paralleljulieverse
paralleljulieverse
The Parallel Julieverse
553 posts
Visual and textual musings on the sublime Julie Andrews, her stardom and career...from the real to the surreal. Unless otherwise noted, Copyright © Brett Farmer. All rights reserved.
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paralleljulieverse · 8 days ago
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From the Archives: Introducing 'Little Miss Julia Wells' (1939)
In what may be the earliest known press mention of Julie Andrews, The Parallel Julieverse has unearthed a charming newspaper article from the Surrey Advertiser and County Times, dated 24 June 1939.
Nestled deep in a society column describing a fundraising garden fête in Walton-on-Thames, one brief line stands out:
“Miss Burke commended the object of the fete, and was afterwards handed a bouquet by little Miss Julia Wells, who also handed another to Mrs Miskin.”
At just three years and nine months old, “Julia Wells”—as Julie was then known—was living in the Walton area with her parents, Ted and Barbara Wells. The family had deep roots in the community, and performance was already woven into their daily lives.
As Julie later recalled in her memoir Home (2008, p. 10ff), her mother Barbara, an accomplished pianist, and her aunt Joan Morris, a dancer and percussionist, often performed together at local events. By the late 1930s, Joan had established a thriving dance troupe for local juveniles, and both sisters were key figures on the Walton–Hersham amateur circuit. Julie’s father, Ted, was also regularly roped in to help behind the scenes, crafting scenery and props (ibid., p. 19ff).
On this occasion, Joan’s troupe was among the featured performers at the garden fete. While there is no record of Julie performing that day, she was given a small ceremonial role: presenting flowers to the fête’s guest of honour, actress Patricia Burke, and to the hostess, Mrs Miskin. It was certainly among the earliest occasions on which young Julia was enlisted in one of Aunt Joan’s productions — a pattern that would repeat in various forms throughout her childhood.
In a serendipitous twist, Patricia Burke would cross paths with Julie again in 1950. By then, the 15-year-old Andrews was a rising star, honoured at a publicity event hosted by impresario Lawrence Wright. Burke was among the older female performers present to toast the young star. One wonders: did she recognise the poised teenage Julie Andrews as the same little girl who had once shyly handed her flowers at a Walton garden fête in the summer of 1939?
Sources:
Andrews, J. (2008). Home: A memoir of my early years. Weidenfeld & Nicolson.
Women legionnaires hold fete. (1939, June 24). Surrey Advertiser and County Times, p. 7.
© 2025, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.
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paralleljulieverse · 15 days ago
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FROM THE ARCHIVES: JUST LIKE RIDING A BIKE Press photos of Julie Andrews, aged 12, at the family home, the Old Meuse, in Walton-on-Thames, 25 October 1947
In 1947, fresh from her star-making turn in Starlight Roof, 12-year-old Julie Andrews was widely feted in the British press as a singing child phenomenon. Her nightly performance of the difficult coloratura showpiece “Polonaise” from Mignon — complete with florid runs, agile cadenzas, and a stratospheric F above top C — left audiences stunned and critics reaching for superlatives. The press dubbed her everything from the “Prima Donna in Pigtails” and "Infant Prodigy of Trills" to “Britain’s Youngest Singing Star” (Farmer, 2022, p. 136).
At the same time, media profiles anchored her emerging child star image in the normalising discourse of British domesticity. Articles reassured readers that, behind the exceptional talent, Julie was a simple English girl at heart — one who loved dogs and horses, read the Bible nightly, and helped with household chores (Farmer, 2022, p. 139). This emphasis on ordinariness helped temper potential unease around juvenile prodigiousness, casting Julie not as a precocious oddity but as a national 'every child'.
Publicity photographs of the time brought this ideological narrative to life. They routinely staged the young star in scenes of wholesome suburban girlhood at her family home in Walton-on-Thames: playing with dolls, doing homework by the fireside, and, as in the images featured here, riding her bicycle. These bicycle portraits were among the most widely reproduced of Andrews’s early publicity stills. Even Dame Julie herself later selected one of these images for inclusion in her memoir Home (Andrews, 2008). The appeal is not hard to discern. Despite its unassuming simplicity, the image of a child riding a bicycle is rich with cultural symbolism.
Since its advent in the nineteenth century, the bicycle has carried a complex and evolving social status — shaped by Romantic ideals of bucolic freedom and therapeutic health, as well as modernist associations with progress and egalitarianism (Oosterhuis, 2016). In post-war Britain, it became a potent emblem of both practicality and aspiration: a tool of everyday mobility and a marker of youthful independence, health, and middle-class stability. Amid the material constraints of post-war reconstruction, the bicycle remained an affordable, and valued mode of transport, linked to thrift, duty, and discipline. At the same time, the rise of car culture redefined the bicycle as a vehicle of childhood and leisure — often a prized Christmas or birthday gift — increasingly associated with juvenile innocence, adventure, and coming-of-age (Withers & Shea, 2016).
These networks of cultural meaning find poignant expression in the shoot’s main photograph, where Julie rides mid-motion across the gravel drive of her family home, her right arm raised in a cheerful wave, a wide smile lighting her face. The carefree gesture and easy poise suggest spontaneous joy and expressive action. Yet every detail is carefully curated: her hair neatly plaited, her wool jumper tucked in, her tartan skirt pressed just so. With ankle socks and polished bar shoes completing the look, she embodies an idealised vision of post-war British girlhood.
The image thus frames the young star as both an extraordinary child soprano and an everyday schoolgirl, pedalling through the quiet certainties of suburban petit bourgeois respectability. That duality — between prodigious talent and reassuring normalcy — was precisely what made the young Julie Andrews so captivating in the public imagination of post-war Britain.
Sources:
Andrews, J. (2008). Home: A memoir of my early years. Weidenfeld & Nicolson.
Farmer, B. (2022). ‘Prima donna in pigtails’: Reading the child stardom of Julie Andrews. Celebrity Studies, 14(2), 131–145. https://doi.org/10.1080/19392397.2022.2038531
Oosterhuis, H. (2016). Cycling, modernity and national culture. Social History, 41(3), 233–248. https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2016.1180897
Withers, J., & Shea, D. P. (2016). Culture on two wheels: The bicycle in literature and film. University of Nebraska Press.
© 2025, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.
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paralleljulieverse · 21 days ago
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FROM THE ARCHIVES: Julie Andrews with her pet dog, Humpty, in the front garden of her family home in Walton-on-Thames, 4 August 1954 (UP Photo)
In the weeks leading up to her departure for New York to star in The Boy Friend on Broadway, 18-year-old Julie Andrews became the subject of intense media interest. Much of the coverage leaned into a familiar narrative that had long shaped her public star image: the ordinary English girl with an extraordinary talent, destined for fame (Farmer, 2022).
A recurring visual motif in this portrayal was to photograph Julie with her pets. As explored in a previous blog post, such images were rich in cultural symbolism — evoking, inter alia, British national identity, middle-class domesticity, familial warmth, and nurturing femininity — all core components of Julie's evolving star persona.
This particular photo from 1954 carries added resonance as it features Julie’s beloved childhood pet, 'Humpty'. A Welsh corgi acquired in 1948 when she was just 13 — and named after the character she played in her first West End pantomime — Humpty quite literally grew up alongside her, from child prodigy to young adult star. Decades later, Julie would still remember him fondly as “one of the dearest pets I owned” (Christy, 1966, p. 28).
There is, thus, a quiet poignancy in this image of Julie cradling her now white-muzzled companion, captured on the cusp of her departure from the familiar comforts of suburban Walton-on-Thames — and, though she couldn’t yet know it, her transformation into a global icon. Sources Christy, G. (1966, March). Julie Andrews: All the things I love most. Good Housekeeping, 26ff. Farmer, B. (2022). ‘Prima donna in pigtails’: Reading the child stardom of Julie Andrews. Celebrity Studies, 14(2), 131–145. https://doi.org/10.1080/19392397.2022.2038531 © 2025, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.
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paralleljulieverse · 26 days ago
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From the Archives: Julie Andrews with Petula Clark and Robert Beatty at BBC Studios for Music, Music, Music! (29 May 1954)
In the summer of 1954, 18-year-old Julie Andrews found herself biding time. Her first — and only — attempt at “straight” theatre, Mountain Fire, had been cancelled during its out-of-town tryout, but the young star had already signed on to sail for America to headline the Broadway production of The Boy Friend — and with it, a whole new world of opportunity.
