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[thaisibir]

Be Kind To Yourself (2) - Wanda-centric Infinity War alt ending

Chapter 2/6: Numb Fandom: Avengers Characters: mainly [Wanda, Vision], T’Challa, Shuri, IW cast Genre: Hurt/Comfort, Angst

Wanda’s remarkable feat against Thanos leaves her with crushed arms and stroke-like symptoms. She feels unworthy of the gratitude and medical care from Wakanda, because what hurts her the most, still, was guilt. Always the guilt.

You can also find & read it here.

Ch. 2 below, Ch. 1, Ch. 3, Ch. 4, Ch. 5

Be Kind To Yourself (2) Numb

Something pressed against Wanda's back, arms and legs. It pricked at the back of her scalp. It stabbed through her hands as she pushed herself up with a groan. She looked down. Savannah grass. She looked up. Shades of blue, purple, and pink slowly bobbed and glowed in the night sky above. Where was she? Still in Wakanda? Or dead? It was quiet...too quiet. Her breaths, the only sounds she heard, were uncomfortably loud. Wanda looked around, but besides the thin acacia trees, she saw no one else, nothing else. Not even signs of the great battle she swore she thought had raged here.

Something rustled in the treetops, and her blood ran cold. Odd shapes huddled and perched on the branches. Even as they were shrouded in shadow, the stench of their scorched flesh made her shudder. Their eyes, white, wide, and unblinking, fixed on her like spotlights. Eleven people. Eleven Wakandans. A man pointed a skeletal finger at her.

"You," he groaned. "You murderer."

Wanda took several steps back. "No, I didn't mean to. I'm so sorry. I-"

"You will burn," a woman hissed. "Like the rest of us."

Wanda turned tail and bolted, but the dead were somehow faster, turning into panthers as they pounced on her. She fell hard onto the ground. Claws dug into her back. Savannah grass shot up like pins into her nose and eyes, then her mouth as she screamed. Her pleas and apologies went unheard, as they had many times before. She tried to hold back the wrathful cats with her hands, but they were limp and useless. The dead Wakandans snarled, pulling back lips to bare fangs, and tore into her flesh. Their bites burned; soon her whole body was set on fire and agony.

"Vis," she cried out.

But he wouldn't hear her. He wouldn't come to her rescue. He was gone. She had killed him, just as she had killed these Wakandans tearing her apart. They ripped into her belly in a frenzy, their teeth and claws sending lances of pain deep into her. Despair washed over her fear, and Wanda stopped struggling. Maybe that was the right thing to do. She deserved to be punished for her crime. The grass and trees were ablaze now. The fire climbed and roared so high that she no longer saw the sky. She must be dead after all, where the eleven Wakandans could finally exact their revenge. Where her mother, father, Pietro, and Vision were nowhere to be found. They were in a better place. She was in hell.

Her shredded stomach hurt the most. Wanda shut her eyes so tightly that she saw white stars, but the pain became too much and her eyes flew open. The inferno was gone. Instead she saw overhead lights and flickering holograms. To her right, Shuri stiffened in shock. Wanda's head throbbed, and most of all her stomach felt horrible. It twisted and lurched, made her jerk her head to one side and vomit.

Shuri acted quickly, recovering from her surprise and grabbed a basin to catch most of the mess. She leaned in close to tell Wanda something. The princess had to be speaking Wakandan. Wanda couldn't understand a word out of her mouth. Steve ran over to Shuri's side and he was next to talk, but all Wanda could understand was the concern on his face. His lips moved, but she couldn't understand him, either.

More people quickly crowded into her vision. Natasha, Thor, Bruce, Sam...Everyone spoke the same gibberish.

Panic made her heart race. She wanted to move. Why couldn't she? Some kind of stretched weight restrained her to the bed. She couldn't even feel or flex her fingers. What was going on?

Shuri gestured to a nurse, who injected something into Wanda's neck. It stung, and soon her world faded to black once more.

Wanda heard her name. Again, and again. Her eyes fluttered open. The faces of her friends and comrades hovered over her, sharpening the more she blinked. This time she heard them properly. Things made more sense now. She didn't know what to say in return.

"Miss Maximoff?" Shuri called.

"You Highness?" she rasped.

The princess blew a sigh of relief. "Thanks be to Bast, she understands."

"What happened?" Wanda mumbled.

Uncomfortable glances were passed around, and all were ultimately aimed at Shuri. She drew in a deep breath then explained, slowly and gently: "Thanos is defeated. What you did to make that possible was astounding. But your wounds...the wounds you've sustained are very serious. Both of your arms are broken with open fractures throughout. You also had a hemorrhagic stroke."

That left Wanda dumbfounded. "I...what?"

"The first time you woke up, I believe you had a period of aphasia. You could not understand what any of us were saying. You also vomited blood, if you remember. Well, vomit streaked with blood, to be exact. Not good, of course, but better than worse. It's likely from the nosebleed that collected in the back of your throat. If you were really vomiting blood, then we'd worry about a hole in your stomach, or something like that. We put you to sleep again so we could do more extensive operations on your arms and administer more clot busters to repair the damage to your brain." Shuri quickly scanned the floating chart of vitals and gave Wanda a smile. "The first round of medicine was successful, I think. Now that you're awake and you can hear me, I'd like to do an NIH scale."

"A what?"

"To check for neurological deficits. Relax, you don't have to do a thing." Shuri turned the bed into a recliner with a keystroke. Wanda had no choice but to lie still, since she was still restrained. "I apologize for binding your arms," the princess went on. "but it's for your own safety. They must stay still so the fractures can heal." She stepped away from the bedside to stand directly across from Wanda. "The questions I'll ask will seem strange, but just follow along, all right?"

"Okay." Wanda suddenly felt self-conscious, with so many people studying her intensely.

Shuri ordered the young Avenger to stick out her tongue, wiggle it side to side, raise her eyebrows as if she was surprised, scrunch them as if she was mad.

Shuri then stroked Wanda's face from temple to chin. "Can you feel me touching both sides?"

"My left…I can't feel my left cheek."

Worry crossed Shuri's face. "Smile as wide as you can."

Wanda tried to comply, but her smile came out crooked, the right corner of her lips pushing up her cheekbones while the other corner did not even twitch. Her heart raced as she started to panic again. "Your highness, what's wrong with me?"

"The scale results could be worse, but they're still somewhat high. You have left-sided deficit. That facial droop's the most telling sign."

"Is the damage permanent?" T'Challa asked his sister. "Is there anything we can do?"

"We'll give her more blood-thinners. Fortunately her aphasia went away, so there's hope that we can fix this, too." Wanda saw Shuri reach out to put a hand on her shoulder, but couldn't feel it. "We pumped in a lot of sedatives and painkillers. You must feel sick. Would you like something for nausea?"

Wanda remembered how badly her stomach had churned. "Yes, please."

