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nicklloydnow · 11 months

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“Boebert’s bellicosity reflects a deep strand of the modern congressional Republican self-image, stamped on the party three decades ago by then-Speaker Newt Gingrich. Gingrich brought House Republicans out of 40 years in the political wilderness and into the majority, and he did it by being a prophetic champion of confrontation. From his first congressional race in 1974 all the way through the end of his speakership in 1998, Gingrich was motivated by the belief that confrontation had the power to rescue Americans from their corrupted politics. There was an art, a choreography to this sort of redemptive combativeness, Gingrich thought: “When you give them confrontations, you get attention; when you get attention, you can educate.” If they could make their case to the American people, Republicans could stop taking breadcrumbs from the Democrats’ table and take over the banquet hall themselves—and run it better.

The GOP’s return to the majority came after the 1994 midterms. By now, Gingrich’s catechism of confrontation has become an embedded tradition among House Republicans. But as it has been passed down, it has become hollowed out and fetishized. Gingrich’s clashes were in service of a party and a positive program. His descendants often seem to want confrontation for its own sake, even as it is ripping their party asunder and pushing policy away from their preferences. If House Republicans want to find their way back to being a functional party—and that is not a given—they will have to master their urge to fight.

(…)

Jordan is the walking embodiment of conflict-mindedness. First elected to the House in 2006, just as Republicans returned to the minority, he made a name for himself as a critic of government spending and bailouts (not sparing President George W. Bush from his ire), pushing pro-life ideas and hammering several of Barack Obama’s Cabinet members. Jordan’s conception of a lawmaker’s role has never laid much emphasis on making laws. He relishes representation for its own sake; in 2011, he explained why he planned to remain in the House rather than challenge Sherrod Brown for a spot in the Senate: “I like that you are here to fight for things you told the voters you are going to fight for.” For Jordan, an accomplished wrestler as a young man, that means waging a relentless rhetorical struggle against the powers that be. The negative is far more important than the positive.

After the Republicans’ midterm wave in 2010, Jordan’s relentlessness helped get him elected as head of the Republican Study Committee, traditionally a bastion of conservatism in the House. Before long, however, Jordan and many of the most combative members of the GOP conference came to feel that the RSC was no longer conservative enough; specifically, it was too large to provide the cohesiveness needed to take a hard line in negotiations with Republican legislative leaders looking to compromise. To play that role, Jordan and like-minded colleagues including Mark Meadows, Mick Mulvaney, and Ron DeSantis founded the House Freedom Caucus (HFC) after the 2014 midterms. When Speaker John Boehner proved too willing to come to terms with Obama in September 2015, the HFC hounded him into retirement. (Meanwhile, following Jordan’s departure from the Study Committee, its next head was Scalise, who would go on to parlay that job into a successful run for minority whip after Majority Leader Eric Cantor was unexpectedly defeated by an outsider primary challenge in 2014.)

The HFC also learned to harmonize with Donald Trump, the outsider critic of the establishment then taking its party by storm. The legislators’ initial relationship with Trump was tense, because many preferred Senator Ted Cruz and suspected Trump of being a squish. But as the sharp-elbowed New Yorker gained momentum, HFC members switched horses with real agility. Trump rewarded them by making Mulvaney the head of the powerful Office of Management and Budget. The peak of HFC cooperativeness came in pursuit of tax reform in the fall of 2017.

(…)

When House Republicans have been in the minority, keeping their factions aligned has been a manageable task. All can turn their aggressive energies against Democrats, and those with more inclination toward cutting deals to keep government working can sign onto bipartisan agreements crafted by Democratic leaders. Activists may denounce these members as RINOs—Republicans in Name Only—but among members these tensions are manageable.

When Republicans have held the House majority in the post–Tea Party era, however, the tension between the confrontation-minded and the establishment has been radioactive—containable for a time, but ultimately giving rise to fissures. Leading the Republican House is a truly nightmarish job. Boehner lasted nearly five years, which now seems remarkable. Paul Ryan lasted three; Kevin McCarthy, just 270 days. As someone joked, the half-life of Republican Speakers may soon be measured in hours.

