#latour maubourg

[mhouellebecq]

“Our lives unfold in space, and time is just an inessential left-over. While I have a photographic and unnecessarily precise memory of the places where the events of my life have occurred, I can locate these events in time only as a series of contrived and approximate overlaps. So when I borrowed ‘Aphorisms on the Wisdom of Life’ from the municipal library of the seventh arrondissement in Paris (more specifically, its annex in the Latour-Maubourg district), I may have been aged twenty-six, but equally possibly twenty-five, or twenty-seven. In any case, this is very late in life for such a major discovery. At the time, I already knew Baudelaire, Dostoevsky, Lautréamont, Verlaine, almost all the Romantics; a lot of science fiction, too. I had read the Bible, Pascal’s Pensées, Clifford D. Simak’s City, Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain. I wrote poems; I already had the impression I was rereading, rather than really reading; I thought I had at least completed one period in my discovery of literature. And then, in a few minutes, everything dramatically changed.”

From: In the Presence of Schopenhauer

[nobility-art]

Empress Eugenie Surrounded by her Ladies in Waiting

Artist: Franz Xaver Winterhalter (German, 1805-1873)

Date: 1855

Medium: Oil on Canvas

Collection: Château de Compiègne, Compiègne

Description:

The painting features depictions of the Empress of France, Eugénie de Montijo, and eight of her ladies-in-waiting. The painting was displayed at the Palace of Fontainebleau during the regime of Eugénie's husband, Napoleon III. After Eugénie's exile to England, the painting was given to her, and later displayed in the entrance to her house at Farnborough Hill. It is currently on display at the Château de Compiègne.

The scene, bathed in a cold, bright light, depicts Eugénie de Montijo, Empress of the French for two years, surrounded by eight ladies-in-waiting in a fictional country setting. She is represented with a crown of honeysuckle on her head and a branch of the same plant in her hand, acting as a scepter. She slightly dominates the other characters. She is facing the Grand Mistress of her household, on her right, Anne Debelle, Princess of Essling (1802-1887), wife of François Victor Massena, 3rd Duke of Rivoli. To her left stands her lady-in-waiting, Pauline van der Linden d'Hooghvorst, Duchess of Bassano (1814-1867), wife of Napoléon Maret. Below are the ladies of the palace, who followed the empress daily: on the left, Jane Thorne, baroness of Pierres (1821-1873), wife of Stéphane de Pierres and Louise Poitelon du Tarde, viscountess of Lezay-Marnésia (1826-1891), wife of Joseph-Antoine-Albert de Lezay-Marnesia; in the center, Adrienne de Villeneuve-Bargemont, countess of Montebello (1826-1870), wife of Gustave Olivier Lannes de Montebello, and on the right, Anne Eve Mortier de Trévise, marquise of Latour-Maubourg (1829-1900), wife of César de Faÿ de La Tour-Maubourg, Claire Emilie MacDonnel, Marquise de Las Marismas de Guadalquivir (1817-1905), wife of Alexandre Aguado Moreno, and behind them, standing, Nathalie de Ségur, Baroness of Malaret (1827-1910), wife of Paul Martin d'Ayguesvives, and daughter of the Countess of Ségur).

[nordleuchten]

La Fayette in Prison - Part 1 - Wesel

Wesel was the first prison that La Fayette was incarcerated in for an extended period of time. Wesel was, and still is today, a well known city in Germany (back than in Prussia) near the river Rhein. The fortress of Wesel housed the prison, the Zitadelle, and has been turned into a museum and can be visited. The achieve of the city is also housed within the former fortress. The Homepage of the museum cites La Fayette as one of the most famous inmates.

There are different account of how La Fayette and his fellow inmates were brought to Wesel. Some sources claim they drove in a carriage, but most state that they drove in an open cart “like common criminals”. This second method would be a huge affront because the social hierarchy of the day also applied to the system of jurisdiction. A farmer or labourer would be treated way different than a Marquis or Officer. Nevertheless, the cart as a mode of transportation can not be ruled out or said to be an exaggeration by some biographers because we know that the prisoners were transported from Wesel to their second prison in Magdeburg in a open cart – something that actually was greatly appreciated by the prisoners because they had previously been confined to their small and stuffy cells day in and day out. The group persumably also travelled by boat down the river Rhein in order to reach Wesel.

