#Crimean Federal University

[flyfuture1]

Why we choose Crimea Federal Medical University ?

Simferopol, the capital of Crimea, is home to the Crimean Federal University – a prominent higher education institution. Since its inception in 2014, CFU has been praised for its MBBS program in Russia. The university boasts a staff of over 7,000 and 32,000 students (including 3,000 international students from various countries). In addition, Indian restaurants and canteens for international students are present in the city, where they can indulge in delicious Indian cuisine.

The Crimean Federal Medical University is a fully English-medium university that follows European standards of education and is known for its modern technologies used in teaching students. It consists of 23 academic and non-academic units located in 12 branches throughout Crimea, which include 10 academies and institutes, 7 universities, 11 branches and 11 research and scientific institutions and centers. This university has attracted students from all over the world; it currently employs over 7,000 people with over 32,000 enrolled students - 3,000 of whom are international students from 54 countries.

The criteria for selection of the aforementioned universities includes being on the list of Russia's top 100 medical universities, MCI certification, WHO ratification and availability of Indian Mess facility. Furthermore, NEET qualification is a must and applicants must score 50 marks in aggregate in 12th standard (Physics, Biology and Chemistry) out of which 40% should belong to reserved category. The minimum age requirement is 17 while 25 is the maximum age. English would be the preferred language for teaching purposes.

[rentacompter]

https://dreammedicine.in/crimean-federal-university

[flyfuture3]

Crimea federal university - Fly Future Education

[ohsalome]

As a fact of history and problem of contemporary geopolitics, Russia’s nature as an imperial power is incontrovertible. After World War I, the Russian Empire avoided the permanent dismemberment that befell other multi-ethnic land empires, such as the Ottoman Empire and Austria-Hungary. The Soviet Union not only reconquered most of the non-Russian lands that had declared independence from Moscow in the wake of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution (including Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan)—but even expanded the empire in the course of World War II, annexing Moldova, the western part of Ukraine, and other lands. Nor did the Soviet Union participate in the decolonization era. Even as the French and British empires were being dissolved, the Soviet Union was expanding its colonial reach, tightening its grip deep into Eastern and Central Europe with bloody crackdowns and military actions.

[...]

During the Cold War, Western universities, research institutions, and policy think tanks opened numerous centers and programs for Soviet, Russian, and Eurasian studies in a bid to better understand the Soviet Union and its heritage. However, these efforts had a strategic flaw: Born in an era when Moscow’s control reached far beyond today’s Russian borders, these programs inevitably framed the region through a Moscow-centric lens. Today, even as they dropped “Soviet” from their name, most of these programs have inherited this old Moscow-centric framing, effectively conflating Russia with the Soviet Union and downplaying the rich histories, varied cultures, and unique national identities of Eastern Europe, the Baltic States, the Caucasus, and Central Asia—not to mention the many conquered and colonized non-Russian peoples inhabiting wide swathes of the Russian Federation.

[...]

In many cases, Western academic programs require students to study the Russian language—often including courses in Moscow or Saint Petersburg—before they have the option of studying any of the region’s other languages, if they are so inclined and if those languages are even offered. A similar problem affects cultural studies, including literature and art, where the many ways Russian works—including the classics read by countless high school and university students—transport Moscow’s imperial ideology are rarely addressed. This only perpetuates the habit of looking at the former Soviet-controlled and Russian-occupied space through the prism of the world’s last unreconstructed imperial culture. Unwittingly, today’s Russia studies in the West still replicate the worldview of an oppressor state that has never examined its history and is nowhere near having a debate about its imperial nature at all—not even among the Russian intellectuals or so-called liberals with whom Western students, academics, and analysts generally interact and cooperate.