Julie didn’t, however, spend the summer idle. Instead, she took on a string of radio and television appearances, including the one captured here.
Described as “a musical battle of wits,” Music, Music, Music! was the first of eight TV game show pilots the BBC trialled that summer, with the aim of selecting one for a regular run (The Scanners, 1954, p. 16). The program pitted two teams of celebrities — captained by Julie and Petula Clark respectively — against each other in a series of novelty musical questions and games.
By most accounts, it was not a success. Reported the Daily Herald:
Angry viewers telephoned the BBC last night to complain about TV’s new parlour game, “Music, Music, Music.” I don’t blame them. For a few moments during this 30-minute show there was chaos. The rest of the time was only near-chaos. Chaos came when a tuba, a motor-horn, a drum and a celeste were all played together with the panel members… shrieking and the chairman, David Jacobs, shouting for order… Heaven help us (Phillips, 1954, p. 3).
“Abysmal,” scowled the critic for the News Chronicle, though he did offer some grace to Julie:
My Bouquet... of the Week would go to Miss Julie Andrews – for knowing nothing so nicely. Just go on being your own charming self, Miss Andrews, and don't worry. There was nothing in “Music, Music, Music” worth knowing, anyway (Brittenden, 1954, p. 6).
Not surprisingly, Music, Music, Music! didn’t make the cut, and the BBC opted to greenlight one of the other game show pilots, Tall Story Club (Aynsley, 1954, p. 3). But for fans of Julie’s early career, this fleeting and chaotic TV experiment remains a fascinating curio — a reminder that real talent shines through, even in the noisiest of settings.
Sources:
Aynsley, C. (1954, 28 August). TV chooses new panel game. Daily Express, p. 3.
Brittenden, A. (1954, 2 July). This week it's all games and military might. News Chronicle, p. 6.
Phillips, P. (1954, 30 June). They're annoyed with the BBC. Daily Herald, p. 3.
The Scanners (1954, 25 June). Parade of parlour games. Radio Times, p. 15.
© 2025, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.
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paralleljulieverse · 3 months ago
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FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
DAME JULIE ANDREWS LAUNCHES HER FIRST FRAGRANCE: DAME JULIE No 1
Practically perfect in every spray
London, UK – 31 March 2025 — Legendary performer, bestselling author, and all-round global treasure Dame Julie Andrews has unveiled her latest act—this time, in a bottle. Say hello to DAME JULIE No 1, a debut fragrance that captures the grace, wit, and unmistakable Britishness of the Dame Commander herself.
Crafted in collaboration with boutique fragrance house PJV Parfumerie, DAME JULIE No 1 is a scent as refined and surprising as its namesake. Top notes of English rose and violet give way to a heart of edelweiss, chimney soot, and Genovian pear. The base settles into a comforting blend of lilacs, PG tips, and the faint whiff of a well-thumbed playbill.
“I wanted something that reminded me of home, the theatre, and the small miracle of a quiet cup of tea after a standing ovation,” said Dame Julie from her garden conservatory, dressed in crisply laundered linen and surrounded by her many awards.
The limited-edition perfume is available beginning April 1st at select luxury retailers and online. Each bottle comes with a handwritten note from Dame Julie that may or may not have been penned by her actual hand.
Fans, show queens, and diva devotees of all ages are encouraged to secure their bottle quickly. As with Dame Julie herself, there is only one No 1.
NB: Due to US tariffs on imported joy and whimsy, DAME JULIE No 1 will not be available for sale in the American market. US buyers are advised to hop the border to Canada, Mexico, or Walton-on-Thames.
DAME JULIE No 1 — Practically perfect in every spray.
Media Contact: Millie van Hossmere (nee Dillmount) PR Director (Grad. Cert. Belle Weatherrill’s Girls’ School of Business) [email protected] +44 20 7946 0175
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paralleljulieverse · 4 months ago
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Negotiating Transatlantic Stardom: Julie Andrews in Everywoman, May 1956
By early 1956, Julie Andrews was firmly on the path to international stardom. Her New York debut in The Boy Friend (1954–55) had made her the "Toast of Broadway," and her latest role as Eliza Doolittle in My Fair Lady, hailed as "the musical of the century," was set to elevate her fame even further.
Back home in the UK, commentators were quick to celebrate the US success of "our Julie" as a source of national pride. This fascinating two-page celebrity spread in Everywoman—compiled while Julie was home on a Christmas hiatus between shows and published in the magazine's May 1956 issue—captures a pivotal moment in the evolution of her public image in Britain (Lincoln 1956).
From the outset, the article frames Julie’s celebrity in emphatically nationalist terms. Its very title, The Lass With the Delicate Air—a reference to the famed British folk song (and, incidentally, later the title track of Julie’s first solo LP)—positions her as an emblem of English heritage. This nationalist coding is further reinforced through descriptions that variously cast Julie as 'Broadway’s English star' and "a delicate English rose" (p. 52).
The article sustains this image by attributing to Julie a familiar repertoire of classic British virtues—modesty, middle-class reserve, and plucky pragmatism. She is portrayed as "charming" but "without gimmicks," thoughtful and polite: "she concentrates when you ask her a question, pauses reflectively a moment, then answers without affectation or coyness" (p. 53). She is also grounded and disciplined—"unsensationally businesslike"—approaching everything with "her usual seriousness and application" (p. 52).
Yet alongside this warming portrait of hegemonic Englishness, the article also acknowledges elements of novelty and transformation. Julie’s "long brown childlike bob" has become "a sleek, centre-parted cap style" (p. 52); she has exchanged her "beret and schoolgirlish coat" for "full-skirted dresses and American-style sports clothes"; and she has "cultivated the American taste for steaks and fruit" (p. 53).
While these details position her within a more cosmopolitan, modernised femininity, the article simultaneously reassures readers that she remains steadfastly loyal to her homeland. She may "enchant… everyone both sides of the Atlantic," but "the loneliness of New York" leaves her "terribly homesick" (p. 52). "I wish I could spend six months of the year in America and the other six in England," she confesses longingly (p. 53).
This careful balancing act—celebrating Julie’s American success while reaffirming her enduring Englishness—takes on heightened significance when viewed in the broader postwar context. The 1950s were a period of profound transformation in Britain as the nation adjusted to a shifting global order (Catterall & Obelkevich 1994). The United States had emerged as the dominant superpower, and its cultural and economic influence expanded rapidly, flooding British markets with American products, fashions, and entertainment. This influx fuelled widespread anxiety over what many saw as an accelerating cultural Americanisation. "America is now the great invader," huffed British writer J.B. Priestley in 1955 (cited in Lyons 2013, p. 7).
Amidst these anxieties, the framing of Julie’s expanded celebrity had to walk a rhetorical tightrope—embracing the glamour of her transatlantic success without undermining the sense of her enduring Englishness. One of the ways in which the article negotiates this tension is through a recurring Cinderella theme—a classic motif of celebrity discourse and one central to Julie’s early stardom. Her journey from an ordinary English girl with 'buck teeth' to the 'Toast of Broadway' mirrors a fairytale transformation, positioning her as both relatable and exceptional, English and international—a perfect synthesis for a public icon of the era.
The Cinderella metamorphosis is also spelled out visually in the accompanying selection of press photos of Julie across the years. There is Juvenile Julie, a gangly 13-year-old schoolgirl, all fidgety fingers as she gazes intently into the eyes of Danny Kaye—and, perhaps, her own as-yet-unrealised future of American stardom. Then there is Homely Julie, lovingly framed with her brothers in the diamond-leaded window of their suburban Surrey home or practising at the family piano with her mother. Finally, there is Transatlantic Star Julie—striking a theatrical pose in an armchair, gazing at her poised reflection in a Hollywood-style dressing room mirror, or dressed in character as she takes her place on the New York stage alongside the established stardom of Rex Harrison.
This interplay of imagery, narrative, and cultural positioning ultimately serves a primary commercial function: celebrity-mediated promotion. Like many magazines of its era, Everywoman catered to the booming postwar market of female readers through an aspirational mix of idealised domesticity, beauty culture, and consumerist lifestyle. With sections dedicated to home-making, fashion, beauty, and family affairs, the magazine was also filled with colourful advertising for everything from fashion and cosmetics to grocery items, white goods, and cleaning products. In doing so, Everywoman worked to socialise its largely lower-middle-class readership into the moral and material imperatives of global postwar consumerism (Walker 1998).
