#frederich engels

[jgmail]

Marx y el lumpenproletariado

Por Joakim Andersen

Traducción de Juan Gabriel Caro Rivera

Es una tradición del 1 de mayo escribir un texto sobre el movimiento obrero y el socialismo que a menudo esté relacionado con Karl Marx y Friedrich Engels. El texto de este año tratará de las opiniones de estos dos caballeros barbudos sobre el llamado lumpenproletariado. En los primeros tiempos del movimiento obrero hubo un fuerte debate sobre el potencial revolucionario de esta clase social. El anarquista Bakunin se refirió a ellos como «la flor del proletariado», «la chusma que casi no había sido tocada por la civilización burguesa», y consideraba que su potencial revolucionario era gigantesco. Detrás de semejante valoración por parte de Bakunin se intuyen elementos de su propia psicología y personalidad, además de algunos aspectos que reaparecieron de forma trivializada en relación con la izquierda de 1968.

Frente a Bakunin, uno se siente tentado a añadir la figura de Karl Marx, a quien Bakunin describió como lo peor de ambos mundos, es decir, como judío y alemán. Aquí había un elemento de confusión conceptual, ya que Bakunin y Marx parecen haber estado hablando de grupos sociales diferentes cuando se referían al lumpenproletariado. En cualquier caso, para Marx el lumpenproletariado no era en absoluto una flor, sino una masa de desechos morales y socialmente degenerados. En su habitual lenguaje gótico, Marx dice en el Dieciocho Brumario de Luis Bonaparte que el lumpemproletariado estaba compuesto por «junto a roués arruinados, con equívocos medios de vida y de equívoca procedencia, junto a vástagos degenerados y aventureros de la burguesía, vagabundos, licenciados de tropa, licenciados de presidio, huidos de galeras, timadores, saltimbanquis, lazzaroni, carteristas y rateros, jugadores, alcahuetes, dueños de burdeles, mozos de cuerda, escritorzuelos, organilleros, traperos, afiladores, caldereros, mendigos, en una palabra, toda es masa informe, difusa y errante que los franceses llaman la bohème».En este contexto, es interesante señalar la afinidad social y mental esbozada por Marx entre los “canallas” del lumpenproletariado y los “canallas” que Napoleón III y los capitalistas financieros, los parásitos, suelen tener los unos por los otros. Esto también debería ser relevante a la hora de analizar las clases medias altas y bajas del «Transferiat» y la alianza entre «brahmanes, helotas y dalits».

La definición de Marx del lumpenproletariado varía según el texto. A veces se refería a los restos de las clases precapitalistas, a veces a las clases moralmente inferiores de «criminales, vagabundos y prostitutas», a veces era un término colectivo para grupos fundamentalmente muy diferentes. Paradójicamente, compartía la opinión de la burguesía de que el lumpenproletariado era una clase peligrosa, classes dangereuses. Esto tiene que ver, en parte, con su antropología y la atención que en ella se presta a la capacidad de lucha disciplinada. También tiene que ver con sus ideas sobre la realidad material del lumpenproletariado, sus «condiciones de vida». Estaban acostumbrados a que las autoridades se ocuparan de ellos de una forma u otra. Por lo tanto, el lumpenproletariado podía a veces dejarse arrastrar por un movimiento revolucionario, pero también podía dejarse comprar por la reacción. También hay que mencionar aquí el conflicto latente entre la clase obrera y los numerosos desarrapados que la parasitaban de facto (véase la categoría de bandidos asociales de Hobsbawm).

Engels también trazó una clara línea divisoria entre la clase obrera y el lumpenproletariado y advirtió en contra de las alianzas con estos últimos. De hecho, escribió de una forma menos políticamente correcta que Marx que «el lumpemproletariado, esa escoria integrada por los elementos desmoralizados de todas las capas sociales y concentrada principalmente en las grandes ciudades, es el peor de los aliados posibles. Ese desecho es absolutamente venal y de lo más molesto. Cuando los obreros franceses escribían en los muros de las casas durante cada una de las revoluciones: «Mort aux voleurs!» ¡Muerte a los ladrones!, y en efecto fusilaban a más de uno, no lo hacían en un arrebato de entusiasmo por la propiedad, sino plenamente conscientes de que ante todo era preciso desembarazarse de esta banda».