Finally, Western academia also presents Russia itself as a monolith, with little or no attention paid to the country’s Indigenous peoples. By now, many who study Russian history are at least vaguely familiar with the Stalin-era genocide of the Crimean Tatars and their replacement on the peninsula by Russian settlers. But why not shed more light on the Russian conquest and subjugation of Siberia, one of the most gruesome episodes of European colonialism? Or Russia’s 19th-century mass murder of the Circassians, Europe’s first modern-era genocide? What have we learned about the short-lived Idel-Ural state, a confederation of six autonomous Finno-Ugric and Turkic republics crushed by the Bolsheviks in 1918? Why not highlight Tatarstan, which proclaimed its independence from Russia in 1990? Nascent efforts to give Russia’s Indigenous peoples a voice have gotten underway, including the Free Peoples of Russia Forum that last convened in Sweden in December 2022—but they have hardly registered in Western academia. Not only are Western scholars’ interests and relationships Russia-centric; within Russia, those relationships and contacts are Moscow-centric. It’s as if Russia’s highly diverse regions didn’t exist.

[mybeautifulchristianjourney]

Today in Christian History

Today is Friday, February 23rd, 2024. It is the 54th day of the year in the Gregorian calendar; Because it is a leap year, 312 days remain until the end of the year.

1680: Death of Thomas Goodwin (pictured above), a notable English Congregational Nonconformist preacher. He had been a member of the Westminster Assembly of 1650, and author of many biblical and theological works. His last words were: “Ah, is this dying? How I have dreaded as an enemy this smiling friend.”

1719: Death in Tranquebar, India, of thirty-six-year-old Bartholomew Ziegenbalg, missionary to India, who has established a seminary, translated the New Testament into Tamil, converted and baptized over two hundred Indians, and constructed a church building. At one point he had been imprisoned by the Dutch who feared his preaching would antagonize the Hindus they administered.

1758: Jonathan Edwards receives a smallpox vaccination from which he contracts the disease. He will die in March.

1819: A new church at Friedensthal on St. Croix Island is consecrated to the worship of the living God by Moravians and their converts. The congregation is so numerous not a third part can get inside the doors.

1846: Following the outrage raised by his publication of “Remarks on Certain Passages in the Thirty-Nine Articles,” in which he has tried to reconcile Church of England teaching with Roman positions, and his migration to the Roman Catholic church, John Henry Newman leaves Oxford for good.

1855: John Bright, a Quaker-born Christian parliamentarian in England, makes an eloquent speech against the Crimean War. Its most famous line is, the “Angel of Death has Been Abroad.”

1918: The body of the Orthodox priest George Porgachevsky is found about a mile and a quarter from the village of Ivanovskoye, Amur region. His head is crushed and he has two bayonet wounds in his stomach. The Soviets had arrested him thirteen days earlier.

1925: Death in Alexandria, Virginia, of Kate Waller Barrett, an American physician, who, as a single mother and member of the Episcopal Church, co-founded the National Florence Crittenton Mission financed by wealthy Charles Nelson Crittenton. She had secured for the mission the first-ever federal charter for a charitable organization.

1929: Lindel Tsen is consecrated as Assistant Bishop of Honan, the first Chinese bishop in an established Anglican diocese. He will become the principal leader of Chinese Anglicanism in the mid-20th century and suffer persecution at the hands of the government.

1934: Death in Baltimore, Maryland, of Peter Ainslie, a Disciples of Christ minister, ecumenical leader, and author of The Scandal of Christianity, a sharp rebuke of divisions among Christians.

1951: Death of Zhang Boling (Chang Po-ling), a prominent Chinese Protestant layman and educator. He had been affiliated with the YMCA, founded Nankai University, accepted women for education, and promoted athletic activities. Because of the school’s patriotism the Japanese had bombed and burned it and succeeding political changes made him unwelcome.

[mariacallous]

In December 2014, Russian President Vladimir Putin stood in the middle of the Kremlin’s St. George’s Hall, delivering his annual address to the country’s Federal Assembly. Nine months removed from his formal annexation of Crimea, the Russian president unspooled a historical overview of Crimea’s supposed importance to the Russian body politic.