Understood in these terms, Julie’s Cinderella transformation functions not just as a fairytale idyll but as an instructive model of self-fashioning, reinforcing postwar ideals of commodified femininity and aspirational consumption. Framed explicitly as a beauty story, her rise to stardom becomes a journey of discipline and self-improvement, one extending beyond talent to the meticulous cultivation of beauty. Whether perfecting her makeup or refining her wardrobe, Julie approaches her appearance with the same no-nonsense effort she applies to her craft. Her willingness to learn—from the sage counsel of a Fairy Godmother-like Beauty Counselor, no less—embodies the magazine’s ethos of achievable glamour, where self-discipline and refinement lead to transformation.
By blending the extraordinary with the accessible, the Everywoman article presents Julie’s success as both aspirational and instructive, reinforcing the postwar belief that discipline, charm, and the right consumer choices could shape one’s destiny. At the same time, it resolves tensions between British identity and American influence by portraying "our Julie" as both triumphant abroad and steadfastly English at heart.
Sources:
Catterall, P. & Obelkevich, J. (1994). Understanding post-war British society. Routledge.
Lincoln, N. (1956, May). Julie Andrews: The lass with the delicate air. Everywoman. 17(195). pp. 52-53.
Lyons, J.F. (2013). America in the British imagination, 1945 to the present. Palgrave Macmillan. Walker, N. (Ed.). (1998). Women's magazines, 1940-1960: Gender roles and the popular press. Bedford Press.
© 2025, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.
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paralleljulieverse · 5 months ago
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Die Lady ist ein Star!
Rare bespoke German poster for the original 1968 release of STAR! Unlike the standard German posters for the film, which adapted the competing U.S. Style A and B artwork, this version features a unique design signed by someone named "Hans." However, the artwork is clearly based on unused concept designs by William Berta, the graphic designer behind the iconic Broadway poster for Mame. Berta’s work is briefly mentioned in a previous PJV post alongside other early design concepts for STAR!
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paralleljulieverse · 5 months ago
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'I've even heard her singing in the abbey...' Celebrating 120 years of Maria von Trapp, born 26 January 1905
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paralleljulieverse · 5 months ago
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From the Archives: Musical Legends Backstage
Julie Andrews and Gene Kelly pay a backstage visit to Tommy Tune and Twiggy after a performance of My One and Only at the St James Theatre, New York, May 1983. Also pictured are Julie’s daughter, Emma (far right), and Twiggy’s mother, Nell Hornby (far left).
My One and Only was a nostalgic pastiche musical set to the classic songs of George and Ira Gershwin. Despite a long and problem-plagued production process, it defied the odds to become a bona fide Broadway hit -- due largely to the charisma of its two stars and their vibrant musical and dance routines (Shewey, 1983).
Twiggy later admitted, "She never suffers from stage fright, but was a bit nervous when Gene Kelly and Julie Andrews were in the audience" (Women's Wear, 1984, p. 6C).
Sources:
Shewey, D. (1983, May 1). How My One and Only came to Broadway. The New York Times, Section 2, p. 1.
Women's Wear. (1984, January 1). Eyes still the most fun for Twiggy to make up. Fort Worth Star-Telegram. 1 January, p. 6C.
© 2025, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.
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paralleljulieverse · 6 months ago
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This Week in Julie-History: Cover Girl 1955
Seventy years ago, Julie Andrews officially became an American "cover girl" for the first time with the publication of this lead story in the January 9, 1955 edition of the syndicated This Week newspaper magazine. Published just three months after her New York debut as Polly Brown in The Boy Friend, the magazine proclaimed Julie a new star who had "won Broadway's heart."
The colour cover photo was taken by renowned celebrity portraitist Zinn Arthur who recalled that "the January 9 issue of the magazine with [Julie] on the cover was her very first major USA exposure" (1990, p. 199). His shot captures an unusually relaxed and sultry Julie. Barely 19, she exudes the charm of a fresh-faced, American-styled teen, casually dressed in a slightly crumpled cotton shirt. Her tousled chestnut hair is swept up, and her smile blends youthful confidence with soft allure -- a perfect fifties girl next door.
The accompanying article by Charles D. Rice (1910–1971) extends the portrait of Julie as wholesome youth, incorporating many of the core themes that would come to define her star image in the years ahead. Described as "relentlessly winsome" and "utterly charming," Julie remains "a completely normal, even naive, young English actress" -- the kind of girl one would "like to bring home to Mother" (Rice, 1955, p. 23).
The piece also underscores Julie's connection to the past, highlighting her role in The Boy Friend, a nostalgic nod to 1920s musicals, and her "wide eyed" fascination with big city American culture. Even at this very early stage of her international career, Andrews was cast as a nostalgic feminine ideal, offering a comforting sense of continuity amid a rapidly changing modern world.
Sources:
Arthur, Z. (1990). Shooting superstars: Me, my camera and the show biz legends. Artique Press.
Assoc. Press. (1971). Charles D. Rice, magazine editor. New York Times. February 1, p. 35.
Assoc. Press. (2003). Zinn Arthur, 90, celebrity photographer. New York Times. March 21, p. C-11.
Rice, C.D. (1955). Can that be me? This Week: The Sunday Magazine, January 9, p. 23.
© 2025, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.
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paralleljulieverse · 6 months ago
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Move over elf...answers on a postcard, please
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paralleljulieverse · 6 months ago
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Dame Julie Goes to Nashville: The Story Behind Love Me Tender
In a career marked by unexpected turns, Julie Andrews' decision in 1978 to travel to Nashville and record a country album surely stands as one of her most surprising ventures. Her quintessentially British star image, coupled with her refined, classically trained singing style, would seem as far removed as imaginable from the twangy, down-to-earth aesthetic of American country and western music.
When the resulting album, Love Me Tender, finally reached the market in 1983—after more than four years of delays—astonishment was a common reaction. “Nanny Poppins sings Nashville,” declared one incredulous headline, adding: “Could it be? Yes, it is. Julie Andrews detouring from her squeaky-clean singing career, an English rose among the rhinestone cowgirls of Nashville, Tennessee” (Davis, 1983, p. 15).
Ultimately, Love Me Tender failed to make much of an impression and, outside of diehard fans, it has been largely forgotten. Even Julie herself seems to overlook it—the album doesn’t receive a single mention in her recent memoirs (Andrews, 2019). This neglect is unfortunate, as Love Me Tender represents a fascinating, if anomalous, chapter in Julie Andrews' storied career. It also offers a compelling glimpse into a period of professional challenge and reinvention as she sought to recalibrate her image in a rapidly changing world. 
It Was Time: Country’s Rise and Julie’s Retreat
Viewed in historical context, the idea of a Julie Andrews country album may not be as outlandish as it initially appears. The 1970s was a time of profound transformation for country music and Julie Andrews alike. The rise of ‘countrypolitan’—a polished, pop-oriented style of country music—blurred boundaries between traditional country and mainstream genres, bringing Nashville’s sound to a wider audience (Stimeling, 2015). Crossover artists like Dolly Parton, Kenny Rogers, and Willie Nelson achieved mainstream chart success, while pop and rock performers such as The Eagles, Linda Ronstadt, and Olivia Newton-John incorporated country influences into their work (Hill, 2015).
Films and TV shows also reflected this crossover. Movies like Nashville (1975), Urban Cowboy (1980), and Coal Miner’s Daughter (1980), along with shows like The Dukes of Hazzard (1979–1985), helped popularise country music and culture among mainstream audiences (Stimeling, 2015). As the Chicago Tribune noted in 1978, country music had “broken out of the hayseed demographics that used to separate [it] from the urban world and ascended to giddier climes and sales figures” (Hurst, 1978, p. 24). This shift made country music an increasingly cosmopolitan space—one where even an ‘English rose’ like Julie Andrews could plausibly find a foothold.
Meanwhile, the 1970s marked a period of equal change and upheaval for Julie. Professionally, it was not a particularly successful decade. It began with the commercial failure of Darling Lili (1970), followed by the cancellation of two highly anticipated big screen musicals, Say It with Music and She Loves Me. Turning to television, she launched The Julie Andrews Hour in 1972. Though critically acclaimed and the recipient of several major awards, the variety series struggled in the ratings and was cancelled after just one season (Andrews, 2019).