Las advertencias de Marx y Engels fueron tomadas en serio durante mucho tiempo por el movimiento obrero, que a menudo llegó a esterilizarse antes que aliarse con el lumpenproletariado. Sin embargo, en relación con las tendencias de 1968, puede reconocerse un cambio, aunque la fascinación por los «elementos en descomposición» de diversa índole puede remontarse al menos a las vanguardias del periodo de entreguerras. Un exponente de la nueva visión del lumpenproletariado fue Herbert Marcuse y también Frantz Fanon (aunque la definición de este último del lumpenproletariado es más parecida a la de Bakunin).

Fanon es menos interesante aquí que Marcuse y la nueva izquierda con la que se le asocia; ya que la nueva izquierda esta compuesta por estratos que no son ellos mismos trabajadores y que no pueden distinguir entre «pobres» y «clase obrera». También se puede reconocer una tendencia a asociar los propios estratos psicológicos primitivos con estratos sociales supuestamente primitivos, sobre todo en el contexto de 1968. Al mismo tiempo, sin embargo, también hubo enfoques menos patológicos; Debord y Becker-Ho, por ejemplo, identificaron la vida precapitalista y los ideales guerreros con el «argot» (jerga).

Lo que prevaleció, sin embargo, era que las clases y los individuos con una psique desequilibrada idealizaban las clases sociales a las que atribuían esperanzas poco realistas. En nuestra época, esto se ha convertido en algo diferente del ingenuo «liberad a los presos, son como nosotros» de los años 70, porque ahora se ha añadido una dimensión étnica. La anémica burguesía romantiza y proyecta sus propios impulsos no sólo sobre pequeños grupos de vagabundos y «ladrones» locales, sino también sobre importantes sectores de las poblaciones que no tienen ascendencia europea. El lumpenproletariado de Marx se solapa hoy en gran medida con sus fuidhirs.

Podemos ver que la «izquierda» establecida le ha dado la vuelta a Marx. Se trata de clases medias, incluidos los burócratas, que rara vez son ellos mismos clase trabajadora y, por lo tanto, no pueden reconocer la diferencia entre «pobres» y «clase trabajadora». Al mismo tiempo, son las clases medias las que se encuentran en conflicto con la clase obrera nativa en el sentido más amplio, por lo que resulta tentador aliarse con sus otros rivales, tanto simbólicos como reales. Las tendencias psíquicas infantiles y primitivas que podemos reconocer en Marcuse siguen prevaleciendo en estas clases medias, lo que significa que se proyectan fácilmente sobre las clases etnosociales. En definitiva, se trata de un potente cóctel que, por un lado, baraja las cartas y defiende a los estratos del lumpenproletariado como «clase obrera» y, por el otro, silencia o legitima los comportamientos lumpenproletarios. Al mismo tiempo, la subclase indígena y sus problemas son invisibilizados; no encajan en las nuevas narrativas.

Para concluir, señalaremos que el término «lumpenproletariado» es en realidad un concepto del siglo XIX. Puede haber sido útil para captar las tendencias y los escollos del joven movimiento obrero, pero hoy la situación es muy diferente. Sin olvidar la «reacción» a la que Marx y Engels temían que se vendieran los lazzarones en lugar de defender violentamente el papado, la subclase etnificada de hoy cambia ciudadanías por votos con la socialdemocracia. El factor étnico, que aparece en Marx en diversos contextos como elemento primordial en relación con la clase, significa también que estamos ante un nuevo fenómeno. En cualquier caso, quienes lo deseen pueden recurrir a Marx y Engels para contrarrestar los recurrentes intentos de equiparar a la «clase obrera» con elementos puramente lumpenproletarios. Su perspectiva sigue siendo un punto de partida fructífero para comprender la relación entre la subclase etnificada y ciertas clases medias. Un complemento útil es la distinción que hace Evola entre dos tendencias antiburguesas. Una aspira a ser algo superior a lo burgués, la otra a ser algo inferior.

[meanestcapricorn]

not to be a hater or anything but there are a lot of socialist/communists online that really need to read the actual texts that their supposed ideology is based on :/

[thatdiabolicalfeminist]

CONSERVATIVE, OR BOURGEOIS, SOCIALISM A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances, in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society. To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working class, organisers of charity, members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner reformers of every imaginable kind. ... The Socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting therefrom. They desire the existing state of society minus its revolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat. The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeois Socialism develops this comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems. In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby to march straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it but requires in reality, that the proletariat should remain within the bounds of existing society, but should cast away all its hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie. A second and more practical, but less systematic, form of this Socialism sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the working class, by showing that no mere political reform, but only a change in the material conditions of existence, in economic relations, could be of any advantage to them. By changes in the material conditions of existence, this form of Socialism, however, by no means understands abolition of the bourgeois relations of production, an abolition that can be effected only by a revolution, but administrative reforms, based on the continued existence of these relations; reforms, therefore, that in no respect affect the relations between capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the cost, and simplify the administrative work, of bourgeois government. Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression, when, and only when, it becomes a mere figure of speech. Free trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective duties: for the benefit of the working class. Prison Reform: for the benefit of the working class. This is the last word and the only seriously meant word of bourgeois Socialism. It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois—for the benefit of the working class.