Crimea, as Putin claimed, was far more than simply a wayward chunk of rightfully Russian land. Rather, the peninsula was the “spiritual source” of the entire Russian nation—a province that presented “invaluable civilizational and even sacral importance” for all Russians. The language mirrored Putin’s annexation announcement that March, when he’d claimed that “in [Russians’] hearts and minds, Crimea has always been an inseparable part of Russia.” As Putin saw it, Crimea stood as the Temple Mount of Russia—as a Russian “holy land.” And this was, Putin assured his listeners in December, “exactly how we will treat it from now on and forever.”

At the time, few in Russia appeared to disagree. Nor, likewise, did those in the West, who largely rolled over in the face of Russia’s initial invasion in 2014. Suckered by Russian propaganda surrounding the peninsula’s supposedly pro-Russian tilt and convinced that any Ukrainian assault on Crimea could spark potential military escalation, Western voices largely shied away from backing any attempts at returning the peninsula to Kyiv’s control. This was seen perhaps most spectacularly last month, when news emerged that Tesla CEO Elon Musk had undercut Ukrainian efforts to target the peninsula because of concerns any attack “could lead to a nuclear war.”

Those concerns were perhaps understandable, insofar as Russian officials have continually rattled a nuclear saber about protecting Crimea from any Ukrainian reclamation efforts. But now, as Ukraine unleashes near-daily assaults on the peninsula, the notion that Crimea presents some kind of Temple Mount—or even any kind of red line—for Russians has crumbled.

In the face of continued drone attacks, long-range missile fires, sabotage operations, and annihilation of military assets across Crimea, Russians have hardly treated the Ukrainian peninsula as some kind of sacred land. Rather than rushing to protect Crimea, Russians have instead begun fleeing the region en masse. Rather than seeing Russians lining up to enlist to aid the Kremlin’s defense of the peninsula, Moscow continues mooting the potential of a second, and far broader, forced mobilization. And rather than resulting in any kind of nuclear conflagration, Russians’ subdued reaction to the continued bombardment of Crimea has dissolved Putin’s claims that the peninsula is some kind of special, sacrosanct land. As McGill University professor Maria Popova recently posted on X (formerly known as Twitter), “Crimea isn’t special, let alone a red line.”

Indeed, with few even noticing, Ukraine’s continued shelling and strikes on the peninsula have illustrated one clear lesson: The idea that Crimea is some kind of holy land that Russians will race to defend—an idea that far too many in the West previously swallowed—is dead. And in that death, a wealth of new opportunities has opened up for Kyiv and for the Western partners who are suddenly realizing Crimea is hardly the sacral land Putin once claimed.

For those familiar with the region’s history, the notion that Crimea was always some kind of “spiritual center” for the Russian nation, or that it was perpetually inseparable from Moscow, was always a rickety proposition. While there were historical links tethering the peninsula to the imperial center in Moscow—not least the peninsula’s outsized role in the eponymous Crimean War of the 1850s or World War II—Crimea is hardly some central node of Russian identity that Putin and his claque have claimed.

Just glance through the peninsula’s broader ethno-nationalist history. While tsarist forces first seized the province in 1783, Crimea was hardly a central destination for Russian settler-colonial efforts. Indeed, it wasn’t until World War II that Crimea was even majority ethnic Russian—and even then, only as a result of gargantuan Stalinist ethnic cleansing efforts, forcibly displacing tens of thousands of Crimean Tatars from their historic homeland.

Or look at the peninsula’s political preferences. While the Kremlin’s 1954 decision to transfer control of Crimea to Soviet Ukraine has seen overwrought attention in recent years, far less attention has been given to Crimeans’ actual voices and votes. For instance, in 1991 Crimeans joined every other Ukrainian province in voting for independence from Moscow. And in the intervening years, while Crimean leadership continually agitated for increased autonomy from Kyiv, Crimean residents never once voted for a return to the Kremlin’s embrace.