The consensus seemed to be that Julie’s wholesome image and traditional musical style had become culturally passé. “In this the age of ‘hip’ lyrics and braless singers, Miss Andrews' apple-pie songs and antiseptic appearance seem oddly out of step with the times,” observed one commentator (Ferguson, 1972, p. 26). Julie herself reluctantly agreed: “I think I’m a little dated,” she admitted in a 1970 interview. “I’m clearly not where Easy Rider is at, and I think it would be very difficult for me to arrive there” (Siskel, 1970, p. E5).
What followed was a period of professional ‘lean years,’ punctuated by the occasional TV special and a minor film, The Tamarind Seed (1974). By the mid-1970s, Julie had largely faded from the public radar. One journalist facetiously asked, “Whatever happened to Julie Andrews?” (Goodman, 1976, p. 11-A), while another remarked, “Not since Luise Rainer…has any motion picture star risen so fast or fallen so far as Julie Andrews” (Higham, 1977, p. C-1).
For her part, Julie appeared content to step away from the limelight and focus on her family. She and her husband, Blake Edwards, had recently adopted two children and were working to blend their new family. Relocating to Switzerland, Julie embraced her private role as wife and mother (Andrews, 2019).
“I travel as Mrs. Edwards these days,” she remarked in 1975. “My career? I’m afraid that’s up in the air at the moment and will remain so till Blake makes his plans… If it suits his schedule for me to work, then I might do a little something” (Scott, 1975, p. D-12). By 1978, she extolled the virtues of semi-retirement: “I’m only devoting about 20 percent of my time to my career and 80 percent to my family” (Scott, 1978, p. 8C).
The few projects Julie took on during this period were, unsurprisingly, closely tied to Blake. He produced and directed nearly all her film and TV work. He was also the one who persuaded Julie to accept a one-week residency at Las Vegas’ Caesars Palace in 1976. “It wasn’t my idea at all,” she admitted. “Caesars Palace made me a tremendous offer [and] Blake talked me into going ahead” (Higham, 1977, p. C-1).
Love Is A Place Where Two People Fall: Blake’s Push and Butler’s Pull
Blake was also the driving force behind Love Me Tender. A native Oklahoman with a deep affection for the music of the American heartland, he believed the simple melodies and heartfelt lyrics of country music would suit Julie’s voice. As she explained in a British television interview:
“Blake…thought that country music might sit very well on my voice, which is not an easy voice [with which] to sing popular or modern music…It doesn’t adapt to it that easily, and he felt that country music would be good” (Freeman, 1983).
Reluctant at first, Julie considered country music “pretty hokey,” but upon closer listening, she discovered its appeal. “I found that the songs are really terribly pretty,” she said, noting parallels to the English folk music she had loved and sung as a child (Thomas, 1982, p. 1).
Flush with the renewed success of the Pink Panther franchise, Blake even financed the recording sessions under the aegis of his own production company (Beck, 1978, p. 16). Given its private funding and tentative nature, the recording plans were largely kept under wraps.
There were a few passing mentions in the press. A syndicated column in May 1978 noted that Julie was back Stateside with Blake “and their gaggle of children,” adding that she “will cut an album of songs while she’s here” (Eder, 1978, p. 5B). Another report from early 1978 observed:
“Andrews also is working up an album. ‘I love recording. It is like swimming, quiet and personal,’ she said. But because the recording industry has become so complex, she is doing this one through Trellis Enterprises, a company she and her husband formed about a year ago” (Burton Terry, 1978, p. A10).
Contracted to helm the new album was Larry Butler, Nashville’s most celebrated record producer of the time (Cunniff, 1980; Wood, 2012). A multitalented industry veteran, Butler began as a session pianist, vocalist, and songwriter before graduating to producing albums for some of Nashville’s biggest stars, including Johnny Cash, Dottie West, and Kenny Rogers. Widely regarded as a key architect of the crossover “countrypolitan” wave of the 70s, Butler became the only country producer ever to win a Grammy (Leigh, 2012). “Good music is good music,” he averred, “and doesn’t have to be labelled” (Cheever, 1980, p. 12).
Butler’s success drew a diverse range of recording artists to Nashville to work with him, from Don McLean and Sammy Davis Jr. to Kim Carnes, Debby Boone, and Nana Mouskouri (Trever-Burchinger, 2000, p. B3). Confident in his abilities, Butler famously boasted, “With the right song, I can cut a hit record with a janitor” (Hurst, 1978, p. 24).
When I Dream: Warm Reception and Creative Leap
So, it was on 2 June 1978 that Julie Andrews found herself flying to Nashville to enter the recording studio for the first time in nearly five years. Accompanied by her Los Angeles manager, Jerry Nutting, she received a warm welcome from Larry Butler, who greeted her at Nashville Municipal Airport with a bouquet of yellow roses and a stretch limousine (Hance, 1978, p. D10).
That evening, Butler hosted a gala reception at ASCAP headquarters on Music Row to formally welcome Julie to Nashville. Co-hosted by Ed Shea, ASCAP’s regional executive director, the event attracted numerous civic and industry leaders (Browning, 1978, p. 35). Nashville’s mayor, Richard Fulton, declared it "Julie Andrews Day," while Tennessee Governor Ray Blanton made her an honorary citizen, and Sheriff Fate Thompson appointed her an honorary Deputy Sheriff (Carter, 1978, p. 1).
Despite the fanfare, both Julie and Butler were circumspect about their plans. Julie stated that she was “thinking” about recording in Nashville, adding, “We’ll decide over the next few days. That’s really why we’re here – to decide” (Carter, 1978, p. 1). For the first few days, Butler immersed Julie in country music, having her spend hours listening to various records. Together, they compiled a list of potential tracks to try in the studio (Freeman, 1983).
The recording sessions took place at Jack Clement Recording Studios on Belmont Boulevard, which Butler co-owned with his business partner, Al Mifflin. A year later, Butler purchased the studio outright, renaming it Sound Emporium—a name it retains to this day (McNutt, 2000). For the sessions, Butler assembled a stellar lineup of musicians from the famed "Nashville A-Team," including Bob Moore (bass), Hargus “Pig” Robbins (piano), Pete Drake (steel guitar), and Ray Edenton (guitar) (Stimeling, 2020). Overseeing the recordings at the console was Billy Sherrill, one of the most renowned sound engineers in Nashville and a longtime colleague of Butler's.
Butler’s preferred mode was to record in the studio at night which he felt was more conducive to creativity and the free flow of ideas (Butler and Goodenough, 2012, p. 185). “I believe in momentum,” he explained. “When you get an idea, do it!” (Manley, 1981, p. 1B). He also fostered an intentionally collaborative atmosphere in the studio that emphasised trust, teamwork and enjoyment. “I quickly realised that as a producer, the best way…to walk into a studio and come out of there with emotion is to be the opposite of a dictator” (Butler and Goodenough, 2012, p. 185).
Typically, Butler began each session by allowing the musicians and the artist to play around with the material, letting ideas develop organically. After this initial period, he would return to review their progress and refine the arrangement collaboratively. As he described, “The result is a melting pot of emotions from everybody in that room [and] that’s what makes these moments the very best” (Butler and Goodenough, 2012, p. 186).
This organic approach allowed the musicians to move swiftly. A typical night's studio session would run approximately three hours and result in recording up to four songs (Stumbling, 2020, p. 2). Not all of these songs would be used and many would be 'scratch tracks', preliminary versions that would subsequently be re-recorded and/or overlaid with other tracks. However, it exemplifies the efficiency and creative speed that defined the recording process in Nashville.
This rapid, freeform style was a marked contrast to the tightly disciplined approach Julie had experienced on Broadway and in Hollywood, where recordings were meticulously planned and rehearsed. “In Nashville, we were literally making music as we went along,” she recalled. “I had no idea, any night I went into the studio, what I’d end up singing, in what key I’d be singing it…we just made music on the spot” (Hatch, 1983).
Initially hesitant, Julie came to embrace the looser, improvisational Nashville approach. “It was very good for me,” she admitted, “because I’m rather a careful person, and this made me loosen up” (Freeman, 1983). She also discovered a different quality in her voice. In their sessions, Butler encouraged Julie to “drop her voice an octave” and sing with a less classical tone (Barron, 1978, p. S79). She later expressed how singing with this “quiet voice…is very pleasant for me to use because it’s very easy…I don’t have to aim for high notes or a certain kind of purity. It just kind of is” (Freeman, 1983).
