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Digital Citizenship and Conflict: Social Media Governance and Online Harassment

Social media platforms are often portrayed as spaces of connection, community building, and democratic participation. But what happens when these digital spaces become sites of conflict and harassment? Week 10 of our digital communities journey explores the complex terrain of digital citizenship within contested online environments.

Let's consider a recent example: In January 2022, Australia implemented the Online Safety Act 2021, empowering authorities to compel social media platforms to remove seriously harmful content within 24 hours of receiving formal notice. This legislation represents a significant shift in how we govern digital spaces, recognizing that platforms must bear responsibility for the environments they create.

The concept of digital citizenship extends far beyond simply using technology responsibly. As Mossberger et al. (2008: 1) describe, digital citizenship involves "the membership and participation of individuals within society" through digital means. However, this participation is often complicated by power dynamics that determine who gets to speak and who is silenced through harassment.

Marwick and Caplan (2018) demonstrate that online harassment isn't merely individual bad behavior but often organized and networked action. Their research on "networked harassment" reveals how coordinated attacks using techniques like doxxing, image-based abuse, and intimidation have been refined through controversies such as Gamergate, disproportionately targeting marginalized groups.

The research is clear about who bears the brunt of online harassment. Plan International's 'Free To Be Online' report (2020) found that 59% of girls across 31 countries had experienced abusive language online. Similarly, Haslop, O'Rourke & Southern (2021) documented how women and transgender individuals face significantly higher rates of harassment. These findings were reinforced by The Guardian's analysis of 70 million comment threads, which found that of the 10 writers receiving the most abuse, eight were women (Gardiner et al., 2016).

When it comes to addressing these issues, multiple approaches exist. Legal remedies like Australia's Online Safety Act provide regulatory frameworks, but these must be complemented by platform-level content moderation, advocacy groups, and corporate social responsibility initiatives. As Vitis and Gilmour (2016) note, "women are also using online platforms as a way of engaging, resisting and responding to harassment," demonstrating how digital citizenship involves claiming space despite opposition.

Social media governance happens at both macro and micro levels - from international legislation to community moderation in Facebook Groups and subreddits. This multi-layered governance structure raises important questions about who controls online spaces and whose interests are served in their regulation.

What does true digital citizenship look like in environments where harassment is normalized? Can we create digital communities that foster inclusive participation while effectively addressing harmful behavior? And what responsibility do platforms, users, and governments each bear in creating healthier online spaces?

References

Gardiner, B., Mansfield, M., Anderson, I., Holder, J., Louter, D. & Ulmanu, M. 2016, 'The dark side of Guardian comments', The Guardian, viewed 20 March 2025, https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2016/apr/12/the-dark-side-of-guardian-comments.

Haslop, C., O'Rourke, F. & Southern, R. 2021, '#NoMorePage3: Feminist activism for media reform', Digital Journalism, vol. 9, no. 6, pp. 812-830.

Marwick, A.E. & Caplan, R. 2018, 'Drinking male tears: language, the manosphere, and networked harassment', Feminist Media Studies, vol. 18, no. 4, pp. 543-559.

Mossberger, K., Tolbert, C.J. & McNeal, R.S. 2008, Digital citizenship: The internet, society, and participation, MIT Press, Cambridge.

Plan International 2020, Free to be online? Girls' and young women's experiences of online harassment, Plan International, Surrey.

Vitis, L. & Gilmour, F. 2017, 'Dick pics on blast: A woman's resistance to online sexual harassment using humour, art and Instagram', Crime Media Culture, vol. 13, no. 3, pp. 335-355.

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Gaming Communities and the Rise of Live Streaming

In exploring digital communities this week, we've taken a fascinating dive into gaming culture - specifically looking at how gaming communities form, operate, and evolve through technologies like streaming platforms. Gaming has transformed from a solitary or local multiplayer activity to expansive global communities that connect across various networked platforms.

Minecraft, with its flexible gameplay and cross-platform compatibility, exemplifies what Hjorth et al. (2020) call "ambient play" - the way games move seamlessly between spaces, devices, and contexts. This ambient quality allows games to integrate into our everyday routines rather than existing as separate activities. As Hjorth writes, "Minecraft on iPads fully exploits the multiple dimensions of haptic play, affording more sensorial experiences of learning that conventional educational contexts might not address" (Hjorth et al. 2020, p. 39).