-The Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx and Frederich Engels

[queen-mabs-revenge]

attempting to keep this organized and accessible, so here's a link to a drive folder of my small collection of books, articles, podcasts and other resources i've collated while preparing for discussions or my own studying.

📚🚩☭🚩📚

Here are content lists for the different folders:

AI and Data Capitalism

Marxist Ecology and the Metabolic Rift

The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State - Frederich Engels

[notsoterriblymisanthropic]

In the 1830s, cholera spread rapidly around the globe, moving along trade routes. Frederich Engels described the approach of the acute bacterial infection to Manchester as ‘a universal terror seizing bourgeoisie of the city’. Something was coming. By June 1832, cholera was with the people of Manchester, but so was the promise of a new kind of democracy. The surgeon Samuel Gaskell, Esq. makes the observation that: ‘On the 9th of August the working classes were allowed a general holiday to celebrate the passing of the Reform Bill; this led to much intoxication and exposure to night air. In a few days after this holiday the number of cases became greatly augmented.’ Gaskell attributes the swift and fatal spread of the illness upon the pauper body to public revelry. Here was evidence of social ineptitude, overexposure, inattention, rather than, as Engels himself argued, the cramped tenement conditions in which the working classes lived and worked, in an increasingly industrial world. When is public space dangerous? And for whom? What spreads, and what halts the passing of a thing, mouth to mouth, hand to hand, chest to chest? These questions are not easily answered. Where once stood a workhouse now stands a poorly-lit designer boutique: elongated grey plastic mannequins display urbanely shredded clothes, price available upon request.

TENANCY Part 7: Make it Safe, by No Matter

[onceuponastarryeye]

books read in 2023

the ones who walk away from omelas - ursula k. le guin (5/5)

animal farm - george orwell (4/5)

the mystery of the blue train - agatha christie (4.25/5)

the memories of sherlock holmes - arthur conan doyle (3.5/5)

five survive - holly jackson (4.75/5)

liars, inc. - paula stokes (1.5/5)

blindness - josé saramago (4.5/5)

the hound of death (a short story) - agatha christie (3.5/5)

the lies we tell - katie zhao (4/5)

the magician's nephew (the chronicles of narnia #1) - cs lewis (4/5) (rr)

peril at end house - agatha christie (4/5)

rebecca - daphne du maurier (5/5)

these violent delights (tvd #1) - chloe gong (3.75/5)

the lion, the witch and the wardrobe (the chronicles of narnia #2) - cs lewis (5/5) (rr)

the screaming staircase (lockwood & co #1) - jonathan stroud (5/5)

the dagger in the desk (lockwood & co #1.5) - jonathan stroud (4.25/5)

espaços de recordação - aleida assman (academic)

murder at the vicarage - agatha christie (4.5/5)

the whispering skull (lockwood & co #2) - jonathan stroud (4/5)

the hollow boy (lockwood & co #3) - jonathan stroud (4/5)

the creeping shadow (lockwood & co #4) - (4.75/5)

the empty grave (lockwood & co #5) - jonathan stroud (5/5)

a treatise of human nature - david hume (academic)

ensaio sobre os dados imediatos da consciência - henri bergson (3/5) (academic)

lord edgware dies - agatha christie (4/5)

the communist manifesto - karl marx & frederich engels (academic)

the horse and his boy (the chronicles of narnia #3) - cs lewis (4/5) (rr)

matter and memory - henri bergson (3/5) (academic)

the hour of the star - clarice lispector (5/5)

bergsonism - gilles deleuze (3/5) (academic)

three act tragedy - agatha christie (3/5)

the hound of the baskerville - arthur conan doyle (4.5/5)

happy place - emily henry (5/5)

death in the clouds - agatha christie (2.75/5)

prince caspian (the chronicles of narnia #4) - cs lewis (4/5) (rr)