Wakandan technology made it possible to have access to anything in short order, including some things as simple as pills and a cup of water. Shuri helped Wanda take the pills by mouth.

"Let them dissolve under your tongue. You'll feel better soon." Shuri stepped away from the bed. "Excuse me, there are other pressing matters I must see to."

"Vision," Wanda blurted out, but only to stop Shuri in her tracks and make her stay around for a bit longer. "I'm sorry...Vision...is he...? Did you...?" Her heart sank as Shuri bit on her bottom lip and couldn't meet her eyes.

"I was unable to complete the process," the princess replied. "I will work with what I have saved. But, Miss Maximoff...I can't guarantee..."

A lump grew in Wanda's throat and she fought to swallow it down. She felt foolish for clinging on to a shred of hope. All she could say was, "Thank you for trying."

Shuri left the room on that regretful note and the Avengers remained, but suddenly Wanda didn't want them around any more.

"I'd like to be alone," she whispered. "Please."

Steve opened his mouth to say something, and stepped forward as if to try comforting her, but met her wet eyes, thought twice and gently ushered the others out. T'Challa made the same gestures to his subjects. Once in complete solitude, Wanda let the tears fall. Grief and shame welled in her like a sickening wave, despite the pills she just took. She didn't want her friends to see how pathetic she looked when she couldn't even lift her hands to hide her tears or wipe them away.

Wanda watched from the window to her right how the sun set in Wakanda, how its warm light bathed the plains and made patterns dance on the glass, but its famous beauty was lost on her. Night would come soon and she felt sick and exhausted, but she feared going back to sleep again. The dead would come back to haunt her. She had been prickling with discomfort ever since she set foot in Wakanda, and Vision knew the reason better than anyone else. She couldn't shake off the guilt. What right did she have to be here, when the eleven Wakandans who died in Nigeria never made it home alive?

The dead frequented her dreams, twisted them into nightmares, made her wake up screaming. Vision always used to stay by her side, lying in bed with her though he didn't need the sleep. He would kiss at her tears and whisper comforting words into her ear. He couldn't chase away the nightmares, but at least he would be with her to fight them. Now she was left alone, half of her body numb and broken. She would gladly break her arms again if it meant getting Vision back. She hated Thanos, but what good did it do now to hate the dead?

Most of all, she hated herself.

[toptecharena]

Beyond The Three is a new series on BellaNaija where we celebrate and spotlight every tribe and ethnic group that is NOT Yoruba, Hausa or Igbo. We invite ALL BellaNaijarians to be a part of this initiative.

In the first edition of this series, we were introduced to the Idoma people; this was followed by the Esan people.  Joan introduced us to the Oegorok people and we learned about the Mhiships from Mwanret. Last week, Ma’ade told us about the Bassa people. Today, we’re going down south to discover the Uwano people of the Weppa Wanno kingdom. 

Shout out to Emike who chose to tell the story of her people in a different way! We’re always here for a fresh stylistic approach.

*** Apemah vha mooh! Can words actually do justice to this unique people of Weppa Wanno Kingdom? I doubt much, but read on. I do not bear an English name as my father believes we are not English and he was miffed that his own father did not give him a native name. Imagine a Weppa Wanno man named Okolo. What traditional man does that? My grandfather obviously.

Emike means my heart’s desire, Ebokhasomi -how successful it should be, Omoayena – you live for the child. These are great names, if I dare say so myself.

Weppa Wanno is home to the Uwano people of Etsako East local government area of Edo state. This kingdom is a merger of the Weppa and Wanno clans. It consists of several towns and villages: Ivioghe, Igiode, Iviebua, Agiere, and Ivianokpodi, to name a few. Agenebode serves as the headquarters.

My hometown is Ivioghe and I have been there several times. It really does come alive during the festive periods like Christmas, Easter, burial ceremonies etc. Otherwise it is quiet. My dialect is known as Uwano, and yes I speak it fluently. There is a kind of joy I get when it is spoken. Minority tribes in Nigeria would totally get this. Growing up in Jos, it was quite hard to come across Weppa Wanno people, so my dad made it compulsory to speak the native dialect at home. It was very tough, but it worked so well. Looking back now I am so grateful for the effort he put into making us learn our language. I feel learning how to speak one’s native tongue is a way to preserve the culture.

We have a wide array of foods: Omisagwe (groundnut soup) picture it with a little bitterleaf ,cow tongue, goat meat and other protein assortments, now I feel so hungry and homesick.

Okotikpoi (lumpy egusi soup), any occasion without it is not an occasion at all, it is that serious.

Omi Ukpoka (corn meal soup), Omi Uvhavha, Omi Isamhaguah, Omi Ikpeh, Omi Ese ogbomi (fresh fish soup),Omi Irherhe, Omi Atsanifah and Ugbawenwen.

The soups are eaten with pounded yam, fufu or eba and washed down with palm wine if available. I bet Uwano people reading this would be salivating. I could go on and on about the food, but I do have to showcase other parts of my culture, so let’s continue.

There are so many unique cultures that set Weppa Wanno people apart; hopefully this space can do justice to a fraction of them. A typical Weppa-Wanno woman wears two George wrappers, a blouse and a scarf. The whole outfit is polished off with her Ivie (coral beads)

Ivie

The males wear the George wrapper across their chest. The ruling class comes from Agiere in Weppa and Eggoh/Ivioghe in Wanno.

The traditional head is known as the Okumagbe translated as the “unifier” of Weppa Wanno and rotates around the ruling classes.

The unique and colourful akhe (cooking) is a 2-part ceremony: Akhe ceremony and the Ukweh mhi akhe ceremony. For the first part, females from the land who are married to Weppa-Wanno men are mandated to carry out this ceremony during their lifetime. If she was unable to do it and she passes on, her offspring would be unable to do theirs, until they have done hers posthumously. Pretty strange right? But that is tradition. Basically the ceremony involves the woman cooking for all her invited guests and the village in general. She does not do this alone; she has helpers and it’s done according to the financial capability of her husband. After performing this rite, she earns the title” One kha kha (great cook of nations).

If a woman gets married to a man from a different tribe she is not compelled to complete this rite. If a man marries a woman from a different tribe, she is also not compelled to do so. For a female who has older sisters that have not performed this traditional rite (when she is ready to do hers) she would have to combine theirs with hers. The second part of the ceremony takes place later in the year around August or September. All the Wanno women that carried out their Akhe ceremony within the year gather at the Agenebode market. They wear a native hand-woven wrapper, Igbogane on their chest with  Idibie tattoos on their bodies, Asamha, an elephant’s tusk on her legs. They also wear beads on their waists and head. There is a very colourful procession, where they move like queens with their entourage with umbrellas held over their heads to protect them from the elements of the weather. This is a compulsory conclusion to the first part of the ceremony.