La Fayette, when he fled, was accompanied by a servant, Augustus, and a valet, Pontennier. One of these men appear to have stayed with him for the entire duration of his imprisonment whereas the other man left him after some time or better, was forced to left him. Many sources use the words “servant” and “valet” interchangeable, what makes it hard to say which one stayed and which one left. It seems though, as if Augustus was the one who remained with La Fayette.

Once the group of prisoners arrived in Wesel, La Fayette himself described their circumstances as follows:

“For three months the prisoners were strictly guarded and watched at Wezel, in prisons strongly barred , with double doors secured by locks and padlocks, cut off from all communication, and so completely separated from each other, that when Latour Maubourg, informed, through the indiscretion of one of his gaolers, that Lafayette was seriously ill, asked permission, as the dearest friend which that person had in the world, and one so nearly within reach of him, to receive his last sigh, the answer was, “that it could not be allowed.” The prisoners having complained of being thus cut off from all communication, even with their nearest relatives, a report to that effect was made to the government. Shortly after, the commandant and a notary presented themselves to Lafayette, and gave him a paper from the King of Prussia, inviting him, as the means of bettering his position, to give counsels against France. “The King of Prussia is very impertinent, ” was Lafayette's reply. Availing himself of a permission accorded to them of writing to the king's adjutant - general, Lafayette informed him “that he was far from denying the share he had taken in the revolutions of America and France; “and, speaking of the constitution which had been acknowledged by the powers now combined against it, he predicted, “that this hatred against liberty, with royalty or without it, would only serve to swell the number of republicans .”

There are other accounts from the time at Wesel but since we have La Fayette’s primary account, I will use the other accounts from later biographers only to supplement some details.

A few things to La Fayette’s account though. La Fayette refers to him being very ill – illness would go on to be a reoccurring theme, not only for La Fayette but also later for his family and the other prisoners. There was a want of fresh air, exercise, psychological comfort, items for personal hygiene and the food was apparently also bad. He recovered eventually but his health remained somewhat frail long after he was finally released from prison. Furthermore there is this line where La Fayette describes how he had "the means of bettering his position". He does not elaborate too much on this subject but what happened was that the Prussian King acknowledged that his treatment of La Fayette was not good nor according of his status. He offered La Fayette, until recently a French General with a field command, to treat him better if he would only pass the plans of the French armies (and everything else that he would happen to know) on to the Prussian authorities. La Fayette refused most emphatically.

What also strikes me, is just how scarred the Prussians were, that La Fayette (or any of the other prisoners for that matter) might escape. During his tribunal in Luxemburg, shortly after his arrest and prior to his confinement in Wesel, it was stated that "(...) Lafayette's existence was incompatible with the safety of the governments of Europe". The Prussians and Austrians seem to have been generally afraid of his possible influence.

The Governor of the prison in Wesel was in 1792 Lieutenant-General Alexander Friedrich von Woldeck, a high-ranking Prussian officer. The guards in the prison had the strict instruction not to communicate with the prisoners under any circumstance and to not answer them any of the question they might have.

So, now La Fayette and the others were all secured and under lock and key in Prussia. Splendid. But what to do with them in the future. Here is an account from Samuel Lorenz Kanpp’s book Memoirs of General Lafayette: Embracing Details of his Public and Private Life:

"At Wesel, the populace were permitted to insult them in the most savage manner. Here they were put in irons, placed in separate cells in the castle, deprived of all intercourse with each other, and told that the King intended to have them hanged as wretches who deserved no favour.”

Before we move on to the part were La Fayette should be hanged, let me say a few words about him being put in irons. Being put in irons was, as we all surely can imagine, a horrible, dehumanizing and cruel practice. We know that La Fayette was during some parts of his imprisonment held in irons, particularly during his time in Olmütz. He himself never mentions being held in irons in Wesel but it could very well have happened without him mentioning it.

Even if the Prussian King and the Austrian Emperor would have loved to see La Fayette hang (and I do not doubt that, the Duke of Saxe Tschen also threatened to execute La Fayette via hanging), that was never really a political option for them. Instead they ultimately planned to return La Fayette to the French King after the Revolution had ended. Here is what William Short, the American Minister Resident to the Netherlands, wrote to Thomas Jefferson on September 28, 1792:

“The Marquis de la fayette and his three companions who were members of the assembly, remain in the Chateau de Wesel. I cannot doubt from what the Imperial Minister here has told me that it is the intention, should the [French] King be restored, to deliver them up to him. Whether they would do it to his successor I cannot say, but suppose it infinitely probable if he should be one of his brothers. Nobody can question in that case that it would be adding to the violation of the most sacred right (which has been already committed with respect to these prisoners) the infamy of delivering up to be assassinated by his enemies an helpless individual, in the person of the Marquis de la fayette. (...) I have in private and inofficial conversations with the Imperial minister here endeavoured to find out what degree of importance his court attached to the Marquis’s imprisonment and it has been by no means encouraging for his friends—as he said it depended altogether (as far as he in his private capacity could judge) on the importance which the King of France could be supposed to attach to having the Marquis in his possession when restored to his throne. He told me however he would write to Vienna and procure more precise information which he would communicate to me. There was of course nothing official either on one side or the other.”