los marcos sociales de la memoria - maurice halbwachs (4/5) (academic)

how to worship Jesus Christ - joseph s. carroll (5/5)

introdução ao estudo do método de marx - josé paulo netto (4.5/5) (academic)

anxious people - fredik backman (5/5)

the collective memory - maurice halbwachs (5/5) (academic) (rr)

murder in mesopotamia - agatha christie (4/5)

cards on the table - agatha christie (4/5)

the voyage of the dawn treader - (the chronicles of narnia #5) - cs lewis (5/5) (rr)

yellowface - r.f. kuang (3.5/5)

the girl on the train - paula hawkins (4.25/5)

dumb witness - agatha christie (3/5)

the silver chair - (the chronicles of narnia #6) - cs lewis (4/5) (rr)

before your memory fades (btcgc #3) - kawaguchi toshikazu (4.75/5)

pride and prejudice - jane austen (5/5) (rr)

perfume - patrick suskind (4/5)

sociologia de la memoria - paolo montesperelli (4.5/5)

capital's unfolding systemic crisis - istvan meszaros (4/5)

the last battle - (the chronicles of narnia #7) - cs lewis (3/5) (rr)

appointment with death - agatha christie (5/5)

the great gatsby - f. scott fitzgerald (4/5)

the collective - alison gaylin (3.75/5)

para além do capital - istvan meszaros (academic)

the ballad of songbirds and snakes (the hunger games #0) - suzanne collins (4/5)

história, memória e educação - lombardi et al (4/5) (academic)

der ursprung der familie, des privateigenthums und des staats - friedrich engels (3/5) (academic)

metamorphosis - franz kafka (4/5)

murder is easy - agatha christie (4/5)

how to survive your murder - danielle valentine (4.5/5)

arsene lupin, the gentleman-thief - maurice leblanc (3.5/5)

sad cypress - agatha christie (5/5)

northanger abbey - jane austen (5/5) (rr)

the return of sherlock holmes - arthur conan doyle (4/5)

phantom of the opera - gaston leroux (5/5)

persuasion - jane austen (5/5) (rr)

one, two, buckle my shoe - agatha christie (5/5)

the suicide house - charlie donlea (5/5)

endless night - agatha christie (5/5)

life and limb - jamie andrew (3.5/5)

final offer (dreamland billionares #3) - lauren asher (3.5/5)

the valley of fear - arthur conan doyle (4/5)

capitalismo pandemico - ricardo antunes (4/5)

one of us is back (one of us #3) - karen mcmanus (4/5)

cecília vargas em incêndio na casa-grande (cecília vargas #1) - kézia garcia (5/5)

cecília vargas em um ladrão ä solta em itapainema (cecília vargas #2) - kézia garcia (5/5)

emma - jane austen (5/5) (rr)

evil under the sun - agatha christie (3.5/5)

uma oração de amor - lyta racielly (4.75/5)

minha verdade - kell carvalho (4.75/5)

il nome della rosa - umberto eco (3/5)

more adventures of sherlock holmes - arthur conan doyle (4/5)

opal (the raven cycle #4.5) - maggie stiefvader (4/5)

sense and sensibility - jane austen (4.5/5) (rr)

do deserto ao jardim (guia-me #1) - aline moretho (4.5/5)

a classe trabalhadora: de marx ao nosso tempo - marcelo badaró mattos (5/5) (academic)

o monstro dançante (baile dos corvos #1) - gabrielli casseta (5/5)

o monstro aventureiro (baile dos corvos #3) - gabrielli casseta (5/5)

um clichê de verão - lyta racielly (4/5)

hercule poirot's christmas - agatha christie (4.75/5)

o monstro rockstar (baile dos corvos #3) - gabrielli casseta (5/5)

the german ideology - friedich engels; karl marx (3.75/5)

a portland row christmas (lockwood & co #4.5) - jonathan stroud (5/5)

litte women (volume #1) - louisa may alcott (4/5)

m or n? - agatha christie (4/5)

estuda comigo? (c(o)stomizei! #1) - sâmella bridges (4/5)

conta comigo (c(o)stomizei! #2) - sâmella bridges (4/5)

[mulimaimobiliaria]