Wedding ceremonies are very beautiful. For an Amoyah -female first born, her bride price is 500naira 7kobo, and for an Adegbe -female second born, 300naira 7kobo. Dear future husband, I am an Amoyah but do not fret, we would find a way to get 7kobo. Adegbe females have equal rights with men and can therefore inherit their father’s properties. An Amoyah’s marriage ceremony is usually done on ewoh noh kwah i.e. a day to market day while an Adegbe’s own is done on a market day.

The bride ties a George wrapper across her chest and is heavily adorned with ivie on her head, neck, arms and ears. The ceremony is mostly done in the evenings. The morning after, the bride’s parents carry food items: basin of agidi, basin of plantains, bananas and coconuts to their daughter in her husband’s house. After 7 days, the bride’s parents will still carry soup ingredients and yams to their daughter, but nowadays, they carry breakfast beverages and a basin full of bread.

The funeral ceremonies are a sight to behold and very entertaining. The likes of Waziri, Ugabi, and Young Bolivia to name a few bring their unique tunes to every occasion. As I write this, I am steadily moving to their rhythm in my head. The dance steps are so unique but let me try to describe it. Imagine someone bending a bit low and moving their legs backwards, funny I know and I am sure you are trying it out now. The size of the ceremony depends on the age of the deceased and the financial power of the deceased family. It is generally believed that an old person has lived a rich and full life and the funeral is actually a celebration of life. The funeral ceremony is a three day event.

For the wake keep, the body is brought to the deceased home to lie in state amidst pomp and pageantry. I remember my grandfather’s ceremony.We had a very lively and colourful procession from the funeral home down to his house. Family and friends gather at the deceased’s compound. The deceased’s children according to their age and marital status are called upon to pay certain amounts of money and drinks to the village and neighbouring villages. Each child comes out with their well wishers to dance to tunes belted out by the invited musician(s). Guests are entertained with food and drinks. It was a norm for the wake keep to continue throughout the night until the wee hours of the morning but this has been abolished in Ivioghe. Currently, all wake keeps have a curfew of 6pm.A good step in my own opinion.

The deceased is laid to rest based on their own religious belief, the day after the wake keep. Entertainment of guest follows afterward. Again if the family is well to do they invite one of the super star musicians. On the third day, ukpemhi and uthughiemhi are traditional rites done for males and adegbe females. Ukpemhi involves going to ukhue – village square where masquerades of different kinds perform with the family dancing and carrying pictures of the deceased. Uthughiemhi is for sharing souvenirs and this is done by the children, grand children and other relatives. As a sign of respect, the children of the deceased are expected to shave off all their hair, but can opt out by paying a fine.

The age group (okhe) traditional rite is only for males either old or young. Male children of Adegbe mothers carry out this rite while their fathers are still alive whereas those of the Amoyah do theirs only when their fathers are late. This puts male children of an Adegbe in a more likely position to rule. Okhe initiation takes place over several days in caves called godo and is done by the elders of the community. Food items and other necessities are carried along. The red cap is only worn by those who have completed this rite.

How can I talk about my culture and not drop at least one proverb? Dear sons and daughters of the soil, attempt to pronounce this. Yes you can try it or better still get your parents to help you out, bet they would be proud. “Baba otonah, agwemoh ethuagba” means “father has died and you are talking of his beard”.

The most amazing attributes of my tribe are our hospitality and open-mindedness. We welcome strangers into our homes and communities, making them feel so comfortable with our delicious meals and storytelling. A typical Weppa-wanno person is so blunt and says things as they see it; no sugar coating. As amazing as we are, I am still uncomfortable about the fact that not all females inherit properties. It’s a very sad situation. Hopefully, this can be addressed and abolished.

Overall, I absolutely love my tribe and wish more people knew about us and our fascinating culture. This series is one of such avenues that aim to put the spotlight on us. Having foodies blog more about our food and how to source the ingredients; as some can be scarce would be so welcome. Who knows I just might have planted an idea in someone’s head. An app that teaches the language would go a long way in preserving it as more and more people born away from home are not so keen on learning.

My parents, Dr and Mrs Omoayena, did an amazing job in teaching us about our culture. I am still learning how to read and write in my local dialect.

It was an absolute delight writing this piece. If you know more, you can add it in the comment section. Together we can show the world more of the Weppa-Wanno people. Hopefully this article has stirred up something in you; perhaps you would want to visit. Come around during Christmas, you can thank me later.

On a final note, Apemah vha mie PVC. Lo khi ekpaboh ni mamoh. Translation: My people go and collect your PVC. It is the power we have.

Wow, Emike makes us feel like packing our bags and moving straight to Weppa-Wanno. Thank you so so much for giving us all of the feels. BellaNaijarians are awesome! We can’t thank y’all enough for being such a great community. Find out more about the series HERE. Click HERE to read more entries in the series.

The post BN Presents Beyond the Three: Emike’s Exposition of the Uwano People is a Must Read appeared first on BellaNaija – Nigeria breaking & top news to the World 24/7. Read Today.

Go to Source Author: BellaNaija.com BN Presents Beyond the Three: Emike’s Exposition of the Uwano People is a Must Read Beyond The Three is a new series on BellaNaija where we celebrate and spotlight every tribe and ethnic group that is NOT Yoruba, Hausa or Igbo.

[dani-qrt]

Islamic State ally stakes out territory around Lake Chad

ABUJA/MAIDUGURI (Reuters) – From the shores of Lake Chad, Islamic State’s West African ally is on a mission: winning over the local people.

FILE PHOTO: Men on camels cross the water as a woman washes clothes in Lake Chad in Ngouboua, January 19, 2015. REUTERS/Emmanuel Braun/File Photo

Digging wells, giving out seeds and fertilizer and providing safe pasture for herders are among the inducements offered by Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA), which split from Nigeria’s Boko Haram in 2016.

“If you are a herder, driver or trader, they won’t touch you – just follow their rules and regulations governing the territory,” said a herder, who moves cattle in and out of ISWA territory and whose identity Reuters is withholding for his safety. “They don’t touch civilians, just security personnel.”

The campaign, which has created an economy for ISWA to tax, is part of the armed insurgent group’s push to control territory in northeastern Nigeria and in Niger.

ISWA stretches farther and is more entrenched than officials have acknowledged, according to witnesses, people familiar with the insurgency, researchers and Western diplomats who have for the first time provided details of the group’s growing efforts to establish a form of administration in the Lake Chad area.

A map produced by the U.S. development agency in February and seen by Reuters shows how ISWA territory extends more than 100 miles into the northeastern Nigerian states of Borno and Yobe, where government has in many areas all but vanished after a decade of conflict.

The Islamists have not been defeated, as Nigeria says, and researchers say ISWA, less extreme than Boko Haram, has evolved into the dominant group. The U.S. map paints a similar picture, with ISWA operating in much of Borno.