Over the course of more than a week, Julie recorded in excess of a dozen tracks, ranging from country classics like Crazy to contemporary crossover hits such as We Don’t Make Love Anymore, and even soft rock staples like You Don’t Bring Me Flowers. Most of these songs had already been recorded by other artists, with some indelibly associated with certain singers. This practice is common in country music, where professional songwriters craft songs that are reinterpreted by various performers, often multiple times (Cusic, 2005). Such a tradition reflects country music’s deep roots in oral storytelling and its communal repertoire, where emotional authenticity takes precedence over originality. Performers bring their unique artistry to familiar songs, transforming them into something distinctly their own (Peterson, 2013).
While Julie was still in the midst of recording, local gossip columnist Bill Hance (1978) reported that industry insiders were predicting big things. “Music Row sources say she is cutting an album so good she played a portion of it over the phone to her husband, film producer Blake Edwards, who was back home in Los Angeles.” Allegedly, Blake was so impressed by what he heard that he flew to Nashville to join Julie (Hance, 1978, p. D5). Hance also noted that her presence in the studio attracted a string of high-profile visitors, including Waylon Jennings, Roy Clark, and Johnny Cash (ibid; Anderson, 1978, p. 23).
Reflecting on this period in his memoirs, Butler described Julie as “one of the sweetest people I have ever met. She was totally unaffected by her success; she had no ego at all” (Butler & Goodenough, 2012, p. 143). One of his favourite anecdotes, frequently recounted in interviews, involved Julie visiting his home one evening. She asked for a sharp knife to trim the wicks of his candles, explaining, “They burn so much better when they are trimmed.” Amused, Butler thought, “I’ve got Mary Poppins trimming my wicks! That was so cool!” (ibid, p. 144). On another occasion, while taking a break during a late-night studio session, Butler proposed something unexpected:
“A friend of mine, nicknamed ‘Skull’ from the show Hee-Haw happened to own a strip club in Nashville’s Printer’s Alley. I said, ‘Julie, have you ever been to a strip club?’ ‘No!’ ‘How’d you like to go?’ With a sparkle in her eye and that delightful British accent came her reply, ‘Let’s do it!’” (Butler & Goodenough, 2012, p. 143-44).
Jimmy Capps, one of the Nashville A-Team session guitarists who worked on the album, has similarly fond memories of Julie:
"She was an international star. But she was a real lady in the studio. She was a class act...During our sessions, Julie hardly spoke at all. She let Larry Butler do all the producing. She didn't want very much input. She let us all play what we wanted, and how we thought was best. And it turned out to be great album" (Capps and England, 2018, p. 130).
You Don’t Bring Me Flowers: Polishing Up and Gathering Dust
Julie completed the main recording sessions by mid-June and returned to Los Angeles, where Blake was busy preparing for the release of The Revenge of the Pink Panther and starting pre-production on 10 (1979), which would mark Julie’s return to the big screen after a five-year absence (Andrews, 2019).
Meanwhile, back in Nashville, Butler began the meticulous process of polishing the recordings. As he described in his memoirs (Butler & Goodenough, 2012), this involved selecting the best takes from the sessions and adding layered tracks to create the signature rich Nashville sound. The legendary Jordanaires and other top Nashville vocalists provided backing vocals, while Bill Justis and Bergen White composed string arrangements performed by the Shelly Kurland Strings and the Nashville String Machine Musicians. With these elements in place, Butler mixed the tracks into their final form, ready for pressing.
Julie and Blake appeared optimistic about the album’s prospects. At the press preview for The Revenge of the Pink Panther, Hollywood columnist Shirley Eder reported that the party’s Western barbecue theme provided a fitting backdrop for Julie to share news of her Nashville venture. Eder wrote, “Mary Poppins singing C&W? Wanna bet she does darn good at it, too?!” (Eder, 1978, p. 15A).
Blake, in particular, was enthusiastic about the project’s potential. Marilyn Beck quoted him predicting significant industry interest: “[T]hree major recording firms are interested in buying it,” he said. “We’re also talking to ABC about using it as the take-off point for a TV special – but Julie says she will only be interested in doing the special if the album is a hit” (Beck, 1978, p. 16). Similarly, Maggie Daly of the Chicago Tribune captured Blake’s excitement: “It’s a new Julie with a whole new musical career in front of her” (Daly, 1978, p. 4-S5).
Despite this optimism, plans for the album ultimately stalled. There were a few murmurs of activity into early 1979. For instance, pre-publicity for 10 included press notes mentioning that “In the weeks just preceding the making of 10, Julie went to Nashville to cut an album which will have a new ‘Julie sound’” (Warner Bros, Inc., 1979, p. 3). After this, however, the project fell silent, and the album would not resurface for another three years.
Another Somebody Done Somebody Wrong Song: Revival and Reinvention
The turn of the decade marked a sharp reversal of fortunes for Julie. Between 1979 and 1982, she starred in four films, culminating in Victor/Victoria (1982), a critical and commercial triumph. The film earned her a Golden Globe Award, an Academy Award nomination, and accolades such as Hasty Pudding’s Woman of the Year and the People’s Choice Award for Favourite Film Actress. As one commentator quipped, “Julie Andrews has arrived. Again!” (McDaniel, 1982, p. 11).
This resurgence rekindled interest in Julie’s shelved country album. By late 1982, reports surfaced of her return to Nashville to collaborate once more with producer Larry Butler. The Tennessean announced: “Nashville producer Larry Butler and songstress Julie Andrews were recording a double album for a British label at the Sound Emporium this week” (Neese, 1982, p. 29). Similarly, Billboard reported: “Julie Andrews is working on her newest LP (a double album)…produced by Grammy Award-winning producer Larry Butler, with Harold Lee engineering” (Morris, 1982; Stein, 1982).
While the new album would draw substantially on tracks recorded in 1978, most reports framed it as a completely fresh venture, omitting mention of the earlier sessions—a likely marketing strategy to present the album as contemporary rather than a dusted-off project. One of the few media reports to acknowledge the earlier sessions appeared in Family Weekly which noted: 
“Julie Andrews…has gone off to Nashville to record with longtime Kenny Rogers producer Larry Butler…. Julie worked with Butler in Nashville in 1978 on similar material and was pleased with the results, but no record label made an offer for the album. Andrews hopes that by adding some new songs a major company may pick up the album” (Ask Them, 1983, p. 2).
Another piece in Country Music magazine quoted Julie’s personal manager, Jerry Nutting, as saying that Julie and Larry Butler “recorded 13 songs in 1978 [and] this year they recorded 12 more songs, and the entire package will be released in a 25-song double album” (Pugh, 1983, p. 17) Among the most notable new additions was a duet with Johnny Cash on Love Me Tender, which became both the album’s title track and, in some markets, a 45rpm single. Local Nashville columnist Red O’Donnell reported:
“Actress Julie Andrews came to Nashville with no advance warning to record a country music album. While in the studio, Johnny Cash dropped into the studio where the recording session was underway and sang a duet with her. ‘I don’t know if it is going to be on the album or not,’ said Cash. ‘Miss Andrews was cutting one of my songs, and I dropped in to thank her for doing it” (O’Donnell, 1982, p. 30).
Promotion for the pending album ramped up in late 1982 and 1983. Syndicated Hollywood correspondent, Bob Thomas, devoted one of his columns to the album:
“Julie Andrews has done it all – British vaudeville, Broadway musical, Hollywood extravaganzas, television series, children’s novels and now a country music album…After a career that has known Everest-like highs as well as a few lows, Julie Andrews at 47 still hunts for new challenges – like the country album…Larry Butler, who has supervised recordings by Kenny Rogers, Tammy Wynette and other country greats, produced the album. It will be released next year” (Thomas, 1982, p. 1)
In November 1982, Julie previewed a song from the album on Bob Hope’s Pink Panther Thanksgiving Gala. Billed as “an all-star spectacular celebrating the 20th anniversary of the Pink Panther films,” the program served as a promotional showcase for Blake Edwards’ projects (Barnes, 1982, p. 2C). Julie’s contributions included a duet with co-star Robert Preston from Victor/Victoria and a performance of Love is a Place Where Two People Fall, the album’s sole original composition, written for her by Larry Butler. Possibly to boost the program’s country appeal, Willie Nelson also appeared as a guest performer.
