and story with Marguerite of Burgundy herself. Parallels between Cersei and Marguerite should not nullify or undermine parallels between Margaery and Marguerite (specifically in this context of affairs/supposed affairs), any more than parallels between, say, Edward IV of England and Robert Baratheon should nullify or undermine parallels between that same King Edward and Robb Stark (specifically in the context of a secret marriage with no apparent political benefit). GRRM is not required to neatly match one for one a character in his universe to a historical or fictional figure, nor would I think we as readers would want him to; it would be a pretty boring story if he simply copy pasted figures from extant works or history and swapped their names for those he created. 

Plus, I think Margaery and her cousins are pretty likely to come out of their trials much better than the princesses of Burgundy did with theirs. Most obviously, as even the High Septon admitted, the case against the queen and her cousins is weak - as indeed it might be, given that Cersei invented the affair in the first place. Far from the d’Aunay boasting about their royal lovers by wearing the infamous purses given them by the princesses (and gifted to them by Queen Isabella, to catch the lovers with them), all of the supposed lovers of the Tyrell girls save the Blue Bard have denied the affair, and his testimony is denounced as “half-mad”. On a practical level, the High Septon surely knows the danger for him, and his position, of convicting Margaery, given that Osney reported on the crown of sparrows demanding Margaery’s release (news Cersei regards ruefully, since as she thinks “Margaery has been their little pet”). Add to that threat the presence of Mace at the head of his army, returned to the capital explicitly to see through his daughter’s trial, and the High Sparrow is playing with fire in truly trying to convict Margaery and her cousins. 

[palecleverdoll]

Ages of French Princesses at First Marriage

I have only included women whose birth dates and dates of marriage are known within at least 1-2 years, therefore, this is not a comprehensive list.

This list is composed of princesses of France until the end of the House of Bourbon; it does not include Bourbon claimants or descendants after 1792.

The average age at first marriage among these women was 15.

Judith of Flanders, daughter of Charles the Bald: age 12 when she married Æthelwulf, King of Wessex in 856 CE

Rothilde, daughter of Charles the Bald: age 19 when she married Roger, Count of Maine in 890 CE

Emma of France, daughter of Robert I: age 27 when she married Rudolph of France in 921 CE

Matilda of France, daughter of Louis IV: age 21 when she married Conrad I of Burgundy in 964 CE

Hedwig of France, daughter of Hugh Capet: age 26 when she married Reginar IV of Hainault in 996 CE

Gisela of France, daughter of Hugh Capet: age 26 when she married Hugh of Ponthieu in 994 CE

Hedwig of France, daughter of Robert II: age 13 when she married Renauld I, Count of Nevers in 1016 CE

Adela of France, daughter of Robert II: age 18 when she married Richard III of Normandy in 1027 CE

Constance of France, daughter of Philip I: age 16 when she married Hugh I, Count of Troyes in 1094 CE

Cecile of France, daughter of Philip I: age 9 when she married Tancred, Prince of Galilee in 1106 CE

Constance of France, daughter of Louis VI: age 14 when she married Eustace IV, Count of Boulogne in 1140 CE

Marie of France, daughter of Louis VII: age 14 when she married Henry I, Count of Champagne, in 1159 CE

Alice of France, daughter of Louis VII: age 14 when she married Theobald V, Count of Blois in 1164 CE

Margaret of France, daughter of Louis VII: age 14 when she married Henry the Young King in 1172 CE

Alys of France, daughter of Louis VII: age 35 when she married William IV of Ponthieu in 1195 CE

Agnes of France, daughter of Louis VII: age 8 when she married Alexios II Komnenos in 1180 CE

Marie of France, daughter of Philip II: age 13 when she married Philip I of Namur in 1211 CE

Isabella of France, daughter of Louis IX: age 14 when she married Theobald II of Navarre in 1255 CE

Blanche of France. daughter of Louis IX: age 16 when she married Ferdinand de la Cerda in 1269 CE

Margaret of France, daughter of Louis IX: age 16 when she married John I, Duke of Brabant in 1270 CE

Agnes of France, daughter of Louis IX: age 19 when she married Robert II, Duke of Burgundy in 1279 CE

Blanche of France, daughter of Philip III: age 22 when she married Rudolf III of Austria in 1300 CE

Margaret of France, daughter of Philip III: age 20 when she married Edward I of England in 1299 CE

Isabella of France, daughter of Philip IV: age 13 when she married Edward II of England in 1308 CE

Joan II of Navarre, daughter of Louis X: age 6 when she married Philip III of Navarre in 1318 CE

Joan III, daughter of Philip V: age 10 when she married Odo IV, Duke of Burgundy in 1318 CE

Margaret I, daughter of Philip V: age 10 when she married Louis I of Flanders in 1320 CE

Isabella of France, daughter of Philip V: age 11 when she married Guigues VIII of Viennois in 1323 CE