Gingrich’s own speakership gave foreshadowings of this revolution-eating-its-own-children dynamic. His conference in 1995, which included 73 mostly very enthusiastic freshmen, fed on his promises of transforming the federal government through dramatic showdowns. As they teed up an incredibly broad and ambitious slate of bills, Republican legislators sometimes talked as if the American people had elected Gingrich prime minister, with Bill Clinton’s presence in the White House regarded as a sort of unfortunate hitch caused by Ross Perot’s 1992 run. Republicans, and their speaker, soon learned how little Congress resembles a Westminster Parliament, though. They frequently misjudged what House Republicans were willing to vote for and were even more mystified by their Senate counterparts, who had not gotten the memo about the need for a thoroughgoing revolution. They poured much of their energy into a series of skirmishes over federal spending, expecting Congress’s power of the purse to carry the day. Clinton frustrated their ambitions at every turn, vetoing bills but still blaming two successive government shutdowns on congressional Republicans. The prophet of confrontations ironically ended up playing the role of conciliator, begging his own members to accept less than half a loaf in return for reopening the government.

Gingrich had taken his career-long pitch against the corrupt Washington establishment and transformed it into an agenda for cutting government. He had forced that transformation onto the congressional agenda and managed to push it through the House. But he showed little ability to bring along all the factions within his own party, let alone the Democratic president. His battles with the president gave him ample opportunity to “educate” the American people, but he lacked realistic endgame strategies for dealing with those who remained unpersuaded. His post-shutdown speakership saw him seek out more performative kinds of fights, including a bad bet on impeaching Clinton, while simultaneously securing some important policy victories that fell well short of his promise to roll back the Great Society.

Would Jordan, or one of his HFC colleagues, follow Gingrich’s trajectory if they ended up with the speakership? It is possible, but whereas Gingrich had an infectious vision of what America ought to be about and was bursting with ideas about how to fix up the government, his successors seem dour and unimaginative in their pugnacity. And whereas Gingrich was a committed Republican team builder, the HFC was in some sense created out of a sense that Republicans needed more internal strife. For Jordan, confrontation seems to be its own reward, and “small government” seems to be a slogan as much as a goal to be realized. The HFC’s strategy of intransigent resistance to compromise tends to move ultimate policy outcomes to the left by forcing other Republicans to seek terms with Democrats, most analysts agree. Speaker Gingrich would not have approved—and Gingrich as elder statesman has been unsparing in his criticism of the HFC’s tactics and unwillingness to rally behind McCarthy.

There remains, nevertheless, a grain of truth in the HFC’s blanket criticism of the establishment. A remarkable portion of legislation that has emerged from Congress in the 21st century has been the result of deals cut by leaders of both parties, with committees and rank-and-file membership both relegated to acting as eleventh-hour ratifiers rather than real collaborators in the legislative process. Allowing more disputes to play out in the political arena, as Representative Matt Gaetz called for when he led the charge against McCarthy, would indeed be healthy for our democracy. But if that path is to ever favor conservatives, they will need to change their approach to conflict. They need to realize that, rather than just “educating” the public and hoping to sweep all opposition before them, to make the most of their roles as legislators they must turn their sights to their fellow representatives. Confrontation must be in service of persuasion, and win-win conciliation must be an ever-present possibility.

The deep logic of Congress and its place in our constitutional system ought to call Republican lawmakers in this direction. All the drama in 2023 could represent a first step down the path. But the road ahead is long.”

“However, in the current narrow House Republican Majority, winning in the conference is only the beginning. You must acquire enough votes to win on the floor of the House as well. Since there are vacancies, it currently takes 217 votes to win the speakership on the floor.

Thus, 217 becomes the key number. If you have 217 or more, you are third in line to be President of the United States – and the only legislative officer named in the U.S. Constitution.

If you have fewer than 217 votes, you have nothing.