For Sale: 3-Bedroom Apartment at Toprak Residence, Polana, Maputo

A 3-bedroom apartment is available for sale at Toprak Residence Condominium, featuring the following: - Ocean view - 3 Bedrooms - 2 Suites - 2 Shared bathrooms - Spacious living room - American kitchen - Balcony - Swimming pool - Gym - Air conditioning - Private parking - 24/7 security Sale Price: $370,000 USD Location: Av. Julius Nyerere, Polana Cimento "A" neighborhood, 50m from Av. Frederich Engels, Miradouro. Read the full article

[soc438fgm2023]

GLOSSARY

Villani, Michela. 2018. “The need for clitoral reconstruction: Engaged bodies and committed medicine.” Pp. 110-20 in Body, Migration, Re-constructive Surgeries: Making the Gendered Body in a Globalized World, edited by G. Griffin and M. Jordal. New York, NY: Routledge

Bayoumi, Rasha R. et al. “ The impact of pharaonic female genital mutilation on sexuality: Two cases from Sudan highlighting the need for widespread dissemination of sexual and reproductive health education in Africa.” African Journal of Reproductive Health, 26(1), 110–114.

Engels, Frederich. 1884. Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State. Hottingen-Zurich, Switzerland.

Johansen, R. Elise B. “Resistence to reconstruction: The cultural weight of virginity, virility, and male sexual pleasure.” Pp. 78-92 in Body, Migration, Re-constructive Surgeries: Making the Gendered Body in a Globalized World, edited by G. Griffin and M. Jordal. New York, NY: Routledge

Matanda, Dennis J. et al. 2022. “Plurality of beliefs about female genital mutilation amidst decades of intervention programming in Narok and Kisii Counties, Kenya.” Culture, Health & Sexuality 24(6):750-66

Stew, Tabi. 2019. “IS THE TABOO OF FEMALE SEXUALITY THE SOLE CONTINUATION OF FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION IN EGYPT?” al-Afkar, Journal for Islamic Studies 4(1):147-70

[tsupertsundere]

"The working men's Paris, in the act of its heroic self-holocaust, involved in its flames buildings and monuments. While tearing to pieces the living body of the proletariat, its rules must no longer expect to return triumphantly into the intact architecture of their abodes. The government of Versailles cries, "Incendiarism!" and whispers this cue to all its agents, down to the remotest hamlet, to hunt up its enemies everywhere as suspect of professional incendiarism. The bourgeoisie of the whole world, which looks complacently upon the wholesale massacre after the battle, is convulsed by horror at the desecration of brick and mortar!

When governments give state licenses to their navies to "kill, burn, and destroy", is that license for incendiarism? When the British troops wantonly set fire to the Capitol at Washington and to the summer palace of the Chinese Emperor, was that incendiarism? When the Prussians not for military reasons, but out of the mere spite of revenge, burned down, by the help of petroleum, towns like Chateaudun and innumerable villages, was that incendiarism? When Thiers, during six weeks, bombarded Paris, under the pretext that he wanted to set fire to those houses only in which there were people, was that incendiarism? In war, fire is an arm as legitimate as any. Buildings held by the enemy are shelled to set them on fire. If their defenders have to retire, they themselves light the flames to prevent the attack from making use of the buildings. To be burned down has always been the inevitable fate of all buildings situated in the front of battle of all the regular armies of the world.

But in the war of the enslaved against their enslavers, the only justifiable war in history, this is by no means to hold good! The Commune used fire strictly as a means of defense. They used it to stop up to the Versailles troops those long, straight avenues which Haussman had expressly opened to artillery-fire; they used it to cover their retreat, in the same way as the Versailles, in their advance, used their shells which destroyed at least as many buildings as the fire of the Commune. It is a matter of dispute, even now, which buildings were set fire to by the defense, and which by the attack. And the defense resorted to fire only then when the Versailles troops had already commenced their wholesale murdering of prisoners.

Besides, the Commune had, long before, given full public notice that if driven to extremities, they would bury themselves under the ruins of Paris, and make Paris a second Moscow, as the Government of National Defense, but only as a cloak for its treason, had promised to do. For this purpose Trochu had found them the petroleum. The Commune knew that its opponents cared nothing for the lives of the Paris people, but cared much for their own Paris buildings. And Theirs, on the other hand, had given them notice that he would be implacable in his vengeance. No sooner had he got his army ready on one side, and the Prussians setting the trap on the other, than he proclaimed: "I shall be pitiless! The expiation will be complete, and justice will be stern!" If the acts of the Paris working men were vandalism, it was the vandalism of defense in despair, not the vandalism of triumph, like that which the Christians perpetrated upon the really priceless art treasures of heathen antiquity; and even that vandalism has been justified by the historian as an unavoidable and comparatively trifling concomitant to the titanic struggle between a new society arising and an old one breaking down. It was still less the vandalism of Haussman, razing historic Paris to make place for the Paris of the sightseer!"