Blanche of France, daughter of Charles IV: age 17 when she married Philip, Duke of Orleans in 1345 CE

Joan of Valois, daughter of John II: age 9 when she married Charles II of Navarre in 1352 CE

Marie of France, daughter of John II: age 20 when she married Robert I, Duke of Bar in 1364 CE

Isabella, daughter of John II: age 12 when she married Gian Geleazzo Visconti in 1360 CE

Catherine of France, daughter of Charles V: age 8 when she married John of Berry, Count of Montpensier in 1386 CE

Isabella of Valois, daughter of Charles VI: age 6 when she married Richard II of England in 1396 CE

Joan of France, daughter of Charles VI: age 5 when she married John V, Duke of Brittany in 1396 CE

Michelle of Valois, daughter of Charles VI: age 14 when she married Philip III, Duke of Burgundy in 1409 CE

Catherine of Valois, daughter of Charles VI: age 19 when she married Henry V of England in 1420 CE

Catherine of France, daughter of Charles VII: age 12 when she married Charles I, Duke of Burgundy in 1440 CE

Joan of France, daughter of Charles VII: age 12 when she married John II , Duke of Bourbon in 1447 CE

Yolande of Valois, daughter of Charles VII: age 18 when she married Amadeus IX, Duke of Savoy in 1452 CE

Magdalena of Valois, daughter of Charles VII: age 18 when she married Gaston, Prince of Viana in 1461 CE

Anne of France, daughter of Louis XI: age 12 when she married Peter of Bourbon in 1473 CE

Joan of France, daughter of Louis XI: age 12 when she married Louis XII in 1476 CE

Claude of France, daughter of Louis XII: age 15 when she married Francis I in 1514 CE

Renée of France, daughter of Louis XII: age 18 when she married Ercole II d'Este in 1528 CE

Madeleine of Valois, daughter of Francis I: age 17 when she married James V of Scotland in 1537 CE

Margaret of Valois, daughter of Francis I: age 36 when she married Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy in 1559 CE

Elisabeth of Valois, daughter of Henry II: age 13 when she married Philip II of Spain in 1559 CE

Claude of Valois, daughter of Henry II: age 12 when she married Charles III, Duke of Lorraine in 1559 CE

Margaret of Valois, daughter of Henry II: age 19 when she married Henry IV in 1572 CE

Elisabeth of France, daughter of Henry IV: age 13 when she married Philip IV of Spain in 1615 CE

Christine of France, daughter of Henry IV: age 13 when she married Victor Amadeus I, Duke of Savoy in 1619 CE

Henrietta Maria of France, daughter of Henry IV: age 16 when she married Charles I of England in 1625 CE

Louise Élisabeth of France, daughter of Louis XV: age 12 when she married Philip, Duke of Parma in 1739 CE

Marie-Thérèse, daughter of Louis XVI: age 21 when she married Louis Antoine, Duke of Angoulême in 1799 CE

[intriguingpeoplebyangelafloyd]

MARGARET OF BURGUNDY

MARGARET OF BURGUNDY, QUEEN OF FRANCE

c.1290-1315

Les Rois Maudits (The Accursed Kings)

            Margaret of Burgundy was the Queen of France and Navarre, and was the first wife of King Louis X and I. She was a princess of the House of Burgundy, the oldest daughter of Robert II Duke of Burgundy an Anges of France (who was the youngest daughter of Louis IX of France). In 1305, Margaret married her cousin Louis I and had their daughter Joan.

            In 1314, the Tour de Nesle affair was revealed, it was a well-known scandal for the French royal family. The daughters-in-law of King Philip IV, Margaret, Blanche, and Joan were all accused of adultery. The three women were said to have conducted their affairs with Norman knights in a tower in Paris.

            It was Isabella of France (wife of King Edward II of England) who became a witness against those involved in the affair. Isabella had given her sisters-in-law a purse, the Norman knights were found in possession of them after the three ladies had given it to them as a gift The affair was exposed and the knights were tortured and then executed.

            Margaret, Blanche, and Joan were found guilty and imprisoned. Margaret spent the last two years of her life in prison. The women were imprisoned in poor conditions and mistreated, which resulted Margaret catching a virus and passing away. She died aged 24 or 25. Joan’s paternity became in doubt after the affair.  

            Margaret of Burgundy is one of the characters in Les Rois Maudits (The Accursed Kings) by Maurice Druon and was portrayed in the miniseries 1972 and 2005.

#margaretofburgundyqueenoffrance #margaretofburgundy #lesroismaudits #theaccursedkings #mauricedruon

[docpiplup]

The Bastard Kings and their families

This is series of posts are complementary to this historical parallels post from the JON SNOW FORTNIGHT EVENT, and it's purpouse to discover the lives of medieval bastard kings, and the following posts are meant to collect portraits of those kings and their close relatives.