What's particularly interesting is how game streaming platforms like Twitch have created entirely new forms of community engagement. Taylor (2018) describes this as "networked broadcasting" where private play transforms into public entertainment. The social dynamics that emerge from these platforms extend far beyond the games themselves - they create parasocial relationships, community norms, and economic ecosystems.

Gaming communities form what Jenkins (2006) calls "knowledge communities" - voluntary, temporary, and tactical affiliations defined through shared intellectual enterprises and emotional investments. We can see this in how Minecraft players exchange building techniques, redstone contraptions, or survival strategies across platforms. These communities develop their own practices, vocabularies, and hierarchies based on expertise and contribution.

The Melbourne indie game scene, as explored by Keogh (2020), demonstrates how gaming communities function at local levels while connecting globally. These scenes often operate as assemblages of smaller communities that players flow between, predicated on skill, expertise, and knowledge sharing. Keogh notes that "Melbourne now accounts for over half of the entire Australian videogame development industry" (Keogh, 2020, p. 215), showing how these communities can transform into cultural and economic forces.

A contemporary example is the dramatic rise of communities on Discord servers dedicated to specific games or streamers. These spaces extend engagement beyond actual gameplay, creating persistent social spaces where fans interact regardless of whether the game is being played. Similarly, platforms like Roblox have evolved from games into creative community platforms, where users are both players and creators.

What's your experience with gaming communities? Have you participated in streaming culture either as a viewer or creator, and how has it shaped your understanding of digital communities?

References

Hjorth, L., Richardson, I., Davies, H., Balmford, W. and Hazel, B. 2020, Exploring Minecraft, Palgrave Macmillan, Switzerland.

Jenkins, H. 2006, Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide, NYU Press, New York.

Keogh, B. 2020, 'The Melbourne indie game scenes: Value regimes in localized game development', in P. Ruffino (ed.), Independent Videogames: Cultures, Networks, Techniques and Politics, Routledge, London, pp. 209-222.

Taylor, T.L. 2018, Watch Me Play: Twitch and the Rise of Game Live Streaming, Princeton University Press, Princeton.

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The Pretty and the Problematic: Exploring Snapchat Filters and Digital Dysmorphia

Augmented reality (AR) filters have become almost second nature to our digital culture. From adorable puppy ears to flawless skin adjustments, these filters have transformed how we present ourselves online. But what happens when the "perfect" digital version of ourselves becomes the standard we strive for in our physical lives?

As Jessica Barker (2020) explores in her article "Making-up on mobile: the pretty and ugly implications of Snapchat," what began as playful experimentation has evolved into something more complex. When Snapchat first launched, it positioned itself as an authentic alternative to carefully curated social media - a space for unfiltered, ephemeral moments. However, the introduction of beauty-enhancing filters in 2015 shifted this dynamic dramatically.

"What happens when the fashionable beauty ideal – typically considered unattainable – becomes instantly attainable for the masses with the mere tap of a touchscreen?" Barker asks (2020, p. 207). This question becomes increasingly relevant as filter technology advances, with newer filters like TikTok's infamous "Bold Glamour" filter using AI to create seamless, nearly undetectable modifications that follow facial movements without glitching.

The concept of "digitized dysmorphia," introduced by Coy-Dibley (2016), helps us understand this phenomenon. Unlike Body Dysmorphic Disorder (BDD), which is a clinical condition, digitized dysmorphia represents a socially conditioned perception of our bodies shaped by digital beauty standards. The key difference is that while BDD patients perceive flaws that others may not see, digitized dysmorphia involves comparing ourselves to technologically enhanced versions of ourselves and others.

Rettberg (2014) offers another valuable perspective through her concept of "filtered reality." She argues that filters aren't just technological tools but cultural constructs that shape how we see and present ourselves. "Instagram filters may make our selfies and photos of our everyday life seem unfamiliar, but the filter itself is repeated so often that the defamiliarisation effect wears off and becomes a cliché" (Rettberg, 2014, p. 26).

What makes this topic particularly relevant today is the increasing normalization of "ambient filtering" (Lavrence & Cambre, 2020). Unlike early, obvious filters like dog ears, today's beauty filters aim for a subtler "natural-but-enhanced" look that blurs the line between authentic and modified. This shift is evident in the growing phenomenon of "Snapchat dysmorphia," where plastic surgeons report patients requesting procedures to make them look more like their filtered selves.