Now, what is so special about this letter? This letter illustrate three things. First, the diplomatic endeavours of the Prussian and Austrian court. Second, the actions undertaken by the American ambassadors and consuls in Europe in order to help La Fayette and his family. Last but nor least, the letter illustrate that the Americans where aware of La Fayette’s present whereabouts. As time went by and La Fayette was brought from one prison to the next, his friends often lost track of him for some time. They did not know where he was and even if he was still alive or if he had died in prison or even had been executed.

Such was La Fayette's stay in Wesel. He stayed there for a relatively short time, arriving on September 19, 1792 and being transferred to Magdeburg on December 22, 1792. But before we go further into detail concerning his time in Magdeburg, one last general thing. La Fayette and his fellow officers were captured by Austrian forces. Why then was he first imprisoned by the Prussians? Prussia and Austria were in the past constantly at each others throats. They hated each other – but during the French Revolution Prussia and Austria started working together against a common enemy. The Austrians captured La Fayette but the nearest and best guarded prison was the Prussian fortress in Wesel and with that the court in Vienna handed La Fayette over to the Prussians and the Prussians agreed to take him in.

[histoireettralala]

“Jérôme’s reaction startled the entire army.”

All was not yet lost. The Marshal still stood between the two Russian armies. For Bagration to join Barclay - which was still his prime objective - he must either outmarch or outfight Davout. On his part Davout found himself too weak to attack the Russians alone. Therefore, when Jérôme established direct communications with him on July 12 from Mir, Davout assumed supreme command of the entire right flank. On the fourteenth he sent a copy of the July sixth order to Jérôme accompanied by Berthier’s letters. If he could bring the entire right to bear on Bagration, Davout believed he could still crush him. To this end he ordered Jérôme’s corps to redouble their pursuit of the enemy, who was now marching on Bobruisk with the intention of crossing the Berezina.

Jérôme’s reaction startled the entire army. He flatly refused to serve under the orders of the victor of Auerstaedt and Eckmühl. At first he made feeble excuses to the Emperor: Davout was only a prince whereas he was a King and could take orders only from the Emperor. But to Berthier he was more to the point: “I can not see in this disposition anything but a total lack of confidence on the part of the Emperor, a firm desire on the part of His Majesty to humiliate me, especially after what has passed between myself and the Prince of Eckmühl.” The reference to the Prince of Eckmühl was in fact what lay at the bottom of Jérôme’s refusal.

During the winter of 1811-1812 the Kingdom of Westphalia had been the organizational ground for the Grand Army. Davout, as the main architect in the field, exercised his authority in an arbitrary, aggressive, and often tyrannical manner. The mere prince, who had won his title on the battlefields of Europe and North Africa, had little respect for the puppet King, who owed his title to his relationship to the Emperor. When trouble broke out in Magdeburg and Brunswick in February 1812, the Emperor ordered Davout to restore tranquility [...]

Insulted by his brother’s continual criticism and humiliated by being placed under the orders of Davout, Jérôme requested permission to leave the army and began to make preparation for his departure. He had halted his army corps on the fourteenth upon receiving Davout’s dispatch, and turned over his command to his chief of staff, General Jean Gabriel Marchand. The immediate result was that Poniatowski’s V Corps and Marie Victor Nicolas Latour-Maubourg’s cavalry corps lost a full day before Marchand could order them to renew the pursuit of the enemy. When Davout realized (after receiving a dispatch from Jérôme on July fifteenth) that the King was personally offended and intent on leaving the army, he wrote a conciliatory letter trying to persuade him to stay. But Jérôme had already left his headquarters, and had no intention of returning. Thus a second letter from the Marshal, dated the sixteenth, had no effect upon the wounded pride of the King.

[...]