In many cases it's difficult to find contemporary art of their period, so some of the portrayals are subsequent.

1) Ferdinand I of Naples ( 1424 – 1494), son of Alfonso V of Aragon and Giraldona Carlino

2) Alfonso V of Aragon (1396 – 1458), son of Ferdinand I of Aragon and his wife Leonor de Albuquerque

3) Isabella of Taranto or Clermont (c. 1424 – 1465), daughter of Tristan of Clermont and Catherine of Taranto

4) Alfonso II of Naples ( 1448 – 1495), son of Ferdinand I of Naples and his wife Isabella of Taranto

5) Eleanor of Naples (1450 – 1493) & Beatrice of Naples (1457 – 1508), daughters of Ferdinand I of Naples and his wife Isabella of Taranto

6) Frederick I of Naples (1452 – 1504), son of Ferdinand I of Naples and his wife Isabella of Taranto

7) Ferdinand of Aragon and Guardato (before 1494–1542), son of Ferdinand I of Naples and Diana Guardato

8) Eleanor of Aragon (1402 – 1445), daughter of Ferdinand I of Aragon and Leonor de Albuquerque

9) I. John II of Aragon & Navarre (1398- 1479), son of Ferdinand I of Aragon and his wife Leonor de Albuquerque

II. Blanche I of Navarre (1385​-1441), daughter of Charles III of Navarre and his wife Eleanor of Castile

III. Blanche II of Navarre (1424 – 1464), daughter of John II of Aragon and his wife Blanche I of Navarre

IV. Eleanor I of Navarre (1426 - 1479), daughter of John II of Aragon and his wife Blanche I of Navarre

V. Charles of Viana/ Charles IV of Navarre (1421- 1461), son of John II of Aragon and his wife Blanche I of Navarre

VI. Ferdinand II of Aragon & V of Castile (1452-1516), son of John II of Aragon and his wife Juana Enríquez

10)

I. Mary of Aragon ( 1403- 1445), daughter of Ferdinand I of Aragon and his wife Leonor de Albuquerque

II. John II of Castile (1405- 1454), son of Henry III of Castile and his wife Catherine of Lancaster

III. Henry IV of Castile (1425-1474), son of John II of Castile and his wife Mary of Aragon

IV. Isabella of Portugal (1428 - 1496), daughter of John of Portugal and Isabella of Barcelos

V. Isabella I of Castile (1451-1504), daughter of John II of Castile and his wife Isabella of Portugal

VI. Alfonso of Castile (1453​-1468), son of John II of Castile and his wife Isabella of Portugal

[aloneinstitute]

Olite Castle (Palacio Real de Olite), Navarre, Spain 🏰🇪🇸

The Royal Castle of Olite (Palacio Real de Olite) is a former castle of the kings of Navarre, situated in northern Spain.

Olite castle symbolizes the unique character of the Navarre monarchy in the late medieval period, open to Europe through its interests in France and in contact with the other kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula.

The first castle, designated the ‘palace of the kings of Navarre’ in 13th-century documents, had been laid out at an unknown date on the site of a Roman praetorium of the 1st century AD; only its outer walls survive, with some Roman foundations, now incorporating the Parador de Turismo.

Olite castle served as a residence for the governors during the kings’ long absences in France, but with the accession of the Evreux dynasty (1328) it became a favourite royal seat, owing to its pleasant climate and position in a rich wooded valley with abundant hunting.

Queen Joanna II (1328–1349) and King Philip III of Evreux (1328–1343), followed by Charles II (1349–1387), all made some improvements to the old castle, but it was during the reign of Charles III (1387–1425) and his wife Eleanor of Castile that this nucleus was expanded, with the construction of new ranges in the space behind the 13th-century church of S María. For this work, begun in April 1399 and continuing, with some interruptions, until 1420, Charles assembled artists of widespread origins.

Many of the painters were from Catalonia, working initially under Master Enrique and then in the second decade of the 15th century under Juan de Laguardia; French artists such as Jacob le Conte and Juan du Ruisel collaborated on the decoration; glass painters came from Aragon and Flanders; and Moors from Tudela were engaged on plasterwork, carpentry and tiled decoration.

The irregular plan of Olite reflects its construction in stages, as the wishes of the patrons developed. The new ranges, with halls, bedrooms, terraces and a chapel dedicated to St George, were linked to courtyards and gardens by hanging galleries and corridors; numerous towers (the keep, the Torre del Homenaje, the Torre Nueva, the Tres Coronas and Cuatro Vientos) crowned the walls, forming an elegant silhouette against the horizon . The massive walls, with only a few slit windows, accentuated the fortified character of Olite, but this was in strong contrast to the luxurious interior.

Charles’s daughter Blanche (1425–1441), wife of the future King of Aragon, John I, continued building works at Olite, and the castle again became an official residence after Navarre lost its independence to Castile in 1515.

