#Julie Chávez Rodríguez

[justinspoliticalcorner]

Chris Smith at Vanity Fair:

On a sunny afternoon the views from Joe Biden’s campaign headquarters in downtown Wilmington, Delaware are so clear that if you squint hard you can almost see the White House, 100 miles to the south. The floor plan is open and the windows run just about floor to ceiling, so all 200 staffers share in the sweeping vista.

With the striking exception of probably the most important person on the premises. That Jen O’Malley Dillon sits at the very center of the office is appropriate, symbolically: She is a hub of the reelection effort’s leadership infrastructure. It also means that O’Malley Dillon, officially the campaign chair, is the only person on the team who occupies a dimly lit cubicle. Four years ago, J.O.D., as most everyone in Bidenworld knows her, became the first woman to manage a winning Democratic US presidential campaign, and the first person of any gender in three decades to knock off an incumbent. O’Malley Dillon, 47, has shunned credit and most interviews since. So her nondescript current workspace—blank walls, a tiny desk strewn with papers, a small bookshelf holding a jumble of binders and framed family photos—fits her no-nonsense approach. O’Malley Dillon is ferociously focused on reelecting Biden. Gazing out the window would be a useless distraction. “You have to keep in perspective what’s at stake because every second I waste is a second that we could lose the thing that matters most to me, which is a future for my kids,” she tells me.

Her relentlessness is a good thing, because her candidate is running uphill. For months polls have shown Trump beating Biden nationally, though the race remains tight; more important, thanks to our genius electoral college system, is Trump’s advantage in six of the seven battleground states that are likely to be decisive. Things look equally rugged for Biden when you go deeper than the horse race: A majority of Americans believe economic conditions were better under Trump—despite Biden delivering record-low unemployment numbers—and inflation remains stubbornly high. In March the share of voters strongly disapproving of Biden’s job performance reached a new peak, according to a New York Times survey. Many voters under 35 are angered by the administration’s support for Israel’s military offensive in Gaza. And voters of every age group think Biden, 81, is too old to bid for a second term.

The leaders of his reelection team aren’t in denial; they understand they’re facing daunting challenges. The coalition that elected Biden in 2020 has splintered. “We believe that Joe Biden has an important story to sell and has been a historic president,” a senior campaign strategist says. “But that doesn’t mean to say that everyone is going to love him perfectly.” Which may not make for the most stirring political rallying cry. But it underlies the campaign’s methodical drive to raise tens of millions of dollars to assemble a sophisticated operation that will press the fight in both conventional and innovative ways. The plan stretches from boosting Latino turnout in Arizona to winning Michigan—despite the state’s much-hyped “uncommitted” Democratic primary voters—to flipping North Carolina to wooing a meaningful number of Nikki Haley-Republican-primary voters to aggressively educating potential Robert F. Kennedy Jr. voters about his beliefs. For months the campaign has quietly built infrastructure in key states—a foundation that is now allowing it to capitalize on Republican gifts, like the Arizona supreme court’s approval of a near-total ban on abortion. “We know exactly the voters we need to turn out,” a senior campaign operative says, “and we’ve got a plan to do it.”

That confidence flows from data research that assigns probabilities to individual voters. It is also based on a deep roster of human political intelligence, like Quentin Fulks, the principal deputy campaign manager, who was a top aide on Raphael Warnock’s winning Georgia senate reelection campaign over Herschel Walker in 2022, and Julie Chávez Rodríguez, the 46-year-old campaign manager who is a granddaughter of pioneering labor leader César Chávez. “We wanted to make sure we had strong campaign experience, but also really strong lived experience for the communities and voters that we want to reach. So it’s not by default that it’s myself and Quentin running this campaign. That was extremely intentional,” Rodríguez says. “And being able to prioritize our base targets, it’s not the way that most presidentials have been run. They don’t usually invest in doing outreach to communities of color early.”

Yet much of the work of piecing together the strategy and the machinery has occurred in Wilmington, outside the national media spotlight, which has contributed to a perception among many Democrats that the Biden campaign is eerily, delusionally calm. “What scares me to death is they think they’ve proven everyone wrong every time,” a senior Democratic insider says. “They have this outward posture of, ‘We came from nowhere in the 2020 primary, we’re the only ones who beat Trump in the general, so trust us.’ But remember, in the fall of 2020, they sent Biden to Ohio and Kamala Harris to Texas where they had no chance, when they could have been in Wisconsin, Michigan, Arizona, and Pennsylvania. So let’s not get on too high of a horse.”