We Love Each Other: The British Launch
The “British label” that finally secured Julie’s country album was Peach River Records, an independent company established in 1980 by psychedelic folk singer turned music publisher Tim Hollier. Peach River was Hollier’s second venture into record labels, following the short-lived Songwriters Workshop. With distribution support from PLT (formerly PYE), Hollier assembled a small but eclectic roster of artists, including David Knopfler of Dire Straits fame, Papa Rage, and Peter Sarstedt (Larkin, 1998).
Releasing Julie’s album through a small independent label was, as one report noted, “rather unusual for such a well-known artist.” Julie explained: “They’ve given the album the kind of personal attention that I knew it would probably have missed had it been released by a major company” (White, 1983, p. 17). Julie may have been putting an overly positive spin on things, but Hollier certainly invested effort in the album’s UK launch.
The first task was selecting a title. In the early 1980s, duets between artists from disparate genres were popular—think Kenny Rogers and Kim Carnes’s Don’t Fall in Love with a Dreamer or Willie Nelson and Julio Iglesias’s To All the Girls I’ve Loved Before. Following this trend, the album was named after Julie’s duet with Johnny Cash, Love Me Tender.
Although early reports suggested a double-disc release, the album ultimately came out as a single LP featuring 14 tracks. The cover photograph, shot by renowned celebrity photographer Greg Gorman, perfectly complemented the album’s tone. It featured Julie in a cream wool jumper, gazing warmly at the camera with her chin resting on her hand, set against a taupe backdrop. The image exuded a mix of softness, warmth, and intimacy, mirroring the album’s vocal style.
Love Me Tender officially launched in the UK on 1 July 1983, under the catalogue number JULIE 1. Julie arrived in London at the end of June for an intensive promotional campaign, kicking off with a press conference at Burke’s Club on 27 June. Over the next week, she made numerous TV and radio appearances, participated in photo shoots, and gave one-on-one interviews at her suite in the Dorchester (Eborall, 1983, pp. 6–7; Seaton, 1983, p. 6). One photo shoot, featuring Julie beside a flower seller’s cart, evoked her My Fair Lady days as Eliza Doolittle, inspiring headlines like “Country L.P. for an English Rose” (Saturday Profile, 1983, p. 6).
The promotional push paid off handsomely. Love Me Tender initially launched with a 5,000-copy pressing, which sold out within a week. A second pressing of 30,000 copies followed—an exceptional figure for the UK market (Pugh, 1983, p. 17). By mid-July, the album was charting in the UK Top 100, where it remained for over five weeks, becoming Julie’s most successful non-film or non-show recording in the UK (Top 100, 1983, p. 20).
Buoyed by the success, Peach River quickly capitalised. In early August, they released a 45rpm single of the Love Me Tender duet. Later that year, they reissued Julie’s 1975 Christmas LP, The Secret of Christmas under the title Julie Andrews’ Christmas Album, with new cover art referencing the Love Me Tender design (New Albums, 1983, p. 25).
Blanket on the Ground: Global Rollout
One challenge of signing Love Me Tender to Peach River Records was the UK label’s lack of an established global distribution network. As a result, international rights were sub-licensed to various labels, leading to a patchwork of releases across different markets. For instance, the album was distributed by Attic in Canada, Dureco Benelux in the Netherlands, Splash Records in Spain, and Prince in South Africa.
In Australia, Love Me Tender was licensed to J&B Records, a mid-price label specialising in middle-of-the-road artists like Harry Secombe, Max Bygraves, Willie Nelson, and Anne Murray. Released in September, the Australian edition featured 16 tracks -- two more than the UK version. One of these, I Still Miss Someone (featuring Johnny Cash’s backing vocals), had been the B-side of the Love Me Tender single in the UK, while the other, We Don’t Make Love Anymore, was previously unreleased. J&B Records’ regional reach into Oceania and Southeast Asia helped the album achieve strong sales in the Australasian market (Guest & Maloney, 1991).
The Japanese release, however, stood out for its exceptional quality. Licensed to the prestigious Nippon Phonogram Company and distributed on the Philips label, the album was pressed by Victor Company in Yokohama and released in January 1984. Like the Australian edition, it included 16 tracks and featured specially commissioned liner notes by Shigeru Kawabata, a prominent music journalist for Tokyo Shimbun and Weekly Gendai. Kawabata wrote with genuine affection for Julie and the album:
“Even with the contemporary approach [of Love Me Tender], Julie avoids simply copying the standards. Her meticulous interpretation transforms these songs into her own. This care is evident in the way she speaks about the album. We are now holding the most refined and beautiful expression of contemporary standards in our hands. Just as Julie graced Broadway musicals with the elegance of serious musicianship, she has now opened another brilliant chapter with this studio recording. Discovering this gem amidst the overwhelming flow of today’s musical output is a quiet joy. I hope to continue treasuring such beautiful musical encounters in the future” (Kawabata, 1983).
At the opposite end of the spectrum was the album’s release in the United States. Despite being the heartland of country music, the American debut of Love Me Tender was disappointingly lacklustre. Licensed to the small Los Angeles-based Bainbridge Records --founded in 1980 by marketing veterans Stan Marshall and Lee Armstrong to service the middle-of-the-road (MOR) music market -- the label secured US rights in late 1982 but delayed the release until 1984 (Sippel, 1980). When it finally launched, minimal marketing and poor decisions -- such as reducing the track list to just 10 songs -- ensured the album barely made an impact. 
The reasons for the poorly handled US release remain unclear. By 1984, the countrypolitan wave had waned, and both critical and popular sentiment had shifted. Reviewing another Larry Butler-produced album, critic Dave Mulholland (1981) decried it as “Larry Butler’s production [of] standard countrypolitan mediocrity. It represents the worst of the Nashville assembly line” (p. 20).
Country audiences were gravitating back to a more classic sound, heralded by the rise of the neotraditionalist movement with a new breed of singers like Randy Travis, George Strait, and Reba McEntire. Mainstream audiences, meanwhile, had tired of the crossover sound, and by 1984, sales of country albums had dropped to their lowest levels in nearly a decade (Haslam, Haslam, & Chon, 1999, p. 259).
A 1983 Country Music magazine article profiling the UK launch of Love Me Tender reflects the growing skepticism toward pop artists crossing into country:
Twenty years ago, who could have foreseen...one of the most enduring staples of the music scene: the country album by the pop star. With few exceptions, however, most pop-star country albums -- generally conceived as last gasps of a faded career for an artist with little or no connection to country music -- make about as much impact as a bug flying into a windshield.  Now comes the latest to try her hand at the country album game, and one of the most ostensibly unlikely: Julie Andrews. "Julie has sold 25 million copies of soundtrack albums," said Jerry Nutting, her personal manager, "but she has never cut a solo album per se… We don't feel this is a 'gimmick' album. Julie is very sincere in doing it, very enthusiastic during the recordings and very hopeful of making a contribution to country music” (Pugh, 1983, p. 17).
While shifting cultural tides in American music by the mid-1980s were less than ideal for Love Me Tender, the complete absence of marketing effort remains puzzling. Extensive searches of newspaper databases reveal no mentions of the US release—no advertising, no press coverage, nothing. This is particularly odd given Bainbridge Records’ marketing background and stated goal to “renovate” the underserved MOR market (Sippel, 1980, p. 15).
Some Days Are Diamonds: Brickbats and Bouquets
Leaving aside the album’s oddly weak US push, Love Me Tender was generally well received in most other markets. It achieved solid sales and garnered decent airplay. While it didn’t attract extensive critical attention, the reviews it did receive were generally respectable. Some critics questioned Julie Andrews’ fit within the country genre, but others celebrated her versatility and praised the album’s polished production and heartfelt interpretations. Below is a selection of excerpts from reviews around the world:
Daily Mirror (UK): “Amazing – Julie Andrews and Johnny Cash singing Elvis Presley! It’s superb and deserves to be a hit” (Eggar, 1983, p. 19).