Napoleon blamed his brother for the escape of Bagration’s army, and allowed him to retire, with his guard, to Westphalia. Nevertheless, he was not above accusing Davout at a later date of “suffering the escape of the left wing of the Russians by remaining four days in Minsk.” The initial error was undoubtedly on the part of the supreme commander himself. The appointment of an incapable relative, one who had already demonstrated his military inabilities during the campaign of 1809, best explains the failure of the operations against Bagration.

John G. Gallaher - The Iron Marshal, a Biography of Louis Nicolas Davout

[vivelareine]

A portrait of the Comtesse de Latour-Maubourg by an unknown artist, 18th century. [credit: Maître Duval, via Auction.fr]

[tiny-librarian]

The carriage was not allowed to take the shortest road, but was conducted some miles round, that it might be led in triumph down the Champs Élysées, where a vast mob was waiting to feast their eyes on the spectacle, whose display of sullen ill-will had been bespoken by a notice prohibiting any one from taking off his hat to the king, or uttering a cheer. The National Guard were forbidden to present arms to him; and it seemed as if they interpreted this order as a prohibition also against using them in his defense; for, as the carriage approached the palace, a gang of desperate ruffians, some of whom were recognized as among the most ferocious of the former assailants of Versailles, forced their way through their ranks, pressed up against the carriage, and even mounted on the steps. Barnave and Latour Maubourg, fearing that they intended to break open the doors, placed themselves against them; but they contented themselves with looking in at the window, and uttering sanguinary threats. Marie Antoinette became alarmed—not for herself, but for her children. They had so closed up every avenue of air that those within were nearly stifled, and the youngest, of course, suffered most. She let down a glass, and appealed to those who were crowding round: "For the love of God," she exclaimed, "retire; my children are choking!" "We will soon choke you," was the only reply they vouchsafed to her.

The Life of Marie Antoinette, Queen of France - Charles Duke Yonge

[hostalsalvatierra]

hotel de latour maubourg paris

hotel de latour maubourg paris

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[worldhotelvideo]

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[artofreddit]

Saxon cuirassiers and Polish lancers of Latour-Maubourg's cavalry corps clash with Russian cuirassiers during The Batle of Borodino. Painter ?. posted by Reddit User: Paul-Belgium Visit artofreddit.com for more art #battlepaintings

[masryxfaransa]

Paris, vers 1955-1965 .. Rue Saint Dominique, à angle du boulevard de Latour-Maubourg .. #paris #France (à Paris, France) https://www.instagram.com/p/B2WJKnxC778/?igshid=1y0i1hun2fls8

[ejsamson]

Working on the weekend sucks a lot less when it's in Paris. (at Hotel de Latour Maubourg Paris)

[pangeanews]

“Come essere santi senza Dio: è questo il solo problema concreto che io conosca”. Albert Camus, un maestro nella contraddizione

Ogni parabola artistica conosce momenti di rottura, pentimenti. Così pure quella di Camus, autore sempre in bilico tra la fiducia e il disincanto, ma che nondimeno ha mantenuto una lucida aderenza alle cose, all’esistenza finita, alla responsabilità etica del singolo (e della collettività in quanto insieme di singoli) in un mondo percepito, in sé stesso, come assurdo.

Riconoscere alcune evidenze non basta: l’artista ha il dovere di assumerle fino alle conseguenze più estreme, rinunciando a ogni pretesa di originalità. Bisogna avere, ci dice, la forza di non scansare il “finito”, tenerlo fermo davanti agli occhi senza cedere alle tentazioni della speranza, alle illusioni che rappresentano, in fondo, tentativi di ripiegamento, di evasione rispetto a verità viste come insostenibili.

La posizione esistenziale di Camus rifiuta le filosofie che, per sottrarsi al senso dell’assurdo, ricercano nuove vie “al di là dell’evidenza”, itinerari astratti – o peggio ancora – metafisici che sottendono un tradimento del reale. La libertà dell’artista non può in alcun modo prescindere dalla “fedeltà” verso ciò che è certo, imperativo, all’ordine singolare con cui si è sforzato di dare forma al caos: “Libertà difficile e che rassomiglia piuttosto a una disciplina ascetica? Quale artista lo negherebbe? Quale artista oserebbe proclamarsi all’altezza di questa impresa incessante? Questa libertà suppone una salute del corpo e del cuore, uno stile che sia forza dell’anima e paziente coraggio. È, come tutte le libertà, un rischio continuo, un’estenuante avventura, ed ecco perché si fugge oggi quel rischio come si fugge la libertà esigente per abbandonarsi a ogni sorta di schiavitù e ottenere almeno il conforto dell’anima […] L’artista libero è quello che, a gran fatica, crea da sé stesso il suo ordine. Più caotico è ciò che deve ordinare, più la sua regola sarà rigorosa e più avrà affermato la sua libertà”.    