Subsequent documents record its gradual decline, despite continual repairs. One of the towers was burnt in 1794, and in 1813, during the Peninsular War, the castle was burnt to prevent its use by the enemy ‘and its interior ruined’.

The ruins were acquired by the provincial government in 1913, and in 1925 Olite castle was declared a national monument to save it from total destruction. Restoration work, begun in 1937, is now well advanced, but although the documents give some indication of the original state, there are difficulties in achieving it.

[almanach-international]

28 février : la Journée de l’Andalousie

La Journée de l'Andalousie (Día de Andalucia), célébrée chaque 28 février par un jour férié, commémore le référendum de 1980 qui a rendu région pleinement autonome. Ce jour-là, les rues des villes et des villages sont pavoisées de vert et de blanc, les couleurs de la région (comunidad) d’Andalousie.

La fin de la dictature du général Franco qui permis une transition vers la démocratie et l’annonce de l’autonomie de certaines régions (Catalogne, Navarre, Pays basque et Galice). L'article 2 de la Constitution espagnole reconnaît et garantit le droit à l'autonomie des nationalités et des régions espagnoles. Les Andalous voulurent eux aussi bénéficier de ce nouveau régime. Ainsi, le 4 décembre 1977, autre grande date du peuple andalou, près d'un million et demi d'Andalous dans les huit départements (provincia) andalous descendirent dans la rue pour exiger l'autonomie de l'Andalousie.

Cette manifestation massive avait été convoquée par l'Assemblée des parlementaires. À Malaga, cette journée s'est terminée par une tragédie : la mort de Manuel José García Caparrós, un jeune syndicaliste de CCOO, ouvrier de l'usine Cervezas Victoria, décédé après avoir été abattu par la police pendant la manifestation. Le jeune Caparrós est considéré comme l'un des symboles de la lutte du peuple andalou et de son autonomie. 

La manifestation du 4 décembre a abouti à la convocation du référendum du 28 février 1980, qui a permis la constitution d’un gouvernement local, la Junta de Andalucía en juin 1979. Ce processus a été le premier et le seul référendum en Espagne proposé de cette manière. Toutes les provincia ont voté oui, à l’exception de celle d’Alméria, où l’autonomie a été instituée d’une autre manière.

Le soulèvement révolutionnaire de Topete à Cadix, au XIXe siècle, considéré comme le germe historique de l'autonomie, et la signature du Manifeste andalou de Cordoue (1919), qui décrivait l’Andalousie comme une réalité nationale, auraient pu aussi servir de date au Día de Andalucia. Les autorités ont préféré célébrer un événement contemporain.

Le Statut d’autonomie a été approuvé en 1981 comme la norme la plus importante pour les Andalous après la Constitution espagnole et qui accorde à l'Andalousie le statut de nationalité historique. En avril 1983, le Parlement d'Andalousie a reconnu Blas Infante comme Père de la Patrie andalouse. Vingt-six ans plus tard, en 2007, les Andalous ont ratifié par référendum un nouveau Statut d'autonomie , dont le préambule reconnaît la réalité nationale andalouse telle que décrite dans le Manifeste andalou de Cordoue de 1919. Le texte final compte au total 250 articles, 11 titres, cinq dispositions complémentaires, deux dispositions transitoires, une disposition abrogatoire et trois dispositions finales.

Depuis 1981, les écoles sont fermées à l'occasion du 28F et de la Semaine Blanche dans certaines régions d'Andalousie. Le vendredi précédant la Semaine Blanche est souvent une fête culturelle dans les écoles. Le traditionnel petit-déjeuner composé de pain à l'huile d'olive est servi et une grande variété d'activités culturelles est proposée.

On chante également l' hymne , une composition de José del Castillo Díaz avec des paroles de Blas Infante inspirées du Saint Dieu, un chant religieux populaire que les paysans et les journaliers de certaines régions andalouses chantaient pendant les récoltes.

Depuis 1983, c’est le jour de la remise des médailles d'Andalousie. Lors d’une cérémonie dans le théâtre de la Maestranza de Séville, le gouvernement local nomme les « fils (ou filles) andalous (es) préférés (es) » d’Andalousie. Les noms des personnes récompensées par le titre sont inscrits dans un registre appelé « Livre d'Or de l'Andalousie ». Le prix consiste en une médaille avec l'inscription Fils préféré d'Andalousie et une plaque d'argent gravée expliquant en détail le motif du prix. Dix médailles au maximum sont attribuées annuellement. Les lauréats porteront le titre de Son Excellence Monsieur (ou Madame). Pour 2024, sont notamment distingués : José Mercé, chanteur de flamenco, et Jerez de la Frontera Santiago Muñoz Machado, le directeur de l'Académie royale espagnole.

Un article de l'Almanach international des éditions BiblioMonde, 27 février 2024

[candm-brittany-2023]

We asked directions to the market. It was in the centre of the village, but there weren’t many stalls.