The Telegraph (UK): "If I had to put together a list of the Top Ten superstars I'd like to see in concert here, Julie's name wouldn't get written down. Until now that is. The courageous experiment of the star to risk her career in Nashville laying down a hoedown and applejack LP Love Me Tender, all the big names do it inevitably -- has been a huge success and broadened interest in her talents" (MacIlwaine, 1983, p. 11).
Gramophone (UK): “Julie Andrews? You would have to believe it if you heard her duetting with Johnny Cash in Love Me Tender, which has been picking up plenty of radio air play. That track gives us the title of Julie's own contribution to the Nashville  legend…The magic formula is here for all to appreciate once again - Larry Butler in charge of production, Billy Sherrill the engineer (who couldn't produce a bad record if he tried), strings by Shelley Kurland, and even the ubiquitous Hargus "Pig" Robins on piano. Yes, this is a fine recording and no mistake. But the voice is wrong. Frankly, Julie Andrews just isn't at home in Nashville: she is too sweet, too pure, too precise, too English. The few lines of Love Me Tender which the croaking Johnny Cash contributes spell out in a few seconds just what is wrong with the rest of the record. And to hear the very proper Julie Andrews (I'm sorry, but I can't help it if the 'image' sticks in my mind) naughtily singing of the potential pleasures of a Blanket on the ground is just too much for a listener of my sensibilities to take (Chislett, 1983, p. 541).
Manchester Evening News (UK): “It must be one of the most surprising double acts ever – Julie Andrews and Johnny Cash. The two have brought out Elvis Presley’s old classic, Love Me Tender, which was recorded at the home of country music, Nashville, with highly respected producer Larry Butler…Peach River Records say the combination may seem ‘extraordinary’ but it works ‘wonderfully’. To me it works for some of the times, but there are awkward moments and Cash sounds as though he’s singing deeper and deeper as age increases” (Jasper, 1983, p. 19).
Belfast News-Letter (UK): “Julie Andrews and Johnny Cash hoped to jump on the current pop duet bandwagon with a sweet ‘n’ sour version of Elvis Presley's Love Me Tender. But talk about square holes and round pegs! The Sound of Music songstress and the gravelly-voiced country star mix about as well as a one-armed man at a juggling party. For Julie is simply too good a singer and Cash too poor a singer for this oil and water combination to work” (McAdam, 1983, p. 8).
The Age (Australia): "Known for her crystalline voice and impeccable diction, Andrews takes a turn into the realm of country-inspired ballads, proving her versatility and emotional depth as a singer…Fans of her earlier work will appreciate how Andrews carries her trademark poise into this genre, while newcomers may find themselves enchanted by her ability to convey intimacy and sincerity. While some might question her foray into country, Andrews makes it her own, reminding listeners that great singing transcends musical styles" (Walker, 1983, p. 18).
Show Music (USA): "A few months back, we were moaning over the fact that Julie Andrews doesn't make it into the recording studios very often. Well, guess what? Peach River Records, Ltd., in England, has gotten the lady back on record in what is one of her best efforts. It was recorded in Nashville, and Miss Andrews takes to country-flavored songs like a duck takes to water. There are lovely versions of Some Days Are Diamonds, When I Dream, Crazy, We Love Each Other, and even a successful duet with Johnny Cash on the album's title-track. Julie sounds just great, and her sensitive readings of these songs make us hope that her next outing will be a collection of some of the best of recent Broadway material" (Preeo, 1983, p. 29).
The Advocate (Canada):  “Julie Andrews shows her country and pop side on Love Me Tender, an impressive album of soft melodies making the most of her beautiful, timeless voice. Produced in Nashville by Larry Butler, Love Me Tender includes the cream of Nashville’s musical community. Johnny Cash joins Andrews on Love Me Tender. They sound great together. When I Dream shows Andrews’ power to reach the heart of the listener, in this love ballad on loneliness. In this, her 23rd album so far, Andrews again adds to the sound of music around the world. You won't need a spoonful of sugar to make this LP enjoyable” (Kennedy, 1984, p. 34).
Fanfare (Canada):  “He’s out of his mind, they’re saying, he’s off the edge, Julie Andrews for God’s sake! You got it! Love Me Tender (Attic LAT-1189) is apparently her 23rd album, and it's as tasty a batch of country-baked tunes as have come down the pike in years. Lots of last-waltz-style material, which she does easy and effortless and entirely on the money. Larry Butler lavished outstanding Nashville production on it, and the 14 tracks (including a duet with Johnny Cash) are delivered in a warm, clear, wide-eyed voice. Julie Andrews says: ‘The songs aren't easy. They're simple, plain, honest, and that's the hardest thing to sing.’ She shouldn't have worried” (Flegler, 1985, p. 27).
‘The Valley That Time Forgot’: Epilogue
In the four decades since its release, Love Me Tender has been criminally overlooked. Unlike many of Julie’s other works, the album has never been issued on CD or made available in digital formats. Without the efforts of devoted fans to preserve and share tracks online, awareness of the album might have vanished entirely. This lack of visibility is regrettable, given the significant creative effort invested by Julie and the many talented collaborators who worked on the album over four years. From Larry Butler’s meticulous production to the contributions of Nashville’s A-Team musicians, Love Me Tender represents a labour of love that deserves to be remembered and appreciated.
This blog post is a modest attempt to redress the historical amnesia surrounding Love Me Tender and restore at least some recognition to this fascinating piece of Julie Andrews' legacy. It may not have achieved the commercial success or enduring acclaim of her other work, but it stands as a poignant reminder of her courage to embrace the unfamiliar and her dedication to creative exploration. In revisiting Love Me Tender, one is reminded of Julie’s ability to bring grace and sincerity to even the most unexpected of projects.
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Gold & Sneed. (1982). The music beat… Chicago Tribune. 24 October, p. 2-S1.
Hance, B. (1978). Julie Andrews turns country? The State Journal. 10 June, p. D-10.
Hance, B. (1978). Ray Price eyes comeback. The State Journal. 17 June, p. D-5.
Haslam, G. W., Haslam, A. R., & Chon, R. (1999). Workin' man blues: Country music in California. University of California Press.
Hatch, D. (Producer). (1983, June 6). Gloria Hunniford Show [Radio broadcast]. BBC Radio.
Hill, J. (2015). Country comes to town : The music industry and the transformation of nashville. University of Massachusetts Press.
Higham, C. (1977). The rise and fall – and rise – of Julie Andrews. The New York Times. 21 August, pp. C-1, C-22.
Hurst, J. (1978). Tomorrow’s country-pop superstars. Chicago Tribune Magazine. 26 November, pp. 24-25.
Iley, C. (1983). International dateline: United Kingdom. Cash Box. 3 September, p. 27.
Jasper, T. (1983). Pop parade: At the double. Manchester Evening News. 9 August, p. 19.
Kawabata, S. (1983). Liner notes [Liner notes]. In Julie Andrews, Love Me Tender [Album]. Philips. Japanese release, Catalogue No. 28PP-81.
Kawabata, S. (1991). The Japanese record industry. Popular Music 10(3), October, pp. 327–45.
Kennedy, G. (1984). Album corner: ‘Love Me Tender.’ The Advocate. 25 August, p. 3B.
Larkin, C. (Ed.). (1998). The encyclopedia of popular music (3rd ed.). Muze.
Leigh, S. (2012). Larry Butler: The only country record producer to win a Grammy. The Independent. 25 January, p. 42.
Manley, T. (1981). Hit man. Des Moines Register. 14 January, p. 1B.
McAdam, N. (1983). Rock: round pegs in two square holes. Belfast News-Letter. 5 August, p. 8.
McDaniel, W. (1982). Burying Mary Poppins. Spectrum. 23 April, 1982.
McNutt, R. (2000). Too hot to handle: An illustrated history of American recording studios of the twentieth century. HHP Books.
Morris, E. (1982). Studio track. Billboard, 94(41).16 October, p. 43.
Mulholland, D. (1981). Country style. Daily Herald Tribune. 6 February, p. 20.
Neese, S. (1982). Nashville Notes. The Tennessean. 25 September, p. 29.
New albums. (1983). Music Week. 29 October, p. 25.
O’Donnell, R. 1982. Some country singers picked new names. Johnson City Press. 13 November, p. 30.
Peterson, R.A. (2013). Creating country music: Fabricating authenticity. University of Chicago Press.
Preeo, M.O. (1983). New releases. Show Music 3(2), p 29.
Pugh, J. (1983). Mary Poppins Country. Country Music, 103, September/October, p. 17.