The statistics are staggering - with Instagram hosting up to 2 billion active users and around 46% of them using filters, we're witnessing a mass experiment in self-perception. As beauty filters become integrated into various platforms and even non-social media applications (like AliPay's payment verification system that applies beauty filters during face recognition), the boundaries between our digital and physical selves continue to blur.

So I wonder: as these technologies become increasingly sophisticated and pervasive, how do we maintain a healthy relationship with our unfiltered selves? Are we witnessing a fundamental shift in how humanity perceives beauty, or is this simply another technological trend that we'll eventually adapt to and move beyond?

References

Barker, J. (2020) 'Making-up on mobile: the pretty and ugly implications of Snapchat filters', Fashion, Style & Popular Culture, 7(2+3), pp. 207-221.

Coy-Dibley, I. (2016) '"Digitized Dysmorphia" of the female body: the re/disfigurement of the image', Palgrave Communications, 2(16040).

Lavrence, C. & Cambre, C. (2020) '"Do I look like my selfie?": Filters and the digital-forensic gaze', Social Media + Society, 6(4).

Rettberg, J.W. (2014) 'Filtered Reality', in Seeing Ourselves Through Technology: How We Use Selfies, Blogs and Wearable Devices to See and Shape Ourselves. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 20-32.

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Sexualized Labor in Digital Culture: Instagram Influencers & Body Work

In today's digital landscape, social media has become a site where self-presentation and economic activity blur together in fascinating ways. This week's exploration of sexualized labor on platforms like Instagram reveals how content creators navigate the complex terrain of visibility, attention economies, and body aesthetics to monetize their online presence.

Take the example of Instagram's "shoutout pages" highlighted in Dr. Mavroudis's lecture. These pages function as attention currency by curating and reposting sexually suggestive content from various users, creating visibility pathways that reinforce certain aesthetic templates. The users featured pursue visibility through specific bodily performances designed to attract followers and potentially monetize that attention.

Microcelebrity & Aesthetic Labor

Central to understanding this phenomenon is the concept of "microcelebrity," which Senft (2012) describes as a new form of online identity almost exclusively linked to digital spaces. Microcelebrities engage in what Drenten, Gurrieri & Tyler (2019) identify as visibility labor - the work of creating and maintaining an online persona that resembles a branded good to gain status through online visibility.

This labor manifests particularly through aesthetic templates - standardized poses, accessories, and body work that conform to platform-specific expectations. For women on Instagram, this often means adhering to what researchers call "pornification" - displays of sexuality that reflect commercial pornography aesthetics (Tyler & Quek, 2016). Interestingly, these templates differ significantly between genders, with female influencers often objectifying themselves while male influencers tend toward active demonstrations of strength and athleticism.

The Attention Economy & Health Implications

The drive to gain visibility through these aesthetic templates has direct public health implications. The dissonance between highly edited online representations and offline realities can contribute to body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) and increased cosmetic procedure seeking behaviors. As Dorfman et al. (2018) found in their study of plastic surgery hashtags, the majority of such content on Instagram is promotional rather than educational, further commercializing beauty standards.

Perhaps most concerning is how these dynamics marginalize certain identities while reinforcing heteronormative ideals. Duffy and Meisner's (2022) research suggests that marginalized content creators often experience "algorithmic invisibility," forcing self-censorship or adherence to dominant aesthetic templates to gain visibility.

What does this tell us about the relationship between digital platforms, body image, and identity expression? Can we reimagine social media spaces to support more diverse forms of visibility that don't require sexualized labor?

References

Drenten, J., Gurrieri, L. & Tyler, M. (2019) 'Sexualized labour in digital culture: Instagram influencers, porn chic and the monetization of attention', Gender, Work and Organization, pp. 1-26.

Dorfman, R.G., Vaca, E.E., Mahmood, E., Fine, N.A. & Schierle, C. (2018) 'Plastic Surgery-Related Hashtag Utilization on Instagram: Implications for Education and Marketing', Aesthetic Surgery Journal, vol. 38, no. 3, pp. 332-338.

Mavroudis, J. (2025) 'Digital Citizenship and Health Education: Body Modification on Visual Social Media', Lecture slides, MDA20009, Swinburne University.

Senft, T. (2012) 'Microcelebrity and the Branded Self', in J. Hartley, J. Burgess & A. Bruns (eds), A Companion to New Media Dynamics, Blackwell, UK.

Tyler, M. & Quek, K. (2016) 'Conceptualizing pornographication', Sexualization, Media, & Society, 2(2), pp. 1-14.