Fish, meat, vegetables and crépes. That was it. That’s okay. The quality was good. We bought some salad stuff and went off to buy a baguette and some croissants for tomorrow’s breakfast. Hédé was very quaint. It had lots of small alleys leading off who knows where. We ventured up a couple.

One of them hid this gem!

Hédé being on a hill was strategically placed. The back end of the castle area, which presumably was a bit of a den if iniquity for the local youth, had been transformed to give them a purpose to visit. A skate park and basketball court. Good thinking

Le Château de Hédé

Hédé has always been a strategic place. The castle would have been built on the site of a Roman castellum, on a rocky outcrop. The keep probably dates from the beginning of the 12th century and the enclosure from the end of the 14th century. The Montfort family owned the castle in 1168. The square tower is apparently a vestige prior to the passage of Henry II Plantagenêt in Brittany.

Can you tell that this is a translation? 🤷

Blanche of Navarre, Duchess of Brittany, who accompanied Saint-Louis to Tunis during the last crusade, died in 1283 in the castle of Hédé

In the middle of the 16th century, the castle was no longer in use and was in a sorry state. At the end of the 16th century, it was used during the wars of religion and occupied successively by the soldiers of Henri IV and by those of the ultra-Catholic league. Later the castle of Hédé became a haunt of bandits. In 1598, Henri IV signed the final condemnation of the castle. The current state of the keep testifies to the use of its stones in the 19th century for the construction of bourgeois houses.

[roehenstart]

Jeanne de France (1351-1371), Blanche of Navarre (1331-1398) and Philip VI of France.

[isadomna]

Doña Blanca de Navarra 

Óleo sobre lienzo, 250 x 181,5 cm

Hacia 1885

José Moreno Carbonero

[joanofnavarre]

« Tʜᴇ ᴘʀᴏᴇᴍɪɴᴇɴᴛ ᴄᴏɴsᴏʀᴛs ᴏғ ᴛʜᴇ Hᴏᴜsᴇ ᴏғ Lᴀɴᴄᴀsᴛᴇʀ, ᴘᴀʀᴛ I »

[histoireettralala]

Blanche, Marguerite, and Queenship

Blanche's actions as queen dowager amount to no more than those of her grandmother and great-grandmother. A wise and experienced mother of a king was expected to advise him. She would intercede with him, and would thus be a natural focus of diplomatic activity. Popes, great Churchmen and great laymen would expect to influence the king or gain favour with him through her; thus popes like Gregory IX and Innocent IV, and great princes like Raymond VII of Toulouse, addressed themselves to Blanche. She would be expected to mediate at court. She had the royal authority to intervene in crises to maintain the governance of the realm, as Blanche did during Louis's near-fatal illness in 1244-5, and as Eleanor did in England in 1192.

In short, Blanche's activities after Louis's minority were no more and no less "co-rule" than those of other queen dowagers. No king could rule on his own. All kings- even Philip Augustus- relied heavily on those they trusted for advice, and often for executive action. William the Breton described Brother Guérin as "quasi secundus a rege"- "as if second to the king": indeed, Jacques Krynen characterised Philip and his administrators as almost co-governors. The vastness of their realms forced the Angevin kings to rely even more on the governance of others, including their mothers and their wives. Blanche's prominent role depended on the consent of her son. Louis trusted her judgement. He may also have found many of the demands of ruling uncongenial. Blanche certainly had her detractors at court, but she was probably criticsed, not for playing a role in the execution of government, but for influencing her son in one direction by those who hoped to influence him in another.

The death of a king meant that there was often more than one queen. Blanche herself did not have to deal with an active dowager queen: Ingeborg lived on the edges of court and political life; besides, she was not Louis VIII's mother. Eleanor of Aquitaine did not have to deal with a forceful young queen: Berengaria of Navarre, like Ingeborg, was retiring; Isabella of Angoulême was still a child. But the potential problem of two crowned, anointed and politically engaged queens is made manifest in the relationship between Blanche and St Louis's queen, Margaret of Provence.

At her marriage in 1234 Margaret of Provence was too young to play an active role as queen. The household accounts of 1239 still distinguish between the queen, by which they mean Blanche, and the young queen — Margaret. By 1241 Margaret had decided that she should play the role expected of a reigning queen. She was almost certainly engaging in diplomacy over the continental Angevin territories with her sister, Queen Eleanor of England. Churchmen loyal to Blanche, presumably at the older queen’s behest, put a stop to that. It was Blanche rather than Margaret who took the initiative in the crisis of 1245. Although Margaret accompanied the court on the great expedition to Saumur for the knighting of Alphonse in 1241, it was Blanche who headed the queen’s table, as if she, not Margaret, were queen consort. In the Sainte-Chapelle, Blanche of Castile’s queenship is signified by a blatant scattering of the castles of Castile: the pales of Provence are absent.