(…)

While Scalise defeated Jordan 113 to 99, consider that Kevin McCarthy initially defeated Congressman Andy Biggs by 188 to 31. It is also useful to remember that when the eight betrayers joined with the Democrats to fire Speaker McCarthy, he still held 96 percent of the House GOP conference. There were 24 Republican votes for McCarthy for each member of the destructive anti-McCarthy cabal.

(…)

McCarthy’s 15-ballot endurance run was far from the record. In 1856, it took two months and 133 ballots to finally pick a speaker.

Of course, in the 1850s, the political system was in chaos. The fight between slavery and abolition was tearing the traditional parties apart. The Whigs were collapsing under the weight of the slavery issue (President Abraham Lincoln had spent his entire political career as a Whig until the emerging Republican Party became a more effective vehicle for his values and ambition.) There was a brief flourish of a Know Nothing Party, which opposed immigrants and African Americans. It rose and fell with great rapidity. The dominant Democrat Party split into a Northern wing opposed to the expansion of slavery – but not in favor of abolition – and a Southern wing deeply devoted to sustaining and protecting slavery as an institution and way of life.

It was in the context of this political turmoil that the decaying political parties found it impossible to impose discipline. In the middle of the tension and anger, they found it hard to find an acceptable speaker. Nathaniel Banks, a Democrat-turned-Republican because of his abolitionist views, finally won after an exhausting bruising two-month battle.

Given the pressures of television, social media, the wars in Israel and Ukraine, we are unlikely to have a marathon on the scale of 1856. But we may be facing a process that could run longer than the January McCarthy saga.

(…)

There are huge differences in the makeup of American congressional districts. Deeply conservative members tend to come from Republican districts in which their bases want conflict, attacks against the left, and an all-out fight to control spending and the border. They also demand the impeachment of President Joe Biden. These members have no electoral incentive to move to the center or compromise.

However, there are 18 members who come from districts Joe Biden carried in 2020, and another 30 or so members who psychologically reflect a more moderate approach. These members find themselves under the exact opposite pressure than their more conservative colleagues. The people they were elected to represent want bipartisanship, pragmatism, and problem-solving.

This is the cause of the chaos you are seeing in the U.S. House. The vast difference in electoral pressures makes it extraordinarily challenging to bring together a majority coalition.

There is also an enormous shift underway in public opinion and party identification. The Democrat Party’s dramatic shift to a deeply leftwing, pro-transsexual, anti-white, and anti-Semitic ideology is a driving factor. The participation of “the squad” in pro-Hamas rallies is a symptom of this new pro-Palestinian, anti-Israel bias. The fact that 12 Democrat state legislators walked out of the North Carolina State House in protest of a resolution pledging support to Israel is another example.

As the national Democrats have grown more radical, their more moderate state and local members, such as the African American mayor of Dallas, Texas, have begun switching to the Republican Party.

The GOP is becoming the party of working Americans of all ethnic backgrounds. The Democrats have become the party of highly educated elites. This is an almost complete reversal of the governing coalition President Franklin Delano Roosevelt put together in the 1930s.

As President Donald Trump has emerged as the anti-left champion of working Americans, the old pre-Ronald Reagan Republicans have recoiled in horror. The tension between the always Trump and never Trump wings of the party is one of the tensions making it hard to have a stable speakership.

Finally, when you only have a five-seat majority, it only takes a handful of angry, media savvy, internet focused mavericks to make governing almost impossible. If you are willing to be noisy, combative, self-righteous, and attention-seeking enough, you can raise a lot of money from people across the country who hate the current Washington establishment and just want to have champions who fight. This puts a premium for some members on fighting and disrupting rather than building and achieving.

With Majority Leader Scalise’s departure, the potential speaker has a big mountain to climb to find 217 votes.

If no one can, all bets are off – and I have no idea who can put the GOP back together.”

#gingrich #newt gingrich #speaker of the house #congress #house of representatives #kevin mccarthy #jim jordan #gop #republican party #house freedom caucus #trump

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faithsxoxo · 6 months

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pairing :: chloe price x reader note :: band au, you’re chloe’s manager and she’s the drummer ;) warnings :: very very implied nsfw

Chloe whips her head towards the door as it slams open. You stand the doorway, absolutely fuming.