“Islamic State has a terrible reputation for being so brutal around the world, and people can’t imagine an Islamic State faction could be more moderate (than Boko Haram),” said Jacob Zenn, of The Jamestown Foundation in Washington D.C.

The Lake Chad countries – Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon – have long neglected the region, allowing ISWA to create a stronghold from which to launch attacks. Its gains contrast with setbacks for Islamic State in Syria and Iraq.

It makes sense for ISWA to organize the local economy and raise taxes, said Vincent Foucher, who studies Boko Haram at the French National Centre for Science Research.

“It opens the longer game of trying to create a connection to people,” he said, adding that if ISWA succeeds it may become a greater threat than Boko Haram.

In 2015, Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari pledged to finish off Boko Haram. Officials maintain this has been achieved, although the conflict continues into its tenth year. A presidency spokesman declined to comment for this story.

“THEY ARE NOT A GOVERNMENT”

Analysts estimate that ISWA has 3,000-5,000 fighters, about double Boko Haram’s strength. But ISWA’s territory is not completely secure. The Nigerian air force often bombs, and troops from Lake Chad countries attack the insurgents’ domain around its shores and islands.

Nigeria’s armed forces “just see them as Boko Haram,” said Brigadier General John Agim, spokesman for the Nigerian military, at a briefing. “We are not interested in the faction, what has that got to do with it?”

“They are not a government, they kidnap girls from schools,” Agim told Reuters in a separate interview.

The military has announced an operation “to totally destroy Boko Haram locations in the Lake Chad Basin” – ISWA’s domain – and end the insurgency within four months.

But ISWA has so far proven intractable in its Lake Chad bases, where troops have been unable to make effective inroads, according to a Western diplomat who follows the group. The Nigerian military had “completely lost the initiative against the insurgency,” they said.

The diplomat said ISWA was ready to cede less important areas because the military cannot hold them. “However, they maintain absolute control over the islands and immediate areas near them where they train, live, etc.”

The U.S., British and French militaries are helping regional governments with intelligence and training. Western officials declined, or did not respond to, requests for comment.

ISWA protects locals from Boko Haram, something Nigeria’s army cannot always do. That, according to one of the people with knowledge of the insurgency, has won the group local backing and eroded support for the military.

ISWA is led by Abu Musab al-Barnawi, the son of Boko Haram’s founder, Muhammed Yusuf, whose killing by police in 2009 sparked an Islamist insurgency in Nigeria that, according to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, has so far cost more than 34,000 lives.

ISWA’s leaders are low-profile, not appearing in videos or claiming responsibility for attacks, possibly to avoid the international media, and the ire of regional governments. Reuters was unable to contact the group for comment.

This contrasts with the wholesale violence of Boko Haram under the publicity-hungry Abubakar Shekau, who has executed even close lieutenants. His group has strapped suicide bombs to women and children to attack civilians in mosques, markets and refugee camps.

SPIES EVERYWHERE

Boko Haram and ISWA are bloody rivals, but some travelers in ISWA territory feel safer than elsewhere in Nigeria’s northeast.

“They have checkpoints for stop and search, and if you are a regular visitor they know you,” said a second herder, adding that ISWA has spies everywhere, including informers who alert them to military attacks.

He described seeing Islamic State’s black flags and said preachers were used to win people over.

Under ISWA, men must wear long beards, night-time movements are restricted, and prayers are compulsory, the herder said. Offenders can get 40 lashes.

The herders said ISWA provides safe grazing for about 2,500 naira ($8) a cow and 1,500 naira ($5) for smaller animals. ISWA also runs slaughterhouses for the cattle, taking a cut for each animal, as well as from other activities like gathering firewood.

SUPPLY AND DEMAND

Maiduguri is the biggest city in Nigeria’s northeast, the center of the military’s fight against Boko Haram.

But rural areas largely remain no-go zones for the authorities. It is there that ISWA is making its mark, offering people protection, particularly from Boko Haram.

“Al-Barnawi is sending people into IDP (displaced persons) camps to encourage people to return and farm, and the people are,” said a person with knowledge of ISWA’s activities.

The person said Nigeria’s military plays into the insurgents’ hands by shutting down markets to deny supplies to the group, while ISWA encourages business.

“They are friendly and nice to those who come to the area, while they indoctrinate other people and sometimes they bring motorcycles for those who want to join them,” a charcoal maker said.

DISTANT RELATIONS

Despite its name, experts believe ISWA’s ties to Islamic State in the Middle East are limited.

“What’s clear from ISWA primary source documents is that ISWA has asked IS for theological guidance on who it is lawful to attack,” said Zenn. Daily activities, including military operations, are left to its own leaders, he said.

Others say the insurgency lacks the broader appeal of Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

“ISWA is the largest IS affiliate, but it’s very much a Nigerian organization. It doesn’t have foreign fighters coming, it’s hard to get to this place,” said the Western diplomat.

What fighters it does have can carry out targeted attacks, including the February kidnapping of 100 schoolgirls from the town of Dapchi, most later released without explanation, and a deadly raid on a Nigerian military base in March.

But ISWA faces a dilemma: while wooing the population, it has harshly punished those who resist it, for example massacring dozens of fishermen last August, and this could hurt its standing with local people.

“It’s important not to paint too rosy a picture,” said Foucher, the researcher.

Reporting by Paul Carsten in Abuja and Ahmed Kingimi in Maiduguri; Additional reporting by Ola Lanre in Maiduguri; Editing by Giles Elgood

The post Islamic State ally stakes out territory around Lake Chad appeared first on World The News.

from World The News https://ift.tt/2vUSeRb via Online News

[dragnews]

Islamic State ally stakes out territory around Lake Chad

ABUJA/MAIDUGURI (Reuters) – From the shores of Lake Chad, Islamic State’s West African ally is on a mission: winning over the local people.

FILE PHOTO: Men on camels cross the water as a woman washes clothes in Lake Chad in Ngouboua, January 19, 2015. REUTERS/Emmanuel Braun/File Photo

Digging wells, giving out seeds and fertilizer and providing safe pasture for herders are among the inducements offered by Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA), which split from Nigeria’s Boko Haram in 2016.

“If you are a herder, driver or trader, they won’t touch you – just follow their rules and regulations governing the territory,” said a herder, who moves cattle in and out of ISWA territory and whose identity Reuters is withholding for his safety. “They don’t touch civilians, just security personnel.”

The campaign, which has created an economy for ISWA to tax, is part of the armed insurgent group’s push to control territory in northeastern Nigeria and in Niger.

ISWA stretches farther and is more entrenched than officials have acknowledged, according to witnesses, people familiar with the insurgency, researchers and Western diplomats who have for the first time provided details of the group’s growing efforts to establish a form of administration in the Lake Chad area.