*

Appare chiaro quanto Camus non sia solo l’intellettuale che medita intorno al concetto (diffuso nella coscienza europea del tempo) di assurdo, ma si presenti come una figura altamente morale, che respinge compromessi, equivocità e sofismi, molte volte a prezzo dell’isolamento e della disapprovazione degli altri. Per questo biasima la tendenza degli intellettuali che, affamati di potere e prestigio, si mostrano ciechi e insensibili di fronte alle brutalità del vero, inclini a una logica del dominio e dell’assoggettamento. E non a caso il suo impegno si esprime su più fronti: oltre alla letteratura, si occupa di giornalismo, di politica (si pensi, ad esempio, alla posizione presa nei confronti del problema algerino e la sua condanna del colonialismo francese), sempre animato da un desiderio di giustizia che non di rado lo espone ai pericoli e alle riprovazioni dell’establishment. “In mezzo a questo baccano lo scrittore non può sperare di tenersi in disparte per seguire le riflessioni e le immagini che gli sono care. Fino ad oggi, bene o male, l’astensione è stata sempre possibile nella storia: chi non approvava poteva spesso tacere o parlare d’altro. Oggi tutto è cambiato, lo stesso silenzio assume un significato pericoloso”.

*

Incontentabile, affatto immobilizzato dal nonsenso, Camus non si limita alla negazione, bensì persevera, si batte per contrapporre al nichilismo i valori concreti della terra, della dignità e della solidarietà umana.

Pur affermando di non credere in Dio, non si definisce un ateo («Sarei anche d’accordo con Benjamin Constant nel trovare nell’irreligione qualcosa di volgare […] e di logoro»). Ciò che può sembrare contraddittorio, offre in effetti un’importante chiave di lettura della prospettiva camusiana. Il Dio cui si riferisce è quello indicato dalla cristianità come misericordioso, caritatevole e giusto, che consola gli oppressi e punisce gli oppressori; ma la realtà di fatto è diversa, e dimostra la sua inesistenza.

*

Il male è inerente alle cose stesse: la sua presenza, che la ragione ritiene immotivata, produce lo scandalo, la collisione – alle radici dell’assurdo – tra le aspirazioni dell’uomo e le dolorose certezze del mondo. In tal senso Dio è il lontano, l’indifferente per eccellenza; e a lui si rivolge la polemica, la sfida dei personaggi di Camus. Essi rivelano un bisogno, una necessità di cogliere un principio metafisico che renda “ammissibile” il male. Questo è sufficiente all’individuazione di una certa aura di religiosità che esclude qualunque interpretazione del pensiero dello scrittore francese in chiave strettamente ateistica.

A differenza di Sartre, Camus non crede che l’uomo sia responsabile della totalità degli eventi, men che meno dell’assurdità dell’esistenza. La “rivolta” si configura, così, come la risposta umana al silenzio e all’inamovibilità di Dio.

C’è da dire, però, che la morale cristiana, propugnando l’impegno quotidiano verso il prossimo, si rivela affine all’etica laica della solidarietà (un dialogo possibile, quello tra il laico e il cristiano, messo in chiaro nel corso di una conferenza tenuta al convento domenicano di Latour-Maubourg).

*

Non credere in Dio significa, in fin dei conti, rifiutarne il ruolo di garante della felicità umana, ma d’altra parte è necessario negare qualsiasi processo di deificazione dell’uomo e della storia.

A ben vedere, la riflessione camusiana, sebbene si ponga in assenza del divino, non può definirsi “irreligiosa”. Vi percepiamo infatti quella sete di sacro, di assoluto, quell’anelito alla pienezza, alla libertà e alla dignità che ogni vita ha il diritto di reclamare: “Spartisco con voi lo stesso orrore del male. Ma non spartisco la vostra speranza, pur continuando a lottare contro questo universo in cui dei bambini soffrono e muoiono […] Come essere santi senza Dio: è questo il solo problema concreto che io conosca”.