Maybe so—though Biden visited and won those four key states four years ago. And up close, it’s clear no one is resting on their horses, or their laurels. The 2024 campaign’s activities are intense and far-reaching, permeated by a deep sense of urgency. “I can certainly feel the weight of what we’re doing,” says Dan Kanninen, who leads the battleground-state effort. “But to be in it gives a measure of purpose that is different than just allowing your anxieties to take you somewhere else.” Biden’s lieutenants have forceful, detailed, logical pushbacks to every possible criticism of the campaign. There’s only one part of the reelection operation that feels unnerving: so much of the victory calculus hinges on voters, once they’ve heard the relevant facts, behaving rationally. That worry is compounded by the stakes. “If we lose this election,” a national Democratic strategist says, “we might not have another one.”

Rob Flaherty rates a private corner office. One of its walls is decorated with images of Biden’s trademark aviator sunglasses in a repeating pattern of green, blue, black, and orange. The opposite wall is dominated by a banner, its black background contrasting with large white letters reading “NOBODY KNOWS ANYTHING.” Flaherty had better know something. His title, deputy campaign manager, doesn’t even hint at the magnitude of his responsibilities. The 32-year-old oversees two crucial aspects of Biden’s campaign: digital strategy and relational organizing. The first role means not simply figuring out how to target a multi-million-dollar pro-Biden online ad campaign, but trying to fight off a fire hose of right-wing attacks and disinformation. Flaherty did this craftily for Biden during the 2020 campaign, particularly in steering an effort to identify “market moving” issues—separating things that had the potential to actually influence voters, like concerns about Biden’s mental fitness, from mere noise, like the Republican obsession with Hunter Biden. In some respects—most notably Gaza and inflation—there are new substantive challenges this time. One major concern hasn’t changed: Biden’s advanced age. “The way you combat the age issue,” Flaherty says, “is, one, he gets out there and addresses it. What you see him doing in his paid [media] right now. And it’s by fighting on the issues that people care about. If we address the fact that they want to see him go and fight for them, the issue goes away pretty quick.”

Yet the online landscape has changed dramatically in four years, with media consumers fractured into ever-more-personalized content silos, many of them hardened against campaign messaging, a shift that seems to benefit Trump. “Voters who do not want to hear about politics never have to,” Flaherty says. “People who are not hearing about politics, they are not trusting of politicians, they’re not trusting the media. So it becomes incumbent on the campaign to think about, how do we reach those people where they are? You have to diversify the way you do paid media, right? You can't just spend 70% on linear broadcast television and hope you’re going to reach folks.”

One of Flaherty’s priorities is reaching tuned-out potential voters. “The voters who we think are pretty much the difference makers in this election, these voters, you have to persuade them to participate,” he says. “This is going to be a back-loaded election for when people start to pay attention. They are largely a younger, more diverse set of people who voted for us last time, who lean Democrat. They hate Trump. They are really hard to reach. And there’s just more of those this time.” A related task is neutralizing the deluge of Republican disinformation. “At the close of any campaign, I know my candidate is in trouble if key parts of the electorate are awash in more negative than positive information about my candidate,” a top Democratic strategist says. “And right now, particularly younger voters of color on social media, they’re hearing more negative than positive information about Joe Biden. How do they turn that?”

Massive spending is part of the answer. But the campaign believes the cash must be spread on a wider array of formats than ever before and in creative ways. So when Biden visited a North Carolina home in March, Flaherty’s team enlisted the family’s 13-year-old son to post a video on TikTok, generating more than five million views across a range of sites, the kind of reach a conventional rally doesn’t produce. The White House has bolstered the president’s online presence by encouraging the work of independent liberal influencers, including Aaron Rupar and Ron Filipkowski, who have driven news cycles by circulating video clips of Trump’s stumbles and incendiary comments. Biden’s team is also investing heavily in first-person testimonial ads from ordinary Americans. “Having elected officials give speeches or be on Sunday talk shows is important,” says Roger Lau, who was Elizabeth Warren’s campaign manager in 2020 and who now works closely with the Biden effort as deputy executive director of the Democratic National Committee. “But finding that nurse in Nevada who can talk about why capping the cost of insulin at 35 bucks a month is important to their families because Filipinos have a much higher rate of type two diabetes than other communities—that kind of video, digital, and social content, it just cuts through in a totally different way.”