A map produced by the U.S. development agency in February and seen by Reuters shows how ISWA territory extends more than 100 miles into the northeastern Nigerian states of Borno and Yobe, where government has in many areas all but vanished after a decade of conflict.

The Islamists have not been defeated, as Nigeria says, and researchers say ISWA, less extreme than Boko Haram, has evolved into the dominant group. The U.S. map paints a similar picture, with ISWA operating in much of Borno.

“Islamic State has a terrible reputation for being so brutal around the world, and people can’t imagine an Islamic State faction could be more moderate (than Boko Haram),” said Jacob Zenn, of The Jamestown Foundation in Washington D.C.

The Lake Chad countries – Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon – have long neglected the region, allowing ISWA to create a stronghold from which to launch attacks. Its gains contrast with setbacks for Islamic State in Syria and Iraq.

It makes sense for ISWA to organize the local economy and raise taxes, said Vincent Foucher, who studies Boko Haram at the French National Centre for Science Research.

“It opens the longer game of trying to create a connection to people,” he said, adding that if ISWA succeeds it may become a greater threat than Boko Haram.

In 2015, Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari pledged to finish off Boko Haram. Officials maintain this has been achieved, although the conflict continues into its tenth year. A presidency spokesman declined to comment for this story.

“THEY ARE NOT A GOVERNMENT”

Analysts estimate that ISWA has 3,000-5,000 fighters, about double Boko Haram’s strength. But ISWA’s territory is not completely secure. The Nigerian air force often bombs, and troops from Lake Chad countries attack the insurgents’ domain around its shores and islands.

Nigeria’s armed forces “just see them as Boko Haram,” said Brigadier General John Agim, spokesman for the Nigerian military, at a briefing. “We are not interested in the faction, what has that got to do with it?”

“They are not a government, they kidnap girls from schools,” Agim told Reuters in a separate interview.

The military has announced an operation “to totally destroy Boko Haram locations in the Lake Chad Basin” – ISWA’s domain – and end the insurgency within four months.

But ISWA has so far proven intractable in its Lake Chad bases, where troops have been unable to make effective inroads, according to a Western diplomat who follows the group. The Nigerian military had “completely lost the initiative against the insurgency,” they said.

The diplomat said ISWA was ready to cede less important areas because the military cannot hold them. “However, they maintain absolute control over the islands and immediate areas near them where they train, live, etc.”

The U.S., British and French militaries are helping regional governments with intelligence and training. Western officials declined, or did not respond to, requests for comment.

ISWA protects locals from Boko Haram, something Nigeria’s army cannot always do. That, according to one of the people with knowledge of the insurgency, has won the group local backing and eroded support for the military.

ISWA is led by Abu Musab al-Barnawi, the son of Boko Haram’s founder, Muhammed Yusuf, whose killing by police in 2009 sparked an Islamist insurgency in Nigeria that, according to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, has so far cost more than 34,000 lives.

ISWA’s leaders are low-profile, not appearing in videos or claiming responsibility for attacks, possibly to avoid the international media, and the ire of regional governments. Reuters was unable to contact the group for comment.

This contrasts with the wholesale violence of Boko Haram under the publicity-hungry Abubakar Shekau, who has executed even close lieutenants. His group has strapped suicide bombs to women and children to attack civilians in mosques, markets and refugee camps.

SPIES EVERYWHERE

Boko Haram and ISWA are bloody rivals, but some travelers in ISWA territory feel safer than elsewhere in Nigeria’s northeast.

“They have checkpoints for stop and search, and if you are a regular visitor they know you,” said a second herder, adding that ISWA has spies everywhere, including informers who alert them to military attacks.

He described seeing Islamic State’s black flags and said preachers were used to win people over.

Under ISWA, men must wear long beards, night-time movements are restricted, and prayers are compulsory, the herder said. Offenders can get 40 lashes.

The herders said ISWA provides safe grazing for about 2,500 naira ($8) a cow and 1,500 naira ($5) for smaller animals. ISWA also runs slaughterhouses for the cattle, taking a cut for each animal, as well as from other activities like gathering firewood.

SUPPLY AND DEMAND

Maiduguri is the biggest city in Nigeria’s northeast, the center of the military’s fight against Boko Haram.

But rural areas largely remain no-go zones for the authorities. It is there that ISWA is making its mark, offering people protection, particularly from Boko Haram.

“Al-Barnawi is sending people into IDP (displaced persons) camps to encourage people to return and farm, and the people are,” said a person with knowledge of ISWA’s activities.

The person said Nigeria’s military plays into the insurgents’ hands by shutting down markets to deny supplies to the group, while ISWA encourages business.

“They are friendly and nice to those who come to the area, while they indoctrinate other people and sometimes they bring motorcycles for those who want to join them,” a charcoal maker said.

DISTANT RELATIONS

Despite its name, experts believe ISWA’s ties to Islamic State in the Middle East are limited.

“What’s clear from ISWA primary source documents is that ISWA has asked IS for theological guidance on who it is lawful to attack,” said Zenn. Daily activities, including military operations, are left to its own leaders, he said.

Others say the insurgency lacks the broader appeal of Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

“ISWA is the largest IS affiliate, but it’s very much a Nigerian organization. It doesn’t have foreign fighters coming, it’s hard to get to this place,” said the Western diplomat.

What fighters it does have can carry out targeted attacks, including the February kidnapping of 100 schoolgirls from the town of Dapchi, most later released without explanation, and a deadly raid on a Nigerian military base in March.

But ISWA faces a dilemma: while wooing the population, it has harshly punished those who resist it, for example massacring dozens of fishermen last August, and this could hurt its standing with local people.

“It’s important not to paint too rosy a picture,” said Foucher, the researcher.

Reporting by Paul Carsten in Abuja and Ahmed Kingimi in Maiduguri; Additional reporting by Ola Lanre in Maiduguri; Editing by Giles Elgood

The post Islamic State ally stakes out territory around Lake Chad appeared first on World The News.

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Islamic State ally stakes out territory around Lake Chad

ABUJA/MAIDUGURI (Reuters) – From the shores of Lake Chad, Islamic State’s West African ally is on a mission: winning over the local people.

FILE PHOTO: Men on camels cross the water as a woman washes clothes in Lake Chad in Ngouboua, January 19, 2015. REUTERS/Emmanuel Braun/File Photo

Digging wells, giving out seeds and fertilizer and providing safe pasture for herders are among the inducements offered by Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA), which split from Nigeria’s Boko Haram in 2016.

“If you are a herder, driver or trader, they won’t touch you – just follow their rules and regulations governing the territory,” said a herder, who moves cattle in and out of ISWA territory and whose identity Reuters is withholding for his safety. “They don’t touch civilians, just security personnel.”

The campaign, which has created an economy for ISWA to tax, is part of the armed insurgent group’s push to control territory in northeastern Nigeria and in Niger.