Margaret was courageous and spirited. When Louis was captured on Crusade, she kept her nerve and steadied that of the demoralised Crusaders, organised the payment of his ransom and the defence of Damietta, in spite of the fact that she had given birth to a son a few days previously. She reacted with quick-witted bravery when fire engulfed her cabin, and she accepted the dangers and discomforts of the Crusade with grace and good humour. But her attempt to work towards peace between her husband and her brother-in-law, Henry III, in 1241 lost her the trust of Louis and his close advisers — Blanche, of course, was the closest of them all - and that trust was never regained. That distrust was apparent in 1261, when Louis reorganised the household. There were draconian checks on Margaret's expenditure and almsgiving. She was not to receive gifts, nor to give orders to royal baillis or prévôts, or to undertake building works without the permission of the king. Her choice of members of her household was also subject to his agreement.

Margaret survived her husband by some thirty years, so that she herself was queen mother, to Philip III, and was still a presence ar court during the reign of her grandson Philip IV. But Louis did not make her regent on his second, and fatal, Crusade in 1270. In the early 12605 Margarer tried to persuade her young son, the future Philip III, to agree to obey her until he was thirty. When Philip told his father, Louis was horrified. In a strange echo of the events of 1241, he forced Philip to resile from his oath to his mother, and forced Margaret to agree never again to attempt such a move. Margaret had overplayed her hand. It meant that she was specifically prevented from acting with those full and legitimate powers of a crowned queen after the death of her husband that Blanche, like Eleanor of Aquitaine, had been able to deploy for the good of the realm.

Why was Margaret treated so differently from Blanche? Were attitudes to the power of women changing? Not yet. In 1294 Philip IV was prepared to name his queen, Joanna of Champagne-Navarre, as sole regent with full regal powers in the event of his son's succession as a minor. She conducted diplomatic negotiations for him. He often associated her with his kingship in his acts. And Philip IV wanted Joanna buried among the kings of France at Saint-Denis - though she herself chose burial with the Paris Franciscans. The effectiveness and evident importance to their husbands of Eleanor of Provence and Eleanor of Castile in England led David Carpenter to characterise late thirteenth-century England as a period of ‘resurgence in queenship’.

The problem for Margaret was personal, rather than institutional. Blanche had had her detractors at court. It is not clear who they were. There were always factions at courts, not least one that centred around Margaret, and anyone who had influence over a king would have detractors. They might have been clerks with misgivings about women in general, and powerful women in particular, and there may have been others who believed that the power of a queen should be curtailed, No one did curtail Blanche's — far from it. By the late chirteenth century the Capetian family were commissioning and promoting accounts of Louis IX that praise not just her firm and just rule as regent, but also her role as adviser and counsellor — her continuing influence — during his personal rule. As William of Saint-Pathus put it, because she was such a ‘sage et preude femme’, Louis always wanted ‘sa presence et son conseil’. But where Blanche was seen as the wisest and best provider of good advice that a king could have, a queen whose advice would always be for the good of the king and his realm, Margaret was seen by Louis as a queen at the centre of intrigue, whose advice would not be disinterested. Surprisingly, such formidable policical players at the English court as Simon de Montfort and her nephew, the future Edward I, felt that it was worthwhile to do diplomatic business through Margaret. Initially, Henry III and Simon de Montfort chose Margaret, not Louis, to arbitrate between them. She was a more active diplomat than Joinville and the Lives of Louis suggest, and probably, where her aims coincided with her husband’s, quite effective.

To an extent the difference between Blanche’s and Margaret’s position and influence simply reflected political reality. Blanche was accused of sending rich gifts to her family in Spain, and advancing them within the court. But there was no danger that her cultivation of Castilian family connections could damage the interests of the Capetian realm. Margaret’s Provençal connections could. Her sister Eleanor was married to Henry III of England. Margaret and Eleanor undoubtedly attempted to bring about a rapprochement between the two kings. This was helpful once Louis himself had decided to come to an agreement with Henry in the late 1250s, but was perceived as meddlesome plotting in the 1240s. Moreover, Margaret’s sister Sanchia was married to Henry's younger brother, Richard of Cornwall, who claimed the county of Poitou, and her youngest sister, Beatrice, countess of Provence, was married to Charles of Anjou. Sanchia’s interests were in direct conflict with those of Alphonse of Poitiers; and Margaret herself felt that she had dowry claims in Provence, and alienated Charles by attempting to pursue them. Indeed, her ill-fated attempt to tie her son Philip to her included clauses that he would not ally himself with Charles of Anjou against her.