Not that that’s necessarily surprising. As polling in the months leading up to Russia’s 2014 invasion indicated, Crimeans’ desire for Russian annexation was a minority—and clearly declining—position. One survey of Crimeans, conducted by the International Republican Institute in mid-2013, found that less than a quarter of Crimeans wanted outright annexation. Likewise, the same poll found that the majority of Crimean residents identified primarily as something other than Russian, whether that be Ukrainian, Tatar, or simply Crimean.

All of which is to say: Contrary to Putin and his propagandists’ claims, Crimea was hardly some hotbed of pro-Kremlin sentiment, agitating for a return to Russian control. Such a reality is borne out in contemporaneous reportage, which highlighted how Russian militias had to force Crimean deputies to vote for annexation. (As notorious Russian war criminal Igor Girkin, one of the key figures in Russia’s 2014 invasion, recalled, he and other pro-Russian militia figures “didn’t see any support [for annexation] from any organ of government power” in Crimea.) Little surprise, then, that instead of any kind of free and fair vote on annexation, Moscow resorted to a ballot-by-bayonet referendum, with Moscow announcing that a ludicrous 97 percent of Crimeans backed Russian sovereignty over the peninsula.

Now, almost a decade after Putin first claimed Crimea as Russia’s alone, Ukraine’s efforts to bombard the peninsula into submission have begun in earnest. As the Economist recently wrote, “War has arrived in Crimea.” While last year’s strike against the primary Crimean bridge gained numerous headlines, the past few weeks have ramped up assaults on Crimean military assets to an unprecedented degree. There have been fires at local ammunition holdings; cruise missile strikes on naval assets in Sevastopol, which hammered ships and submarines alike; drones targeting Russia’s air defense infrastructure; and plenty more—and much of this in just the past few weeks. Moreover, a spectacular salvo of Ukrainian long-range fires obliterated the central command of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet—an attack that was caught on tape and decapitated much of Moscow’s naval command in the region.

Yet, even amid all of this mounting violence wracking the peninsula, the response from Russians has been largely muted (or at least as muted as an ongoing genocidal campaign of conquest can be). Part of this stems from Putin’s domestic desires to downplay Russian losses in Ukraine, attempting to maintain an air of both invincibility and inevitability about Russian military prowess. But part of that is also because Russians themselves have displayed an ongoing apathy regarding the assaults on Crimea. Rather than resulting in the kind of Pearl Harbor-style response that many Westerners feared, Russians have largely shrugged their shoulders. Instead of sparking a new onrush of military sign-ups, Moscow has struggled to meet basic enlistment targets, all while Kyiv continues to compile new weaponry to expand its arsenal dedicated to reclaiming Crimea. And instead of spiraling into nuclear exchanges, any likelihood of Moscow resorting to nuclear response has dissipated—undone both by pressure from Moscow’s allies (especially Beijing) but also by Kyiv calling Moscow’s bluff.

Thankfully, it does appear that Western policymakers are finally starting to digest this new reality. Whereas Western officials, such as U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, previously warned that Crimea presented a “red line” for Putin, concerns out of Washington, London, and Brussels to the latest attacks in recent weeks have been largely nonexistent. If anything, Kyiv’s successful bombings have convinced Western partners to increase support; amid Ukraine’s escalating bombardment, the United States signaled that it would finally supply Ukraine with long-range missiles—so-called ATACMS—that would allow Kyiv to expand its array of targets in Crimea.

More broadly, the disintegration of the notion that Crimea presents any kind of red line for Putin is of a piece with supposed Russian red lines elsewhere, all of which have likewise crumbled. And with the disappearance of this Crimean “red line”—as well the dismantling of the idea that Crimea is some kind of holy land for Russians—there is no reason remaining for Western governments not to do everything in their power to back Ukrainian efforts at retaking every inch of Ukrainian territory, including Crimea.

After all, it was in the Crimean Peninsula that Moscow’s irredentist invasion first began in 2014. Given that Putin’s promises that Russians would rally to the peninsula’s defense have proved hollow, undone by Putin’s own hubris, it is only fitting that Crimea is where Russia’s revanchist efforts should end.