Saturday Profile. (1983, August 13). Country L.P. for an English rose. The Mail. p. 6.
Scott, V. (1975). Julie Andrews’ career is up in the air.’ The Sun-Telegram. 12 March, p. D-12. 
Scott, V. (1978). Semiretirement for Julie. The Sunday News. 25 May, p. 8C. 
Seaton, R. (1983). Julie’s different sound of music. Daily Express. 28 June, p. 6.
Sippel, J. (1980). MOR gets boost on the new L.A. Bainbridge label. Billboard. 22 Nov, p. 15.
Siskel, G. (1970). Julie Andrews an attractive 34 going on 18. Chicago Tribune. 22 March, p. E5.
Sloan, R.A. (1982). Gossip column: Chris Reeve still likes playing a super-hero. The Sun. 7 November, p. C-2.
Stein, S. (1982). Andrews music. Billboard, 94(50). 18 December, p. 28.
Stimeling, T. D. (Ed.). (2015). The country music reader. Oxford University Press.
Stimeling, T. D. (2020). Nashville cats: Record production in Music City. Oxford University Press.
Thomas, B. (1982). Julie Andrews, An over-achiever still in search of challenges – like country music. Variety News Chronicle Magazine. December 17-23, p. 1.
Top 100 Albums. (1983). Music Week. 13 August, p. 20.
Trauelsen, J. (1982). Just a country gal. The Daily Argus. 23 June, p. D1.
Trever Burchinger, E. (2000). He writes the songs that inspired a museum: Award-winning Larry Butler comes back home to Gulf Coast. Pensacola News Journal. 18 August, pp. B1-B3.
Walker, C. (1983). Records. The Age. 12 December, p. 17.
Warner Bros., Inc. (1979). Pressbook: 10. Warner Bros., Inc.
White, C. (1983). English rose blooms again. Music & Video Week. 23 July, p. 17.
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© 2024, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.
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paralleljulieverse · 7 months ago
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Kodacolor Julie: Two candid amateur snapshots of Julie Andrews, captured in the mid-sixties
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paralleljulieverse · 7 months ago
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From the Archives: Simple Simon Greets His Fair Lady
Beloved British comedian Norman Wisdom visits Julie Andrews backstage in her dressing room during her celebrated run in My Fair Lady at the Mark Hellinger Theatre in April 1956, barely a month after the show had opened to great acclaim.
The visit was particularly poignant, as the two stars had shared the stage just three years earlier in the 1953 Christmas pantomime Aladdin at the Coventry Hippodrome. Julie delighted audiences in the principal girl role of Princess Bettina, while Norman brought his signature humour to the comic part of Simple Simon.
Wisdom was in the United States to discuss plans for a proposed motion picture, An Englishman in Las Vegas, which ultimately never came to fruition. Accompanied by Harry Secombe (sadly not pictured) and Secombe’s wife, Wisdom made time to reconnect with his former co-star. "She gave us the best cup of tea on the whole of Broadway," he said (Irving 1956, p. 6). Sources
'America signs up Wisdom.' (1956). The Birmingham Mail. 5 April: p. 1.
Irving, G. (1956). 'Gordon Irving's showtime: Norman's wisdom.' Daily Record. 25 April: p. 6.
© 2024 Brett Farmer All Rights Reserved
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paralleljulieverse · 8 months ago
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From the Archives: Julie Andrews’ First Steps Towards Global Fame
This May 1947 photo-article from a supplement of the U.S.-based Sunday World Herald offers a fascinating glimpse into the PR campaign that launched Julie Andrews into child stardom. Although Andrews' career is generally dated to her professional debut in Starlight Roof in October 1947, her publicity machine was already in motion months earlier to establish her star image. Her agent, Charles Tucker, commissioned a special photoshoot with Daily Herald photographer Arthur Tanner, and the resulting stories were circulated by various news agencies in the UK and internationally. While similar PR pieces appeared in British, Australian, and even French publications, this article is the first concrete evidence of Andrews’ early fame reaching North American audiences.
The article uses familiar PR tropes to construct the myth of Andrews as a musical child prodigy: the discovery of her voice in a Beckenham air raid shelter, her astounding vocal range, her famously adult-sized larynx, and her multilingual singing abilities (Farmer, 2022). Yet these superhuman qualities are softened by emphasising her childhood innocence, describing her as "just a little girl with the same fondness for dolls as other youngsters." This blend of the extraordinary and the ordinary created a public image that endeared young Andrews to audiences worldwide, setting the stage for a career that would span continents and generations.
Sources:
Farmer, B. (2022). ‘Prima donna in pigtails’: reading the child stardom of Julie Andrews. Celebrity Studies, 14(2), 131–145.
World Herald (1947). 'Tot is blitzed to path of fame.' Sunday World Herald Magazine. 25 May: p. 14-C. © 2024 Brett Farmer All Rights Reserved
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paralleljulieverse · 9 months ago
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A Milestone in Time: Julie Andrews' 15th Birthday Celebration
In honour of Julie Andrews' birthday on October 1, the Parallel Julieverse takes a nostalgic look back at a festive occasion from her past: her 15th birthday celebration in 1950, featuring a few photos from the party held at The Old Meuse, her childhood home in Walton-on-Thames.
A 15th birthday is a significant coming-of-age milestone in many cultures, marking the transition from childhood to adolescence and the onset of adult responsibilities. For Julie, it was particularly meaningful, as it marked her release from UK juvenile labour laws, allowing her to work freely as an adult. In her memoir, she recounts:
"On October 1, I turned fifteen and was officially freed from the London County Council’s child performer restrictions…To celebrate my ‘liberation,’ Mum threw one of her great parties. There must have been about sixty people in the house. Everybody danced and jitterbugged and had a fine old time" (Andrews, 2008, pp. 128).
Elsewhere in her memoir, Julie describes how her parents' parties were legendary, with friends eagerly anticipating each gathering at The Old Meuse. The evenings typically began with drinks at the bar before moving into the sitting room, where Barbara played the piano and Ted sang, bringing the party to life. Guests danced, sang, and socialised, with Aunty Joan encouraging everyone to join the fun. Between these lively moments, there were quieter intervals for food and tea, before the revelry resumed (Andrews, 2008, pp. 89-90).
One of these "quieter" moments at Julie’s 15th birthday took a sudden, chaotic turn when an intoxicated Ted Andrews made an inappropriate remark. Annoyed by his behaviour, a family friend picked up a large dish of blancmange from the supper table and hurled it at him. As Julie recalls, "Pop ducked in the nick of time, and it hit the wall behind him…There was utter silence in the room as everyone watched the wobbly pink goop slide slowly down the wall…Then everyone began talking at once" (Andrews, 2008, pp. 129). After the mess was cleaned up, the party continued late into the night.
Interestingly, the blancmange story resurfaced three years later in a 1953 news article where it was adapted as a Christmas "anecdote from the stars." In this version, however, Julie was the one throwing the pudding, and the target was a fellow child rather than her stepfather. She writes:
“When I was seven, I had a Christmas children’s party soon after our house had been redecorated. During tea, one of the children annoyed me, so I scooped up a handful of blancmange and threw it at my guest. Of course, it missed and hit the newly-painted wall. Mummy has kept the mark as a souvenir to this day” (cited in Hubbard, 1953, p. 5)
This was likely a bit of PR embellishment, but if it really was another flying blancmange incident, the walls of The Old Meuse must have been a frightful mess!
Either way, Julie's birthday respite was short-lived. By Monday morning, she was back at the BBC's Paris Cinema for rehearsals ahead of that evening’s broadcast of Educating Archie. Two days later, she was on a train to Manchester for a charity concert, before returning to London for another week of shows. Such was the gruelling schedule that young Julie Andrews maintained during these early years.
Happy birthday, Dame Julie! However she chooses to celebrate her 89th year, we hope the festivities are as joyful as ever—and that, this time, the blancmange stays safely on the plate!
Sources:
Andrews, J. (2008). Home: A memoir of my early years. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
Hubbard, D. (1953). '"'Anecdotes of the "Stars": When Julie threw the blancmange.” Bristol Evening Post. 24 December: p. 5.
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paralleljulieverse · 9 months ago
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Celebrating 70 years since Julie Andrews' dazzling Broadway debut as Polly Browne in The Boy Friend
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