ISWA stretches farther and is more entrenched than officials have acknowledged, according to witnesses, people familiar with the insurgency, researchers and Western diplomats who have for the first time provided details of the group’s growing efforts to establish a form of administration in the Lake Chad area.

A map produced by the U.S. development agency in February and seen by Reuters shows how ISWA territory extends more than 100 miles into the northeastern Nigerian states of Borno and Yobe, where government has in many areas all but vanished after a decade of conflict.

The Islamists have not been defeated, as Nigeria says, and researchers say ISWA, less extreme than Boko Haram, has evolved into the dominant group. The U.S. map paints a similar picture, with ISWA operating in much of Borno.

“Islamic State has a terrible reputation for being so brutal around the world, and people can’t imagine an Islamic State faction could be more moderate (than Boko Haram),” said Jacob Zenn, of The Jamestown Foundation in Washington D.C.

The Lake Chad countries – Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon – have long neglected the region, allowing ISWA to create a stronghold from which to launch attacks. Its gains contrast with setbacks for Islamic State in Syria and Iraq.

It makes sense for ISWA to organize the local economy and raise taxes, said Vincent Foucher, who studies Boko Haram at the French National Centre for Science Research.

“It opens the longer game of trying to create a connection to people,” he said, adding that if ISWA succeeds it may become a greater threat than Boko Haram.

In 2015, Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari pledged to finish off Boko Haram. Officials maintain this has been achieved, although the conflict continues into its tenth year. A presidency spokesman declined to comment for this story.

“THEY ARE NOT A GOVERNMENT”

Analysts estimate that ISWA has 3,000-5,000 fighters, about double Boko Haram’s strength. But ISWA’s territory is not completely secure. The Nigerian air force often bombs, and troops from Lake Chad countries attack the insurgents’ domain around its shores and islands.

Nigeria’s armed forces “just see them as Boko Haram,” said Brigadier General John Agim, spokesman for the Nigerian military, at a briefing. “We are not interested in the faction, what has that got to do with it?”

“They are not a government, they kidnap girls from schools,” Agim told Reuters in a separate interview.

The military has announced an operation “to totally destroy Boko Haram locations in the Lake Chad Basin” – ISWA’s domain – and end the insurgency within four months.

But ISWA has so far proven intractable in its Lake Chad bases, where troops have been unable to make effective inroads, according to a Western diplomat who follows the group. The Nigerian military had “completely lost the initiative against the insurgency,” they said.

The diplomat said ISWA was ready to cede less important areas because the military cannot hold them. “However, they maintain absolute control over the islands and immediate areas near them where they train, live, etc.”

The U.S., British and French militaries are helping regional governments with intelligence and training. Western officials declined, or did not respond to, requests for comment.

ISWA protects locals from Boko Haram, something Nigeria’s army cannot always do. That, according to one of the people with knowledge of the insurgency, has won the group local backing and eroded support for the military.

ISWA is led by Abu Musab al-Barnawi, the son of Boko Haram’s founder, Muhammed Yusuf, whose killing by police in 2009 sparked an Islamist insurgency in Nigeria that, according to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, has so far cost more than 34,000 lives.

ISWA’s leaders are low-profile, not appearing in videos or claiming responsibility for attacks, possibly to avoid the international media, and the ire of regional governments. Reuters was unable to contact the group for comment.

This contrasts with the wholesale violence of Boko Haram under the publicity-hungry Abubakar Shekau, who has executed even close lieutenants. His group has strapped suicide bombs to women and children to attack civilians in mosques, markets and refugee camps.

SPIES EVERYWHERE

Boko Haram and ISWA are bloody rivals, but some travelers in ISWA territory feel safer than elsewhere in Nigeria’s northeast.

“They have checkpoints for stop and search, and if you are a regular visitor they know you,” said a second herder, adding that ISWA has spies everywhere, including informers who alert them to military attacks.

He described seeing Islamic State’s black flags and said preachers were used to win people over.

Under ISWA, men must wear long beards, night-time movements are restricted, and prayers are compulsory, the herder said. Offenders can get 40 lashes.

The herders said ISWA provides safe grazing for about 2,500 naira ($8) a cow and 1,500 naira ($5) for smaller animals. ISWA also runs slaughterhouses for the cattle, taking a cut for each animal, as well as from other activities like gathering firewood.

SUPPLY AND DEMAND

Maiduguri is the biggest city in Nigeria’s northeast, the center of the military’s fight against Boko Haram.

But rural areas largely remain no-go zones for the authorities. It is there that ISWA is making its mark, offering people protection, particularly from Boko Haram.

“Al-Barnawi is sending people into IDP (displaced persons) camps to encourage people to return and farm, and the people are,” said a person with knowledge of ISWA’s activities.

The person said Nigeria’s military plays into the insurgents’ hands by shutting down markets to deny supplies to the group, while ISWA encourages business.

“They are friendly and nice to those who come to the area, while they indoctrinate other people and sometimes they bring motorcycles for those who want to join them,” a charcoal maker said.

DISTANT RELATIONS

Despite its name, experts believe ISWA’s ties to Islamic State in the Middle East are limited.

“What’s clear from ISWA primary source documents is that ISWA has asked IS for theological guidance on who it is lawful to attack,” said Zenn. Daily activities, including military operations, are left to its own leaders, he said.

Others say the insurgency lacks the broader appeal of Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

“ISWA is the largest IS affiliate, but it’s very much a Nigerian organization. It doesn’t have foreign fighters coming, it’s hard to get to this place,” said the Western diplomat.

What fighters it does have can carry out targeted attacks, including the February kidnapping of 100 schoolgirls from the town of Dapchi, most later released without explanation, and a deadly raid on a Nigerian military base in March.

But ISWA faces a dilemma: while wooing the population, it has harshly punished those who resist it, for example massacring dozens of fishermen last August, and this could hurt its standing with local people.

“It’s important not to paint too rosy a picture,” said Foucher, the researcher.

Reporting by Paul Carsten in Abuja and Ahmed Kingimi in Maiduguri; Additional reporting by Ola Lanre in Maiduguri; Editing by Giles Elgood

The post Islamic State ally stakes out territory around Lake Chad appeared first on World The News.

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[cleopatrarps]

Islamic State ally stakes out territory around Lake Chad

ABUJA/MAIDUGURI (Reuters) – From the shores of Lake Chad, Islamic State’s West African ally is on a mission: winning over the local people.

FILE PHOTO: Men on camels cross the water as a woman washes clothes in Lake Chad in Ngouboua, January 19, 2015. REUTERS/Emmanuel Braun/File Photo

Digging wells, giving out seeds and fertilizer and providing safe pasture for herders are among the inducements offered by Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA), which split from Nigeria’s Boko Haram in 2016.