--- Karl Marx and Frederich Engels, the Civil War in France, sourced from Writings on the Paris Commune, pgs 64-66

[a-tale-never-told]

In addition to not knowing much about real-world politics or economics, Karl Marx (the writer of the Communist Manifesto) had another problem: he was a huge anti-Semite. In addition to the manifesto, Marx also wrote an essay called "On the Jewish Question", where he expressed his belief that Jewish religion is based on self-interest, hucksterism, greed, and money. While Marx never went as far as to want Jews dead, he did want their culture erased, seeing Judaism as an obstacle to a better world.

Great, so not only was he was a commie bastard, but he was also a bigot toward Jews, good grief. And just when I thought Marx couldn't get any worse than he was.

Also, I know that he wrote that manifesto along with co-writer Frederich Engels. Trust me, it reads like the words of a madman, and I mean that.

[samdelpapa]

Il 2026/2027 sarà l'ultimo test intelligenza dei popoli.. se la fame si farà sentire

Frederich Engels diceva :

L'uomo è ciò che mangia

.....da aggiungere

[miguelmoz-blog1]

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[thatdiabolicalfeminist]

Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this infamous proposal of the Communists. On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based? On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed form this family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of things finds its complement in the practical absence of the family among the proletarians, and in public prostitution. The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital. Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by their parents? To this crime we plead guilty. But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when we replace home education by social. And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention, direct or indirect, of society, by means of schools, etc.? The Communists have not invented the intervention of society in education; they do but seek to alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of the ruling class. The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about the hallowed co-relation of parent and child, becomes all the more disgusting, the more, by the action of Modern Industry, all family ties among the proletarians are torn asunder, and their children transformed into simple articles of commerce and instruments of labour. But you Communists would introduce community of women*, screams the whole bourgeoisie in chorus. The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women. He has not even a suspicion that the real point is to do away with the status of women as mere instruments of production.

-The Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx and Frederich Engels

*meaning, women held as common property

[thoughtportal]

Interestingly, what neither King nor Dubois remarked on is the fact that Hegel was likely himself inspired by black revolutionaries. The Haitian Revolution, argues scholar Susan Buck-Morss, gave Hegel the impetus for his analysis of power and his “metaphor of the ‘struggle to death’ between the master and slave, which for Hegel provided the key to the unfolding of freedom in world history.” While Hegel's thought is a philosophical thread that winds through the work of radical thinkers throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, his own philosophy may not have taken the direction it did without the revolutionary struggles against oppression waged by former slaves in the New World centuries before King led his nonviolent war on the oppressive system of segregation in the United States.

[ecosocialization]

The Marx Engels Lenin Institute is, first and foremost, an educational institution committed to Marxism-Leninism and its contemporary application. We must make special emphasis on that word educational.

Our current objective lies in educating students in the science of Marxism-Leninism and arming them with the theoretical knowledge to begin operating cadres in their localities in the hopes of forming a future mass party. But we have so far neglected to give the proper attention, at least in writing, to the central question of the nature of the education we propose. We have not looked at the question, namely, of pedagogy.

It is always a positive thing to give context to our writings. No matter how inconsequential it may seem to share context, especially that from times of relatively low activity, it is with context that we best understand a text and avoid (or prevent) anyone from making hasty, broad generalizations about a complex problem when we only intended to write on a very particular question.

It is this view that compels us to make the state of the MELI at the current time clear, although by no means do we need or intend to make any thorough exploration: We have operated for a relatively short amount of time and thus have not gained vital experience needed for the full blossoming of our organization and to become closer to our ultimate goal. We have taught less than one semester of classes, not to lessen the significance of this first step in itself (in fact, those who are already teaching classes deserve recognition). We have not reached many students; we offer only a few classes. In short, we are still in the infancy of our organization. These are, of course, the simple facts of the thing.

With this basic background, though, we can pass back to the question of pedagogy with clearer intentions; that is, to the fact that we are not writing of pedagogy in general or educational theory in the broader sense but rather, that we are writing of pedagogy as it relates to our current situation and objectives as they are. We are writing, then, of a tactical pedagogy.

[cemetery-walks]

the difference between tabby and ancom is that tabby actually reads theory and she will not stop quoting hegel

(which is why shes cooler)