“What were you thinking?” You exclaim, storming towards her.

“Careful, if you glare any harder you might pop a blood vessel,” Chloe leans back in her chair, absentmindedly chewing on the straw of her drink. She barely glances at you before returning to her phone.

“Listen,” you begin, already losing your patience, “I don’t care what you do in your spare time. That’s not my job. However, when your reputation is involved, that makes it my problem.” Chloe rolls her eyes.

“I went out and screwed a couple girls, so what? My ‘reputation’ shouldn’t matter to true fans,” She punctuates her sentence by kicking her legs up onto the table.

“Maybe this never occurred to you, but you’re not the only person in the world Chloe Price,” You spit. “Your public appearance may not matter to you, but being caught in scandals affects all of the band. I’m not doing this for you, I’m doing this for them.”

Chloe’s face crumples for a moment, but she recovers so quickly you almost think you imagined it. “Whatever,” She grumbles, turning away from you. “I get the point, you can fuck off now.” With a sigh, you turn around and walk out. You feel a pang of guilt, before washing it away. It’s not your fault she’s a raging cunt.

•

“7 minutes, going on in 7 minutes,” The headset crackles into your ears. You push into the dressing room where the three girls await you. Chloe is holed up in the corner, headphones leaking her punk rock playlist. Steph sits at the vanities brushing on finishing touches to her colorful face.

“You all ready?” You call, stepping over heaps of discarded clothes and accessories. “Just about,” Steph calls.

“6 minutes, 6 minutes all,” the radio calls again.

“I hate that thing,” Rachel grumbles, pacing the length of the room.

“Jesus, cool it Rach. You’re making me nervous,” Steph turns to face her.

“10,000 people in a stadium. To see our stupid fucking band,” Rachel sighs. “How am I supposed to cool it?”

“It’s really not a big deal, you’ve done this before,” you reassure, patting her arm lightly.

“5 minutes folks, 5 minutes on the clock. Can the band please meet behind the curtains, I repeat can the band join us on the stage,” The radio calls.

Rachel swears. Steph steps to her and wraps her arm around her shoulder.

“Come on Rach, no biggie. Just pretend they’re not there.”

She sighs.

“Alright. Let’s go.”

•

You stand slightly off stage, watching the scene unfold. Thousands of roaring fans carrying signs and lights filled the stadium, all of them reaching for the trio.

Cash Register Fire.

The band that you had put your heart and soul into getting signed. They deserved it, putting hundreds of hours of time into their music. You remember the first days of being with them, hanging out in their studio apartment. You sighed softly, recalling the sweet memories.

•

Laughter fills the room.

“Oh fuck-,” Chloe cries out as her cymbal crashes to the floor. You clap, leaning against the back wall.

“Very convincing. The records will love seeing this,” You giggle, shaking your head.

“Get used to it,” Chloe smirks, throwing her arm around you. “It’s part of the brand.”

“Chloe, don’t scare her off yet,” Rachel groans. “Nahhh,” Steph calls. “She’s already used to our bullshit.”

“Chloe’s bullshit,” Rachel corrects.

Chloe steps away from you, and you almost want to lean back into her.

“Shut the fuck up,” Chloe rolls her eyes.

•

Huh. You furrow your brows, pondering the moment. What had changed between you and Chloe? You crane your neck to see her on stage. Blue hair, tattoos, piercings, Chloe’s the definition of punk rock. Your cheeks flush. She looks incredible in that tank top. You catch yourself, shaking your head and stepping back. No. You cannot be thinking this about Chloe fucking Price. You turn around and walk away before you can think anything worse.

•

Finally, the show closes and the trio step backstage. “Holy shit you guys, you did amazing,” You exclaim, feeling prouder than ever. “You think?” Rachel sighs. “My voice cracked like 3 times.”

“Shut the hell up,” Chloe moans, punching Rachel in the shoulder. “You sang great and you know it.”

“Yeah, whatever,” Rachel rolls her eyes and pulls away. “Cmon, I’m fucking starving.”