Flaherty comes across as ebullient and exhausted, which is understandable given that he’s crafting in-real-life organizing plans at the same time he’s trying to counteract the Laura Loomers of the world online. His digital turf overlaps with his more experimental turf, relational organizing. “You have to get people to share content through their friends and family, trusted messengers,” Flaherty says. “This is important because of what I think is the second trend that is different from ’20. In 2022, half of the content shared on Instagram was in private. So if you’re running a digital strategy that is aimed just at reaching people in their feeds, you’re missing where a lot of conversation on the internet is happening.”

[...] While Biden’s Gaza-fueled problems with younger voters have likely been overstated, the conventional wisdom has been understating the damage the war could cause the president with swing voters—and not because of their allegiances to Israel or Palestine. The conflict itself fueled a sense that the world remains volatile, though it was still happening at a distance, literally and politically. Now campus skirmishes have made the mess domestic, and the president’s brand is all about delivering calm. “Biden has got to be seen as the reasonable guy who gets shit done, where Trump is a madman,” a top Democratic strategist says. “You can’t do that when you’ve got chaos on the southern border or chaos on campuses.”

The Biden administration has put together a compelling record in some big-picture ways, including the revival of the economy, the defense of Ukraine, and advances in the battle against climate change. The campaign’s challenge is to translate the president’s record into gains that voters recognize in their everyday lives. “If we’re able to frame the president’s accomplishments in the face of Republican extremist obstructionism,” Tyler says, “you actually have a fantastic story to tell. I mean, I’ll talk about Black folks, for example, right? Since before the pandemic, Black wealth is up 60%, highest rate of small business growth for Black-owned businesses in a generation, cutting Black child poverty in half through the child tax credit before MAGA Republicans ripped it away, which Joe Biden is going to bring back in a second term to make permanent.”

There are also large vulnerabilities in Biden’s first-term record: the suffocatingly high price of housing and the immigration crisis, to pick two. But presidential elections are weird, unique animals that more often turn on personality than on policy, on what Americans are feeling they need in the White House as much as what might objectively be best for the country. Mood is a powerful force in national elections, and the Biden campaign has identified an intriguing, and ominous, headwind. “We don’t like to talk about the fact that COVID still has an impact,” a senior strategist says. “It’s easy to kind of be nostalgic for a time before COVID, to remember, ‘Oh, well, the economy was better, or I felt like prices were better.’ And you don’t hear Trump every day. People are not viscerally feeling how they felt when he was a leader, because he’s been silent for lots of reasons. So we have a lot of work to do. Now, it just so happens that Trump says such crazy stuff all the time that we have ample opportunity.” Everyone at Biden HQ is well aware of the possible consequences, both for the country and for themselves, of Trump winning and turning the craziness into policy. “The people behind him are very well organized,” a Biden campaign operative says. “It can feel like an abstraction, but actually there are people I know, and myself, who would be targets.”

Vanity Fair has a story on the Biden campaign’s re-election team that is navigating tough headwinds to get Joe Biden re-elected.

[billspotts]

State of Terror: Life After Venezuela’s Electoral Uprising

In a voice message to the ruling party leadership, Maduro summoned PSUV militants and his remaining supporters to defend his rule: “Coordinate with National Police (PNB) and Guard (GNB) to restore order,” he commanded. “We have to grab this by the head. Act immediately. Every little fire that starts must be extinguished.”

On the morning of July 29th, while the Comando por Venezuela celebrated a de facto triumph of more than 30 points over Maduro—after processing 73% of the voting tallies—demonstrators returned home under the watchful eyes and cannons of colectivos and security forces.

On July 28, Venezuela’s government—perhaps dazzled by its own misreading of the situation—became exposed to electoral reality. The barrio, emerging as a new agent of change, slapped chavismo in the face, forcing it to embrace the only version of sovereignty Maduro understands: the power to dictate who lives, who dies, and who goes to jail, echoing the words of Cameroonian social theorist Achille Mbembe.

In a context where hundreds of thousands of people volunteered to defeat Maduro at the polls and then protect the evidence of their collective will, the brute force unleashed since July 29 seeks to destroy the spirit and hunger for change that Machado’s campaign activated.

As Chávez statues were toppled and Maduro posters torn down, the government, from its trenches in Miraflores and Fuerte Tiuna, tried to convince international mediators that Amoroso’s announced result wasn’t up for discussion. At the same time, it turned on all engines of its war machine, including an overblown rhetoric that doesn’t even pretend to be logical. Maduro, Diosdado Cabello, and Jorge Rodríguez have labeled those who oppose them—from local politicians to foreign governments, even on the left—as Nazis or fascists, describing demonstrators as drugged criminals from the U.S. and cells from the international criminal organization Tren de Aragua.