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Digital Citizenship in Action: How Social Media Influencers Are Driving the Slow Fashion Movement

In our increasingly digital world, the concept of citizenship has evolved beyond geographical borders to encompass how we conduct ourselves online. This week's exploration of digital citizenship through the lens of the slow fashion movement demonstrates how social media platforms can be powerful tools for social change and ethical consumption.

The slow fashion movement represents a striking example of digital citizenship in practice. As Vromen (2017) notes, "New citizen norms and identities have emerged that prioritise personalisation and sharing over traditional, dutiful allegiances to politics. The ubiquity of social media in the everyday lives of citizens fosters the development of digital citizenship." This interconnection is visible through influencers like Venetia La Manna and Tiffany Ferguson, who leverage their digital platforms to advocate for sustainable fashion practices and challenge the harmful impacts of fast fashion.

The environmental consequences of the fashion industry are staggering. The textile industry contributes 17-20% of global industrial water pollution and 10% of the world's carbon emissions—exceeding the combined carbon footprint of international flights and maritime shipping (Brewer, 2019). Additionally, in the US alone, 11.9 million tons of clothing and footwear are discarded annually, with 8.2 million tons ending up in landfills. These statistics highlight why digital advocacy for slow fashion is not merely a trend but a necessary response to an environmental crisis.

Slow fashion isn't a new concept—it's connected to the counter-culture movements of the 1960s, anti-fur campaigns of the 1980s, and protests against unethical working conditions in the 1990s and early 2000s (Lai et al., 2017). What's new is how digital citizenship has amplified these concerns. The Office of the eSafety Commissioner defines a good digital citizen as "a person with the skills and knowledge to effectively use digital technologies in a positive way to participate in society, communicate with others, and create and consume digital content." Slow fashion influencers embody this definition by using their platforms to educate consumers about sustainable alternatives and expose unethical practices in the industry.

Organizations like Big Sister Swap and Second Runway demonstrate how digital citizenship can translate into practical solutions. Big Sister Swap's personalized clothing exchange service, promoted primarily through TikTok and Instagram, offers an accessible entry point to sustainable fashion. Similarly, influencers like Venetia La Manna directly challenge fast fashion brands by highlighting labor exploitation, as seen in her criticism of SKIMS and its manufacturing practices in Myanmar and Turkey.

The COVID-19 pandemic has further accelerated the need to understand digital citizenship "in a profound way, particularly emphasizing its effects on marginalized and oppressed people" (Choi & Cristol, 2021). This is particularly relevant to the fashion industry, where the pandemic amplified public awareness of social injustice in the supply chain, including the casualization of the textile industry and inhumane working conditions in garment factories (McKinsey, 2021).

As we consider our own digital footprints, how might we incorporate the principles of slow fashion and ethical consumption into our online behaviors? Can our everyday digital interactions become acts of citizenship that challenge unsustainable systems?

References:

Brewer, P. (2019) 'Environmental Impact of the Fashion Industry', Referenced in MDA 20009 Digital Communities lecture slides.

Choi, M. & Cristol, D. (2021) 'Digital Citizenship: Perspectives on marginalized and oppressed people', Referenced in MDA 20009 Digital Communities lecture slides.

Lai, Z. et al. (2017) 'Slow Fashion Movement History', Referenced in MDA 20009 Digital Communities lecture slides.

McKinsey (2021) 'Fashion Industry Labor Practices Following COVID-19', Referenced in MDA 20009 Digital Communities lecture slides.

Vromen, A. (2017) 'Digital Citizenship and Social Media', Referenced in MDA 20009 Digital Communities lecture slides.

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"Beyond the Safety Net: Reimagining Digital Citizenship in 2025"

When 14-year-old Maya launched her viral TikTok series that highlighted racial bias within school dress codes, she was not merely producing content – she was transforming the concept of digital citizenship. While the focus on cyber safety prevails in educational policies and platform regulations, recent events such as the unprecedented online mobilization amid global protests and the COVID-19 pandemic have illustrated that digital citizenship encompasses much more than simply being safe online. This article explores how our perception of digital citizenship needs to adapt to incorporate participatory democracy while recognizing the intersectional experiences present in digital environments.