[argroupofedu5]

MBBS in Russia: Your Path to Quality Medical Education

Pursuing MBBS in Russia has become a popular choice among international students, especially those from India. Russia is known for its affordable medical education, high-quality teaching standards, and globally recognized degrees. With a history of producing top medical professionals, Russia's universities offer excellent facilities, experienced faculty, and modern infrastructure. If you dream of becoming a doctor, MBBS in Russia can be your gateway to success.

Why Choose MBBS in Russia?

Russia is home to some of the best medical universities in the world, offering degrees that are recognized by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Medical Council of India (MCI). The education system in Russia focuses on practical knowledge and clinical training, making students well-prepared for real-world challenges. The curriculum is designed to provide in-depth knowledge of medical subjects while ensuring hands-on experience in hospitals.

One of the major attractions for students is the affordability of the medical programs. Compared to other countries, the cost of studying MBBS in Russia is significantly lower, without compromising on the quality of education. Additionally, many universities offer courses in English, making it easier for international students to adapt.

Crimea Federal Medical University

When it comes to top medical institutions, Crimea Federal Medical University is highly regarded. Located in the beautiful Crimean Peninsula, this university is known for its state-of-the-art facilities and experienced faculty. Crimea Federal Medical University offers a six-year MBBS program, which includes both theoretical and practical training. The university has a strong focus on research, providing students with opportunities to engage in cutting-edge medical studies.

The campus is equipped with modern laboratories, simulation centres, and hospitals where students can practise their skills. Crimea Federal Medical University also has partnerships with various international medical organisations, allowing students to participate in exchange programs and gain exposure to global healthcare systems.

Tula State Medical University

Another renowned institution in Russia is Tula State Medical University. This university is known for its comprehensive curriculum, which emphasises both medical theory and clinical practice. The six-year MBBS program at Tula State Medical University prepares students to meet the demands of the medical profession. The faculty consists of experienced doctors and researchers who provide students with a strong foundation in medical science.

Tula State Medical University offers modern classrooms, well-equipped labs, and access to hospitals for hands-on training. The university also places a strong emphasis on the holistic development of students, encouraging them to participate in extracurricular activities and international conferences. The city of Tula, where the university is located, provides a vibrant cultural experience for students.

Bashkir State Medical University

Bashkir State Medical University is one of the oldest and most prestigious medical universities in Russia. Founded in 1932, the university has a long history of producing highly skilled doctors. Bashkir State Medical University is located in Ufa, the capital city of the Republic of Bashkortostan. The university offers a six-year MBBS program that is recognized worldwide.

The faculty at Bashkir State Medical University consists of experienced professionals who guide students through a comprehensive medical curriculum. The university is known for its research-oriented approach, with many students participating in scientific projects and medical conferences. The campus is equipped with modern medical equipment, simulation labs, and access to hospitals for clinical training.

In addition to academics, Bashkir State Medical University provides a supportive environment for international students, offering guidance on accommodation, language courses, and cultural integration. The university’s diverse student body makes it a welcoming place for students from all over the world.

Benefits of Studying MBBS in Russia

Affordable Tuition Fees: Studying MBBS in Russia is cost-effective compared to countries like the USA, UK, or Australia. This makes it a great option for students who want quality education without the burden of huge debts.

Globally Recognized Degree: Russian medical degrees are recognized by major medical councils across the world, including WHO and MCI. This allows graduates to practise medicine in their home countries or pursue further studies abroad.

English-Taught Programs: Many universities in Russia offer MBBS programs in English, making it easier for international students to adapt to the curriculum and communicate with professors.

High-Quality Education: Russia is known for its rigorous education system, ensuring that students receive the best training in medical science and practice.

Cultural Diversity: Russia is home to a diverse student population, allowing you to experience different cultures, traditions, and languages while studying.

Conclusion

Choosing to pursue MBBS in Russia opens up a world of opportunities. Whether you study at Crimea Federal Medical University, Tula State Medical University, or Bashkir State Medical University, you are guaranteed to receive top-notch medical education. With affordable fees, globally recognized degrees, and a focus on practical training, Russia is an excellent destination for aspiring doctors. So, take the first step toward a successful medical career by considering MBBS in Russia as your pathway to success!