“If you are a herder, driver or trader, they won’t touch you – just follow their rules and regulations governing the territory,” said a herder, who moves cattle in and out of ISWA territory and whose identity Reuters is withholding for his safety. “They don’t touch civilians, just security personnel.”

The campaign, which has created an economy for ISWA to tax, is part of the armed insurgent group’s push to control territory in northeastern Nigeria and in Niger.

ISWA stretches farther and is more entrenched than officials have acknowledged, according to witnesses, people familiar with the insurgency, researchers and Western diplomats who have for the first time provided details of the group’s growing efforts to establish a form of administration in the Lake Chad area.

A map produced by the U.S. development agency in February and seen by Reuters shows how ISWA territory extends more than 100 miles into the northeastern Nigerian states of Borno and Yobe, where government has in many areas all but vanished after a decade of conflict.

The Islamists have not been defeated, as Nigeria says, and researchers say ISWA, less extreme than Boko Haram, has evolved into the dominant group. The U.S. map paints a similar picture, with ISWA operating in much of Borno.

“Islamic State has a terrible reputation for being so brutal around the world, and people can’t imagine an Islamic State faction could be more moderate (than Boko Haram),” said Jacob Zenn, of The Jamestown Foundation in Washington D.C.

The Lake Chad countries – Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon – have long neglected the region, allowing ISWA to create a stronghold from which to launch attacks. Its gains contrast with setbacks for Islamic State in Syria and Iraq.

It makes sense for ISWA to organize the local economy and raise taxes, said Vincent Foucher, who studies Boko Haram at the French National Centre for Science Research.

“It opens the longer game of trying to create a connection to people,” he said, adding that if ISWA succeeds it may become a greater threat than Boko Haram.

In 2015, Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari pledged to finish off Boko Haram. Officials maintain this has been achieved, although the conflict continues into its tenth year. A presidency spokesman declined to comment for this story.

“THEY ARE NOT A GOVERNMENT”

Analysts estimate that ISWA has 3,000-5,000 fighters, about double Boko Haram’s strength. But ISWA’s territory is not completely secure. The Nigerian air force often bombs, and troops from Lake Chad countries attack the insurgents’ domain around its shores and islands.

Nigeria’s armed forces “just see them as Boko Haram,” said Brigadier General John Agim, spokesman for the Nigerian military, at a briefing. “We are not interested in the faction, what has that got to do with it?”

“They are not a government, they kidnap girls from schools,” Agim told Reuters in a separate interview.

The military has announced an operation “to totally destroy Boko Haram locations in the Lake Chad Basin” – ISWA’s domain – and end the insurgency within four months.

But ISWA has so far proven intractable in its Lake Chad bases, where troops have been unable to make effective inroads, according to a Western diplomat who follows the group. The Nigerian military had “completely lost the initiative against the insurgency,” they said.

The diplomat said ISWA was ready to cede less important areas because the military cannot hold them. “However, they maintain absolute control over the islands and immediate areas near them where they train, live, etc.”

The U.S., British and French militaries are helping regional governments with intelligence and training. Western officials declined, or did not respond to, requests for comment.

ISWA protects locals from Boko Haram, something Nigeria’s army cannot always do. That, according to one of the people with knowledge of the insurgency, has won the group local backing and eroded support for the military.

ISWA is led by Abu Musab al-Barnawi, the son of Boko Haram’s founder, Muhammed Yusuf, whose killing by police in 2009 sparked an Islamist insurgency in Nigeria that, according to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, has so far cost more than 34,000 lives.

ISWA’s leaders are low-profile, not appearing in videos or claiming responsibility for attacks, possibly to avoid the international media, and the ire of regional governments. Reuters was unable to contact the group for comment.

This contrasts with the wholesale violence of Boko Haram under the publicity-hungry Abubakar Shekau, who has executed even close lieutenants. His group has strapped suicide bombs to women and children to attack civilians in mosques, markets and refugee camps.

SPIES EVERYWHERE

Boko Haram and ISWA are bloody rivals, but some travelers in ISWA territory feel safer than elsewhere in Nigeria’s northeast.

“They have checkpoints for stop and search, and if you are a regular visitor they know you,” said a second herder, adding that ISWA has spies everywhere, including informers who alert them to military attacks.

He described seeing Islamic State’s black flags and said preachers were used to win people over.

Under ISWA, men must wear long beards, night-time movements are restricted, and prayers are compulsory, the herder said. Offenders can get 40 lashes.

The herders said ISWA provides safe grazing for about 2,500 naira ($8) a cow and 1,500 naira ($5) for smaller animals. ISWA also runs slaughterhouses for the cattle, taking a cut for each animal, as well as from other activities like gathering firewood.

SUPPLY AND DEMAND

Maiduguri is the biggest city in Nigeria’s northeast, the center of the military’s fight against Boko Haram.

But rural areas largely remain no-go zones for the authorities. It is there that ISWA is making its mark, offering people protection, particularly from Boko Haram.

“Al-Barnawi is sending people into IDP (displaced persons) camps to encourage people to return and farm, and the people are,” said a person with knowledge of ISWA’s activities.

The person said Nigeria’s military plays into the insurgents’ hands by shutting down markets to deny supplies to the group, while ISWA encourages business.

“They are friendly and nice to those who come to the area, while they indoctrinate other people and sometimes they bring motorcycles for those who want to join them,” a charcoal maker said.

DISTANT RELATIONS

Despite its name, experts believe ISWA’s ties to Islamic State in the Middle East are limited.

“What’s clear from ISWA primary source documents is that ISWA has asked IS for theological guidance on who it is lawful to attack,” said Zenn. Daily activities, including military operations, are left to its own leaders, he said.

Others say the insurgency lacks the broader appeal of Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

“ISWA is the largest IS affiliate, but it’s very much a Nigerian organization. It doesn’t have foreign fighters coming, it’s hard to get to this place,” said the Western diplomat.

What fighters it does have can carry out targeted attacks, including the February kidnapping of 100 schoolgirls from the town of Dapchi, most later released without explanation, and a deadly raid on a Nigerian military base in March.

But ISWA faces a dilemma: while wooing the population, it has harshly punished those who resist it, for example massacring dozens of fishermen last August, and this could hurt its standing with local people.

“It’s important not to paint too rosy a picture,” said Foucher, the researcher.

Reporting by Paul Carsten in Abuja and Ahmed Kingimi in Maiduguri; Additional reporting by Ola Lanre in Maiduguri; Editing by Giles Elgood

The post Islamic State ally stakes out territory around Lake Chad appeared first on World The News.

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[newsintodays-blog]

Islamic State ally stakes out territory around Lake Chad

New Post has been published on http://newsintoday.info/2018/04/29/islamic-state-ally-stakes-out-territory-around-lake-chad/

Islamic State ally stakes out territory around Lake Chad

ABUJA/MAIDUGURI (Reuters) – From the shores of Lake Chad, Islamic State’s West African ally is on a mission: winning over the local people.