The Three Faces of Digital Control McCosker's (2016) examination uncovers how digital citizenship is influenced by three interconnected layers of authority: governmental regulation, platform governance, and educational initiatives. Recent occurrences exemplify these interactions remarkably. Take, for instance, Meta's Oversight Board - a quasi-judicial entity making content moderation decisions that impact billions of users. In January 2025, their decision regarding AI-generated political content highlighted how platform governance is increasingly intertwined with democratic processes (Meta Oversight Board, 2025).

However, these control systems frequently fall short in addressing the varied needs of digital citizens. As Choi and Cristol (2021) contend, acknowledging intersectionality is vital for grasping how different groups navigate and engage in digital spaces. The #BlackLivesMatter movement's digital strategies have illustrated how marginalized communities can harness social media for systemic transformation, despite enduring increased surveillance and moderation (Freelon et al., 2024).

Beyond Cyber Safety:

Towards Participatory Democracy Conventional cyber safety frameworks, while significant, risk fostering what Heath and Marcovitz (2019) refer to as a "digital citizenship of compliance" instead of empowerment. Consider the differing approaches of two prominent initiatives in 2024:

The EU's Digital Citizenship Framework: Primarily concentrates on protection and risk management

The "Digital Democracy Project": Highlights active participation and collective action

As we navigate an increasingly intricate digital landscape, we must ponder: How can we strike a balance between essential protections and the necessity for authentic digital involvement? Maya's TikTok activism indicates that young individuals are already discovering inventive methods to assert their digital citizenship. Perhaps it is time for our frameworks and policies to align with their reality.

References:

Choi, M. & Cristol, D. (2021) 'Digital citizenship with intersectionality lens: Towards participatory democracy driven digital citizenship education', Theory Into Practice, 60(4), pp. 361-370. https://doi.org/10.1080/00405841.2021.1987094

Heath, M. & Marcovitz, D. (2019) 'Reconceptualizing digital citizenship curricula: Designing a critical and justice-oriented digital citizenship course', in K. Graziano (ed.) Proceedings of Society for Information Technology & Teacher Education International Conference. Las Vegas: Association for the Advancement of Computing in Education, pp. 665-672.

McCosker, A. (2016) 'Managing Digital Citizenship: Cyber Safety as Three Layers of Control', in Negotiating Digital Citizenship: Control, Contest and Culture. London: Rowman & Littlefield International.

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Confessional Cameras, Political Keyboards: When Reality TV Viewers Became Digital Citizens

Imagine this: It's the end of January 2024, and a contestant from Love Island All Stars UK casually mentions their upbringing on a council estate, triggering a whirlwind of online discourse surrounding social class in Britain. Within mere hours, TikTok is inundated with stitched reactions, Reddit threads analyze the socioeconomic ramifications, and Twitter (now X) is ablaze with personal stories about social mobility. This incident strikingly illustrates how reality television, often regarded as trivial entertainment, has evolved into an unforeseen catalyst for substantial political dialogue in our digital era.

When Entertainment Becomes Political: A Personal Journey 

As an individual who moderates multiple reality TV subreddits, I have observed how these areas shift from fan spaces into dynamic political arenas. Just last week, a conversation regarding a Selling Sunset episode that showcased a $50 million property escalated into an intense discussion about housing inequality and foreign investment in the real estate market. What started with remarks about marble countertops culminated in users recounting personal experiences related to generational wealth and housing instability.

Platform Vernaculars in Action 

Let's break down how different platforms shape these political conversations:

Reddit: The Deep Dive Reality TV subreddits have emerged as unexpected hubs for political dialogue. "We initially joined for the drama, but remained for the discussions," states r/SellingSunset moderator u/RealtyPolitics. The platform's threaded format facilitates conversations that naturally transition from entertainment to significant social topics, while anonymity allows for more open discussions regarding class, gender, and race.

Twitter/X: The Rapid Response When RuPaul's Drag Race contestant Gottmik made history as the first transgender male contestant, Twitter burst into conversations about trans representation. "What began as live-tweeting a runway challenge evolved into a vital discussion about healthcare access," observes digital culture researcher Dr. Sarah Chen (2024).

TikTok: The Personal Political The platform's short video format has introduced what I refer to as "reality TV political commentary." Creators leverage show clips as springboards for dialogues on topics ranging from workplace discrimination (inspired by Below Deck) to mental health awareness (following discussions from Love Island).

Beyond Entertainment: The Bigger Picture 

This transformation reflects what media scholar Henry Jenkins (2023) describes as "political entertainment convergence," wherein the distinctions between entertainment media and civic dialogue increasingly merge. The focus of reality TV on 'genuine' human interactions, despite its evident construction, fosters distinctive opportunities for political discourse.