As she pulls Steph away, you grab Chloe gently. “Er- nice work tonight,” you mumble, awkwardly. “Your drumming is… cool.”

“Cool drums. Uh- thanks for the feedback.” She runs her fingers through her hair. You nod slowly, avoiding eye contact.

“Listen- uh. You wanna ditch?” Chloe suggests quickly.

“…What?”

“Ditch. Y’know, go somewhere. Celebratory dinner or whatever,” She says.

“Oh. I mean, don’t you want to do that with the rest of the band?” You ask.

She shoves her hands in her pockets, embarrassed. “You don’t have to come if you don’t want to,” She shakes her head. “It was a stupid idea anyway.”

“No! No, not at all,” You’re quick to respond. “I would love to go get something to eat.”

Her eyes widen, before falling back into her mock-annoyed expression.

“Yeah- I mean, yeah, I knew you were gonna say that. Okay, um, dinner.” Chloe grins slightly. “I know a place.”

•

You and Chloe pull up to a small diner on the edge of town. “Two whales,” You murmur.

“My mom owns the place,” Chloe explains. “But, uh, if you want to go somewhere else we can.”

You shake your head quickly. “No, this sounds nice. I’ve never been out here before,” You smile gently.

You both head inside and situate yourself in a booth.

“So.. not that i’m opposed to this, but what’s with the sudden change in attitude?” You question, smirking slightly.

“I don’t know what you’re talking about,” Chloe grumbles, turning away.

“Oh? What, are you trying to rope me into a new scandal of yours?”

Chloe narrows her eyes.

“Again, my reputation isn’t your business. Just stop worrying about me,” She growls, crossing her arms and turning away.

“You mean doing my job?” You roll your eyes. “I’m not having this conservation with you again.”

“Then fucking don’t!” Chloe exclaims. “Can’t you fucking leave me alone?”

You slide out of the booth and glare at her.

“Fine, maybe I fucking will.” You grit, before storming out of the diner.

•

You sigh, burying your head in your arms. You had been working with CRF’s marketing team all morning trying to cover up Chloe’s newest ‘business’. After you had left her the previous night she had been spotted completely wasted in the closest bar. You almost felt bad. A knock on your office door makes you perk up. “Hey. How’s my favorite manager?” Rachel smiles softly.

“Ugh.” You groan, covering your face with your hands.

“Yeah, I know. But, listen, Chloe is.. not doing too well right now,” She informs.

“Okay? Can’t you handle that?” You grumble. She winces slightly.

“She locked herself in her room and won’t come out. We were hoping that she might let you in.”

“Why the hell would she let me in?” You question.

“Didn’t you use to be close? I know it’s a bit of a rough patch right now, but she might appreciate you trying,” Rachel replies with a nervous grin.

“I’ve been fucking trying. That’s all I do,” You shake your head in annoyance.

“Whatever. I’ll go see what she needs.”

•

“Chloe,” You bark, banging on her door. “Let me in.”

“What the fuck do you want?” She shouts, voice muffled from burying her face in her pillow.

“I want to know why you’re moping around. You’ve got everything you could possibly want, what more?” You fume.

Chloe pulls open the door with a huff.

“I do not have everything I want,” She growls.

“So what, you’re privileged enough to have most of it,” You cross your arms and narrow your eyes. “What else could you possibly want?”

Her gaze softens for just a moment, before returning to her glare.

“Something I can’t have,” She whispers.

“And what could that possibly be?” You roll your eyes.

Chloe suddenly grabs your arm and pulls you closer.

“Are you that fucking dense? Do I really need to spell it out to you?”

You gasp softly.

“Chloe..” You murmur.

Before you know it, her lips are on yours. You let yourself melt under her touch, wrapping your arms around her neck.

“Fuck,” She mumbles against your lips. “You don’t know how long I’ve wanted to do that.”

“Maybe I don’t know,” You whisper, “But you can show me.”

She smirks and pulls you into her room, locking the door.

“Yeah, I’ll show you.”

#chloe price x reader #life is strange #life is strange x reader #chloe price #steph gingrich #rachel amber #life is strange fanfiction #faithsxoxo

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