Sergio Bertolino 

L'articolo “Come essere santi senza Dio: è questo il solo problema concreto che io conosca”. Albert Camus, un maestro nella contraddizione proviene da Pangea.

from pangea.news https://ift.tt/34BEBpP

[nordleuchten]

La Fayette in Prison - Addendum

Ever since I have started my “La Fayette in Prison” series, I have been frustrated by the lack of information. Something that irked me especially was the fact that most books/papers always wrote that La Fayette was initially arrested with his fellow officers, a few Aide-de-Camps and their servants - but I have never seen their names and is honestly is a shame that we do not know who most of these men were.

Just the other day, I was browsing the Georgian Papers Programme and found a letter that must have been added quite recently because I have seen it before during similar searches. It is a letter in French, written on August 29, 1792 by an unknown person and addressed to William Henry, Duke of Gloucester (younger brother of King George III). The letter relates intelligence gathered by a Mister Long from Liegne about the French Revolution. At the very end is a “Liste des officiers francais arrété à Rhochefort Le 21 aoust 1792” - in other words, we can now a least name some of the men that were arrested that day - and in no small parts thanks to the wonderful @acrossthewavesoftime who helped me decipher all of the names!

GEO/MAIN/54401-54402

Envoyé à M. Le Duc De Bourbon. Le Gen.’ Lafayette, Latour Maubourg,

alexandre Lameth, De Launoir, Maréchaux De Camp ‑ Victor Maubourg,

Colonel de chasseurs - Charles Maubourg officier; Lacombe aide de camp

Général-Mayor Cap.ne aide de camp ‑ Soubeyran Capitaine ‑ Gouvion

frere cadet Du tué ‑ lillet Commissaires des guerres - Les Deux

freres Thomeuf Capitaines de Dragons - Cadignan Lieutenant Colonel ‑

Curemaire Capitaine ‑ Bureau de pussy Capitaine Du Génie ‑ Beaucoup

d’autres qui ne sont pas De marque. ils avoient en tous pour eux et Leur

Domestiques 90 chevaux ./:

Some of the names on this list are pretty well known, both for the person individually but also for their involvement in the French Revolution and their subsequent arrest. La Fayette, the three Maubourg brothers, Lameth, Bureau de Pussy … but while many of these names are well known, just as many names are completely unknown, at least to me. This is one of the moments where you have to realize, that history forgets and history overshadows.

[uncasavantpzn]

Hôtel de Latour Maubourg en París, Francia, Europa. Lo mejor de Hôtel de Latour Maubourg http://ift.tt/2mL5pNE

[foroelgrancapitan]

FULL STORY=> http://ift.tt/2yQVBF0 ¡Coraceros!: la caballería pesada de Napoleón. (IX): 1813 La campaña de Alemania ¡Coraceros!: la caballería pesada de Napoleón. (IX): 1813 La campaña de Alemania 20. Campaña de 1813 (I): Dresde. Napoleón había perdido un ejército en 1812 y levantó otro para 1813. Ejército que iba a estar lastrado por la falta de buena caballería, un arma difícil de reponer en tan poco tiempo, a pesar de la gran actividad presentada por centros de depósito y remonta como los que tenían los franceses en la ocupada Hannover. Si en 1812 los regimientos equivalían a brigadas y había 3 por división, ahora los 15 reducidos regimientos (sin contar al 13º todavía en España) se integran de 3 en 3 en brigadas. Se forman 5 brigadas pesadas, que se distribuyen entre 3 divisiones: 1ª (Bordessoulle), 2ª (Saint-Germain) y 3ª (Doumerc). En la 2ª división están integrados loc carabineros; mientras que la 3ª se tiene que conformar con una única brigada de coraceros, teniendo que formarse con dragones su 2ª brigada. Las divisiones 1ª y 3ª pasan al Cuerpo I de Latour-Maubourg (Nansouty había pasado a comandar la caballería de la Guardia), mientras que la 2ª se integra en el Cuerpo II de Sebastiani; ambos cuerpos cuentan además con dos divisiones ligeras. Al comienzo de la campaña (mayo) dichos cuerpos están reducidos a algo más cercano al tamaño de una división, con muchos regimientos equivaliendo a un escuadrón. Poco a poco irán recibiendo refuerzos, pasando a alinear 2-3 escuadrones cada regimiento. Además de refuerzos franceses, será significativa la incorporación de coraceros sajones -en base al regimiento Leib-Kürassier-Garde, intacto por no haber participado en la campaña de Rusia, y a un reconstruido regimiento Zastrow-, que permitirá añadir una 3ª brigada a la división Bordessoulle.