A week after the election, human rights NGO Foro Penal confirmed 1,102 arrests, with 170 of them in Caracas. Monitor de Víctimas reported 23 murders so far, with colectivos responsible for at least 9, operating in total sync with State security officers.

Like paramilitary forces fighting a hybrid war, colectivos work as PSUV’s fist in the areas where the chavista State holds more economic and social power over a population now turning its back on them. Their priority is to defend their government sponsors at gunpoint.

The offensive reached the doors of those who took to the streets the Monday after the presidential election. A video from that day shows a man on a bike recording himself while chasing demonstrators, saying to the camera: “Here we are, prepared to defend peace and our principles. We want peace, but we are prepared for war. In Venezuela, it was our president Nicolás Maduro who won. Guarimberos (a slur for protesters) ran to hide in their homes. From now on, we take over the streets that have always belonged to us, not to oligarchs!”

Communal councils and what’s left of the Hugo Chávez Battle Units—PSUV grassroots structures forming a sort of parallel chavista State—have been ordered to identify, locate, and point out anyone who called out the election fraud in different communities.

Under this war logic, anyone who poses a threat to those in power becomes a target for colectivos and security forces: demonstrators hiding in safe houses, people who showed their voting tallies or denounced the fraud on social media, and community leaders and members of comanditos who promoted participation and defended votes for Edmundo González.

On Tuesday the 30th, in the densely populated (and formerly very chavista) 23 de Enero area, PNB detained four boys—three of them teenagers—who were banging pots on the eighth floor of a building. Caracas Chronicles obtained voice notes sent by leaders in communal councils in Distrito Capital. In one of them, a woman hoped that someone would “shoot escuálidos (classic chavista hate speech for opposition folk)” to get them in line “while Maduro decides to call the army. At least I saw colectivos giving them hell. If they catch anyone, they will make a pulp out of him… and they are hiding between our buildings.”

A WhatsApp chain message shared with neighbors in San José, in downtown Caracas, read: “We call on mothers, families: advise your kids and don’t help the Right. After all this, the opposition leaders wash their hands and continue their trips and lavish lifestyles while our young people fall under the weight of law and order. We can’t cry after that happens. Women, defend your households and protect them from destabilizing plans.”

Caracas Chronicles reached out to one activist who organized volunteers in Western Caracas on July 28, who has since gone into hiding along with about eleven colleagues. Colectivos started hunting for her the minute after the opposition rejected Amoroso’s results. From her hiding place, the woman sent videos showing how CICPC and DAET patrols have assisted colectivos in taking over the barrios.

DAET, which replaced the infamous FAES death squads, highlights the scope of Maduro’s policy against the poor, which has progressively mutilated human rights and living conditions for those with the least. Meanwhile, the regime sustains an oppressive minority of party militants, colectivos, CLAP clerks, police officers, and intelligence personnel with privileged access to institutional networks and State resources.

According to psychologist Andrés Antillano, these inequalities within low-income groups generate fear, distrust, and resentment in the barrio—where chavista groups impose the status quo by marking enemies and controlling those who criticize the government.

A noticeable pattern in this repressive wave has been the indiscriminate attacks on teens and young people who have known no other president than Maduro.

Last week, late at night, the DGCIM posted a reel on their Instagram account announcing their new “campaign” and security operation, “Operación Tun Tun,” with the hashtag #sinllorader (#nowhining). In the background, a song played: “Children take care! Please be aware. All that you’ve done will come to bear!”

“Operación Tun Tun,” which translates to Operation Knock-Knock, isn’t new. Diosdado Cabello first announced it on his TV show “El Mazo Dando” in 2017, during three months of Venezuelan protests, to target people he considered “terrorists.” This time, the DGCIM, along with other police forces like the CICPC, led by Douglas Rico, not only released this video with its intimidating song but also shared images with WhatsApp and Signal phone numbers, urging people to report anyone allegedly involved in a “physical or virtual hate campaign through social media.”

This operation targets everyone who worked on election day as witnesses or as part of a “comandito” (the opposition grassroots group involved in collecting voting records), those who protested, and even people posting on social media in support of González Urrutia, Machado, or anyone expressing disagreement with chavismo.

On Saturday night, Cabello showcased various Venezuelans detained under “Operación Tun Tun” across the country on his TV show, using the hashtag #PeaceHasArrived.

Other security forces, like the Táchira Police, published “wanted” notices with pictures of young men, labeling them “leader guarimberos.” Even before the elections, Nicolás Maduro had warned that there would be a “bloodbath and fratricidal civil war caused by the fascists” if he didn’t win on July 28.