Lindy Grant- Blanche of Castile, Queen of France

[catherinesboleyn]

Every Queen of France Ever

Other posts in this series: Every Queen of England ever, Every English Princess ever

Richilde of Provence - Queen consort of West Francia from 870 to 877 (wife of Charles the Bald)

Adelaide of Paris - Queen consort of West Francia from October 6th 877 to April 10th 879 (wife of Louis the Stammerer)

Richardis of Swabia - Queen consort of West Francis from 884 to 887 (wife of Charles the Fat)

Richardis of Swabia - Queen consort of West Francis from 884 to 887 (wife of Charles the Fat)

Théodrate of Troyes - Queen consort of West Francia from 888 to 898 (wife of Odo of France)

Frederuna - Queen consort of West Francia from 907 to 917 (wife of Charles the Simple)

Eadgifu of Wessex - Queen consort of West Francia from 919 to 922 (wife of Charles the Simple)

Beatrice of Vermandois - Queen consort of West Francia from 922 to 923 (wife of Robert I)

Emma of France - Queen consort of West Francia from 923 to 935 (wife of Rudolph of France)

Gerberga of Saxony - Queen consort of West Francia from 939 to 954 (wife of Louis IV)

Emma of Italy - Queen consort of West Francia from 965 to 986 (wife of Lothair of France)

Adelaide of Aquitaine - Queen consort of the Franks from 987 to 996 (wife of Hugh Capet)

Rozala of Italy - Queen consort of the Franks from 996 to 996 (wife of Robert II)

Bertha of Burgundy - Queen consort of the Franks from 996 to 1000 (wife of Robert II)

Constance of Arles - Queen consort of the Franks from 1001 to 1031 (wife of Robert II)

Matilda of Frisia - Queen consort of the Franks from 1034 to 1044 (wife of Henry I)

Anne of Kiev - Queen consort of the Franks from May 19th 1051 to August 4th 1060 (wife of Henry I)

Bertha of Holland - Queen consort of the Franks from 1072 to 1092 (wife of Philip I)

Bertrade de Montfort - Queen consort of the Franks from May 15th 1092 to July 29th 1108 (wife of Philip I)

Adelaide of Maurienne - Queen consort of the Franks from 1115 to August 1st 1137 (wife of Louis VI)

Eleanor of Aquitaine - Queen consort of the Franks from August 1st 1137 to March 21st 1152 (wife of Louis VII)

Constance of Castile - Queen consort of the Franks from 1154 to October 4th 1160 (wife of Louis VII)

Adela of Champagne - Queen consort of the Franks from November 13th 1160 to September 18th 1180 (wife of Louis VII)

Isabella of Hainault - Queen consort of France from April 28th 1180 to March 15th 1190 (wife of Philip II)

Ingeborg of Denmark - Queen consort of France from August 15th 1193 to November 5th 1193 (wife of Philip II

Agnes of Merania - Queen consort of France from 1196 to 1200 (wife of Philip II)

Ingeborg of Denmark - Queen consort of France from 1200 to July 14th 1223 (wife of Philip II)

Blanche of Castile - Queen consort of France from July 14th 1223 to November 1226 (wife of Louis VIII)

Margaret of Provence - Queen consort of France from May 27th 1234 to August 25th 1270 (wife of Louis IX)

Isabella of Aragon - Queen consort of France from August 25th 1270 to January 28th 1271 (wife of Philip III)

Marie of Brabant - Queen consort of France from August 21st 1274 to October 5th 1285 (wife of Philip III)

Joan I of Navarre - Queen consort of France from October 5th 1285 to April 2nd 1305 (wife of Philip IV)

Margaret of Burgundy - Queen consort of France from 1314 to 1315 (wife of Louis X)

Clementia of Hungary - Queen consort of France from August 19th 1315 to June 5th 1316 (wife of Louis X)

Joan II of Burgundy - Queen consort of France from 1316 to 1322 (wife of Philip V)

Blanche of Burgundy - Queen consort of France from January 3rd 1322 to May 19th 1322 (wife of Charles IV)

Marie of Luxembourg - Queen consort of France from September 21st 1322 to March 26th 1324 (wife of Charles IV)

Joan of Évreux - Queen consort of France from July 5th 1324 to February 1st 1328 (wife of Charles IV)

Joan of Burgundy - Queen consort of France from April 1st 1328 to December 12th 1349 (wife of Philip VI)

Blanche of Navarre - Queen consort of France from January 29th 1350 to August 22nd 1350 (wife of Philip VI)

Joan I of Auvergne - Queen consort of France from 1350 to 1360 (wife of John II)

Joanna of Bourbon - Queen consort of France from April 8th 1364 to February 6th 1378 (wife of Charles V)

Isabeau of Bavaria - Queen consort of France from July 17th 1385 to October 21st 1422 (wife of Charles VI)

Marie of Anjou - Queen consort of France from December 18th 1422 to July 14th 1461 (wife of Charles VII)

Charlotte of Savoy - Queen consort of France from July 22nd 1461 to August 30th 1483 (wife of Louis XI)