FILE PHOTO: Men on camels cross the water as a woman washes clothes in Lake Chad in Ngouboua, January 19, 2015. REUTERS/Emmanuel Braun/File Photo

Digging wells, giving out seeds and fertilizer and providing safe pasture for herders are among the inducements offered by Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA), which split from Nigeria’s Boko Haram in 2016.

“If you are a herder, driver or trader, they won’t touch you – just follow their rules and regulations governing the territory,” said a herder, who moves cattle in and out of ISWA territory and whose identity Reuters is withholding for his safety. “They don’t touch civilians, just security personnel.”

The campaign, which has created an economy for ISWA to tax, is part of the armed insurgent group’s push to control territory in northeastern Nigeria and in Niger.

ISWA stretches farther and is more entrenched than officials have acknowledged, according to witnesses, people familiar with the insurgency, researchers and Western diplomats who have for the first time provided details of the group’s growing efforts to establish a form of administration in the Lake Chad area.

A map produced by the U.S. development agency in February and seen by Reuters shows how ISWA territory extends more than 100 miles into the northeastern Nigerian states of Borno and Yobe, where government has in many areas all but vanished after a decade of conflict.

The Islamists have not been defeated, as Nigeria says, and researchers say ISWA, less extreme than Boko Haram, has evolved into the dominant group. The U.S. map paints a similar picture, with ISWA operating in much of Borno.

“Islamic State has a terrible reputation for being so brutal around the world, and people can’t imagine an Islamic State faction could be more moderate (than Boko Haram),” said Jacob Zenn, of The Jamestown Foundation in Washington D.C.

The Lake Chad countries – Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon – have long neglected the region, allowing ISWA to create a stronghold from which to launch attacks. Its gains contrast with setbacks for Islamic State in Syria and Iraq.

It makes sense for ISWA to organize the local economy and raise taxes, said Vincent Foucher, who studies Boko Haram at the French National Centre for Science Research.

“It opens the longer game of trying to create a connection to people,” he said, adding that if ISWA succeeds it may become a greater threat than Boko Haram.

In 2015, Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari pledged to finish off Boko Haram. Officials maintain this has been achieved, although the conflict continues into its tenth year. A presidency spokesman declined to comment for this story.

“THEY ARE NOT A GOVERNMENT”

Analysts estimate that ISWA has 3,000-5,000 fighters, about double Boko Haram’s strength. But ISWA’s territory is not completely secure. The Nigerian air force often bombs, and troops from Lake Chad countries attack the insurgents’ domain around its shores and islands.

Nigeria’s armed forces “just see them as Boko Haram,” said Brigadier General John Agim, spokesman for the Nigerian military, at a briefing. “We are not interested in the faction, what has that got to do with it?”

“They are not a government, they kidnap girls from schools,” Agim told Reuters in a separate interview.

The military has announced an operation “to totally destroy Boko Haram locations in the Lake Chad Basin” – ISWA’s domain – and end the insurgency within four months.

But ISWA has so far proven intractable in its Lake Chad bases, where troops have been unable to make effective inroads, according to a Western diplomat who follows the group. The Nigerian military had “completely lost the initiative against the insurgency,” they said.

The diplomat said ISWA was ready to cede less important areas because the military cannot hold them. “However, they maintain absolute control over the islands and immediate areas near them where they train, live, etc.”

The U.S., British and French militaries are helping regional governments with intelligence and training. Western officials declined, or did not respond to, requests for comment.

ISWA protects locals from Boko Haram, something Nigeria’s army cannot always do. That, according to one of the people with knowledge of the insurgency, has won the group local backing and eroded support for the military.

ISWA is led by Abu Musab al-Barnawi, the son of Boko Haram’s founder, Muhammed Yusuf, whose killing by police in 2009 sparked an Islamist insurgency in Nigeria that, according to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, has so far cost more than 34,000 lives.

ISWA’s leaders are low-profile, not appearing in videos or claiming responsibility for attacks, possibly to avoid the international media, and the ire of regional governments. Reuters was unable to contact the group for comment.

This contrasts with the wholesale violence of Boko Haram under the publicity-hungry Abubakar Shekau, who has executed even close lieutenants. His group has strapped suicide bombs to women and children to attack civilians in mosques, markets and refugee camps.

SPIES EVERYWHERE

Boko Haram and ISWA are bloody rivals, but some travelers in ISWA territory feel safer than elsewhere in Nigeria’s northeast.

“They have checkpoints for stop and search, and if you are a regular visitor they know you,” said a second herder, adding that ISWA has spies everywhere, including informers who alert them to military attacks.

He described seeing Islamic State’s black flags and said preachers were used to win people over.

Under ISWA, men must wear long beards, night-time movements are restricted, and prayers are compulsory, the herder said. Offenders can get 40 lashes.

The herders said ISWA provides safe grazing for about 2,500 naira ($8) a cow and 1,500 naira ($5) for smaller animals. ISWA also runs slaughterhouses for the cattle, taking a cut for each animal, as well as from other activities like gathering firewood.

SUPPLY AND DEMAND

Maiduguri is the biggest city in Nigeria’s northeast, the center of the military’s fight against Boko Haram.

But rural areas largely remain no-go zones for the authorities. It is there that ISWA is making its mark, offering people protection, particularly from Boko Haram.

“Al-Barnawi is sending people into IDP (displaced persons) camps to encourage people to return and farm, and the people are,” said a person with knowledge of ISWA’s activities.

The person said Nigeria’s military plays into the insurgents’ hands by shutting down markets to deny supplies to the group, while ISWA encourages business.

“They are friendly and nice to those who come to the area, while they indoctrinate other people and sometimes they bring motorcycles for those who want to join them,” a charcoal maker said.

DISTANT RELATIONS

Despite its name, experts believe ISWA’s ties to Islamic State in the Middle East are limited.

“What’s clear from ISWA primary source documents is that ISWA has asked IS for theological guidance on who it is lawful to attack,” said Zenn. Daily activities, including military operations, are left to its own leaders, he said.

Others say the insurgency lacks the broader appeal of Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

“ISWA is the largest IS affiliate, but it’s very much a Nigerian organization. It doesn’t have foreign fighters coming, it’s hard to get to this place,” said the Western diplomat.

What fighters it does have can carry out targeted attacks, including the February kidnapping of 100 schoolgirls from the town of Dapchi, most later released without explanation, and a deadly raid on a Nigerian military base in March.

But ISWA faces a dilemma: while wooing the population, it has harshly punished those who resist it, for example massacring dozens of fishermen last August, and this could hurt its standing with local people.

“It’s important not to paint too rosy a picture,” said Foucher, the researcher.

Reporting by Paul Carsten in Abuja and Ahmed Kingimi in Maiduguri; Additional reporting by Ola Lanre in Maiduguri; Editing by Giles Elgood

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