Looking Forward 

As new platforms emerge and reality formats continue to evolve, these areas for political dialogue are becoming ever more crucial. The recent class conversation on Love Island illustrates how entertainment media continues to ignite significant societal discussions. The lingering question is: How can we enhance our understanding and promotion of these new forms of civic engagement?

Have you ever found yourself in a political conversation that originated from a reality TV moment? How did the platform influence that dialogue?

References 

Chen, S. (2024) 'From Confessional to Political: Reality TV in Digital Spaces', New Media & Society, 26(1), pp.45-62. 

Graham, T. and Hajru, A. (2011) 'Reality TV as a trigger of everyday political talk in the net-based public sphere', European Journal of Communication, 26(1), pp.18-32. 

Jenkins, H. (2023) 'Entertainment Citizenship in the Digital Age', Media, Culture & Society, 45(3), pp.312-330.

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From Safe Spaces to Public Squares: How Platform Vernaculars Shape Modern Feminist Movements

Picture this: A young activist wishes to convey her experiences with sexist dress codes at her school. Should she share it on Facebook where her relatives might see it? Tweet it to garner extensive awareness? Or perhaps share it anonymously on Tumblr? As social media increasingly serves as the stage for feminist activism, grasping how various platforms influence these discussions has never been more vital.

The Digital Feminist's Dilemma

In March 2024, when the "NotOurDaughters" movement surged across social media to protest gender-based school uniform policies, activists intentionally utilized different platforms for distinct objectives. On Twitter, the hashtag amassed over 2 million tweets within 48 hours. Simultaneously, personal narratives thrived on Tumblr, while Facebook emerged as the focal point for organizing local protests. This was not by chance - it embodied what Keller (2019) refers to as "platform vernacular" - the distinctive communication styles and customs that define various social media environments.

Let's examine how these vernaculars played out across three major platforms during this movement:

Tumblr: The Diary of a Movement

When 16-year-old Sarah (pseudonym) sought to share her experience with biased dress codes, she opted for Tumblr. "It feels more secure here," she remarked in our research interview. "I can express myself freely without the fear of my teachers or parents discovering it." This aligns with Cho's (2015) insight that Tumblr's anonymity renders it particularly beneficial for marginalized voices.

Twitter: The Megaphone

The #NotOurDaughters hashtag exemplifies Twitter's exceptional ability for swift message dissemination. "We selected Twitter for the hashtag launch because we required immediate, widespread visibility," states campaign organizer Maya Chen. However, this visibility came with repercussions - numerous activists reported experiencing harassment, underscoring the platform's dual nature (Mendes et al., 2019).

Facebook: The Community Hub

Local parent organizations utilized Facebook to convert online outrage into tangible action. "Facebook's groups feature allowed us to coordinate protests while maintaining the privacy of our discussions," observes activist parent Jennifer Liu. The platform's real-name policy, although restrictive for certain forms of activism, proved advantageous for community organizing.

Beyond Platform Binaries

What makes this case intriguing is not only how activists employed various platforms, but also how they interconnected them. Tumblr posts evolved into Twitter screenshots, which then sparked Facebook conversations, forming what Rentschler and Thrift (2015) describe as a "networked feminist counterpublic."

Looking Forward

As we progress further into 2025, new platforms like BeReal and Threads are arising with their own vernaculars. For feminist activists, the challenge lies not just in mastering these spaces but in comprehending how to strategically integrate them for optimal impact.

The question lingers: How do we maintain the safety of Tumblr, the reach of Twitter, and the organizing capabilities of Facebook while creating new avenues for feminist dialogue? Share your insights below.

References

Cho, A. (2015). Queer reverb: Tumblr, affect, time. In K. Hillis, S. Paasonen, & M. Petit (Eds.), Networked affect (pp. 43-58). MIT Press.

Keller, J. (2019). "Oh, She's a Tumblr Feminist": Exploring the Platform Vernacular of Girls' Social Media Feminisms. Social Media + Society, 5(3), 1-11.

Mendes, K., Ringrose, J., & Keller, J. (2019). Digital Feminist Activism: Girls and Women Fight Back Against Rape Culture. Oxford University Press.

Rentschler, C., & Thrift, S. (2015). Doing feminism in the network. Feminist Theory, 16(3), 329-359.