Anne of Brittany - Queen consort of France from December 6th 1491 to April 7th 1498 (wife of Charles VIII)

Joan of France - Queen consort of France from April 1498 to December 15th 1498 (wife of Louis XII)

Anne of Brittany - Queen consort of France from January 8th 1499 to January 9th 1515 (wife of Louis XII)

Mary Tudor - Queen consort of France from October 9th 1514 to January 1st 1515 (wife of Louis XII)

Claude of France - Queen consort of France from January 1st 1515 to July 20th 1524 (wife of Francis I)

Eleanor of Austria - Queen consort of France from July 4th 1530 to March 31st 1547 (wife of Francis I)

Catherine de' Medici - Queen consort of France from March 31st 1547 to July 10th 1559 (wife of Henry II)

Mary Stuart - Queen consort of France from July 10th 1559 to December 5th 1560 (wife of Francis II)

Elisabeth of Austria - Queen consort of France from November 26th 1570 um May 30th 1574 (wife of Charles IX)

Louise of Lorraine - Queen consort of France from February 15th 1575 to August 2nd 1589 (wife of Henry III)

Margaret of Valois - Queen consort of France from August 2nd 1589 to 1599 (wife of Henry IV)

Marie de' Medici - Queen consort of France from December 17th 1600 to May 14th 1610 (wife of Henry IV)

Anne of Austria - Queen consort of France from November 24th 1615 to May 14th 1643 (wife of Louis XIII)

Maria Theresa of Spain - Queen consort of France from June 9th 1660 to July 30th 1683 (wife of Louis XIV)

Marie Leszczyńska - Queen consort of France from September 4th 1725 to June 24th 1768 (wife of Louis XV)

Marie Antoinette - Queen consort of France from May 10th 1774 to September 21st 1792 (wife of Louis XVI)

Maria Amalia of Naples and Sicily - Queen consort of the French from August 9th 1830 to February 24th 1848 (wife of Louis Philippe I)

[latristereina]

history + problematic relationships between parents and children

(insp.x)

[nanshe-of-nina]

(Grandes Chroniques de France, Charles the Bad of Navarre pardoned by John the Good and the queens Blanche of Navarre and Jeanne of Évreux, 14th century)

[winterhalters]

The ladies-only banquet was one of many events organized in the days that immediately followed the ceremony held on June, 5th 1313, where the three sons of the King of France Philippe IV, along with some 200 noble young men from the most prestigious families in the kingdom, were officially knighted.

At the second table, were seated: Yolande of Dreux, Dowager Duchess of Brittany, her sister-in-law Pernelle de Sully, the Dowager Countess of Dreux, her mother Marguerite de Beaumez, Blanche of Brittany, sister of Mahaut of Artois, Jeanne of and Marie of Artois, her daughters, Isabelle de Rumigny, Dowager Duchess of Lorraine, Elisabeth of Austria, Duchess of Lorraine and daughter of Emperor Albert I; the cousins of Marguerite of Burgundy Marie of Hainaut, Jeanne d'Argies, Countess of Soissons, perhaps Béatrice, Princess of Hungary and Dauphine of Viennois, Marie of Flander, Countess of Boulogne, Isabelle of Lorraine, Countess of Vaudémont, Agnès de Brienne, Countess of Joigny, her daughter Jeanne of Joigny, Eleonore of Savoy, Countess of Forez, Louise de Beaumetz, Countess of Sancerre, Marie, Countess of Roussis, Jeanne de Gîgne, Countess of Eu, perhaps Béatrice of Burgundy, Dowager Countess of La Marche, Marguerite of Burgundy's aunt, Isabeau de Coucy, sister of Mahaut de Châtillon-Saint Pol; the ladies of Jeanne of Burgundy: Alix de Joinville, lady of Beaufort, wife of John of Lancaster, Alix de Clermont-Nesle, lady of Nesle, Jeanne de Tancarville, Vicountess of Melun, Isabelle de Forez, wife of the governor of Lyon, Jeanne de Dampierre, Jeanne de Vendôme.

A third table was counting at least: Marie de Vaucemain, lady of Chey, a lady of Marguerite's, Alips de Mons, wife of Enguerrand de Marigny, Roberte de Beaumetz, her daughter-in-law and a cousin of the Countess of Sancerre, Jeanne de Machot, lady of Viarmes, daughter of Saint Louis' chamberlain and the wife of Philippe IV's chamberlain, Marguerite des Bars, wife of another chamberlain of Philippe IV's, Isabeau of Burgundy, wife of a chamberlain of Louis, King of Navarre, Isabeau de Rosny, her mother-in-law, Marguerite de la Roüe, Jeanne de Courpalay and Béatrix, widow of Nogaret. Wives of other clerks were also in attendance, potentially along female members of the bourgeoisie. — Gaëlle Audéont, Philippe le Bel et l'Affaire des Brus, 1314