[mbbsblogsblog]

Hello Dear Visitors! Your random online navigation shows that you are stuck with the loads of options for pursuing MBBS in foreign countries? If so, you are on the right page to make a final decision for joining MBBS abroad.   

Ria Overseas would like to extend all possible supports and guides to you for fulfilling your dream of joining MBBS abroad.  Dear, have you ever considered pursuing MBBS in Russia? If yes, it’s good and if no, then start thinking about it. We at Ria Overseas would like to suggest you for pursuing MBBS in Russia. For Indian students Russia is a safety place and its government is trying its best to make the admission procedure feasible for Indian students.

Now let’s dive into the discussion.

MBBS in Russia: Intake

·         In most universities, the admission procedure for MBBS study in Russia begins in the "month of September".

·         Some colleges also start "MBBS admission in Russia in March."

·         Contact Ria Overseas's specialist education counsellors for additional information about the entrance date.

 MBBS in Russia: Eligibility

 You must be at least 17 and up to 25 years old on or before December 31st of the admission year.

·         You have a Class 12 Science degree with PCM and English courses from a board recognised by Indian authorities.

·         You achieved at least 50% in your 10+2.

·         You are SC/OBC/ST and received 45% in 12th grade; the subject stays the same.

·         You passed the NEET test.

 MBBS in Russia: Fee Structure

Name of the University                        Tuition Fees / Year       Hostel Fees / Year

Altai State Medical University              : 3700 USD                     500 USD

Kursk State Medical University             : 5100 USD                    1000 USD

Dagestan State Medical University        : 3000 USD                    1000 USD

Syktyvkar State Medical University       : 4250 USD                    1200 USD

Far Eastern Federal University               : 3000 USD                    1000 USD

Tambov State University                        : 4200 USD                    1200 USD

Kuban State Medical University             : 3500 USD                    700 USD

Volgograd State Medical University      : 6000 USD                    1100 USD

Kazan State Medical University             : 7000 USD                    600 USD

Bashkir State Medical University           : 3500 USD                    900 USD

Crimean Federal University                    : 4250 USD                    600 USD

First Moscow State Medical University: 10000 USD                   1800 USD

People’s Friendship University of Russia: 7000 USD                  1200 USD

Kazan Federal University                        : 5500 USD                   1000 USD

Mari State University                               : 3200 USD                   800 USD

Northern State Medical University          : 4000 USD                   700 USD

Novosibirsk State Medical University     : 5000 USD                  900 USD

Orenburg State Medical University          : 4000 USD                  1000 USD

Perm State Medical University                 : 4500 USD                  1200 USD

Ryazan State Medical University            : 4500 USD                   900 USD

Siberian State Medical University           : 3000 USD                   500 USD

Voronezh State Medical University        : 2500 USD                   800 USD

St. Petersburg State Medical University: 5500 USD                    1600 USD

We offer the following services to Indian students.

·         Providing students with all relevant information about the university and life in Russia.

·         Admission letter from the University.

·         The Russian Ministry of External Affairs has issued an invitation/VISA letter.

·         Visa processing by the Russian Embassy.

·         MCI registration.

·         Booking an airline ticket.

·         Accompany pupils as they travel.

·         Assist with immigration registration in the Russian Federation.

·         Making the required preparations for students' hostel lodging.

·         Organising local sightseeing excursions of the city and its surroundings.

·         Assisted pupils with medical checks.

·         Assist in getting a student ID card, hostel card, and international card.

·         Assistance in the establishment of a bank account.

 NOTE:

 Many agencies offer "subsidised fees" at Russian medical colleges. In this system, students are asked to pay six years' MBBS costs plus a discount. CEC routinely reminds students that there is no such system of "subsidised fees" at the Russian Medical University. The amount would be held by the agency, and you would eventually wind up in trouble if they did not pay the university fees on your behalf.