In addition to raiding homes, various security forces, including DAET, PNB, GNB, and local police, have set up checkpoints in different Venezuelan cities to seize and inspect mobile phones.

The surveillance, targeting, and persecution of citizens extend to other social media platforms like Telegram. Public figures and activists have reported the existence of various Telegram channels created to post pictures of people involved in election day activities or peaceful demonstrations. Some of these channels, like “Caza Guarimbas” or “Controla las Guarimbas,” were shut down by the platform after being reported for promoting violence.

In these channels, users could see messages like “Edmundo is a killer” or pictures of young individuals accused of being responsible for hate crimes (as defined in Maduro’s Hate Law).

This manhunt has created a new environment in the country. People are deleting WhatsApp chats, activating disappearing messages, and sending important information to relatives abroad so they can spread the word about what’s happening inside the country. Some have had to leave their homes and find places to hide.

The situation has also changed how people gather in the streets. For example, during María Corina Machado’s demonstration last Saturday, journalists refrained from recording participants’ faces. Even Machado, who had recently expressed fear for her life in The Wall Street Journal, appeared in public covered with a hood before climbing onto a bus.

Understanding that loneliness and despair are fertile ground for totalitarianism, Maduro and his elite are trying to break the connections people have built, isolating citizens once again from the democratic cause—even more so those who directly promoted and defended the vote in the presidential election.

How can we fight this? If terror seeks to deny what happened at polling stations on July 28th and the intrinsic political condition of voters, the first step is to raise the voice of truth, convinced that, no matter the violence that followed, on that day, Venezuelans spoke with resounding clarity.

Secondly, being strong and resilient doesn’t only mean protesting in the streets. To remain active in defending the true results, we must protect ourselves, stay alert, and manage our energies carefully.

For those who risked their lives in the last several weeks and months of campaigning, protection from state terror means moving between hiding places and waiting for an embassy in Caracas to process dozens of refugee requests.

For others, staying in the streets protesting to the very end is just impossible. “Now, the end of this is in God’s hands,” said Richard, who volunteered on the 28th and went out to demonstrate in Catia the next day. “I’ve been running around on my bike and saw things are getting quiet again. We already took a huge step.”

[darkmaga-retard]

Justin Hart

Sep 19, 2024

Have you ever wondered who's really behind Kamala Harris's presidential run? After one of you asked about the key players influencing her campaign, I decided to dive deep and uncover her closest advisors—and yes, I've got their Twitter handles!

As someone who's worked on several presidential campaigns, both as a consultant and directly, I've seen firsthand how the campaign trail often leads straight to the White House. The victors not only claim the crown but also decide who gets to reside in the castle—or the Red Keep, if you're a fan of Game of Thrones. Knowing who these influential people are is crucial because they shape policies and steer the direction of the administration.

I'm a bit nervous to share some of these findings because they touch on controversial topics. That's why most of this content will be behind a paywall. But trust me, you'll find it intriguing. For now, let's dive into the first key advisor.

1. Julie Chávez Rodríguez – Campaign Manager

Prior Experience: Campaign manager for the 2024 Joe Biden presidential campaign.

Twitter: @juliecr46

Additional Details: Julie Chávez Rodríguez, granddaughter of controversial labor activist César Chávez, has deep ties to left-wing politics. Her role in the Biden administration's Office of Intergovernmental Affairs raised concerns about potential conflicts of interest and nepotism. Critics argue her focus on Latino voter mobilization often comes at the expense of other demographic groups. Her leadership in Harris's campaign is seen by some as an attempt to pander to identity politics rather than address the concerns of all Americans.

[tomorrowusa]

It has been a bad week for Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin of Virginia. Youngkin (AKA: Glenn Trumpkin) has been trying to position himself as the savior of the Republican Party in order to gain national political traction.

Trumpkin's centerpiece of Republican salvation has been what I call Faux Roe. It's his proposal to restrict abortion to the first 15 weeks and offer almost no exceptions thereafter. His plan was to flip the Virginia Senate and enact Faux Roe into law. He had tried to portray the real Roe v. Wade and Democratic support for it as "extremist".

Not only did Trumpkin fail to flip the state Senate, but Republicans also lost control of the Virginia House of Delegates. Trumpkin will now have to face a legislature with BOTH chambers under Democratic control for the last two years of his term.

Democrats have secured full control of the Virginia state legislature, winning a majority in the house of delegates and depriving the Republican governor, Glenn Youngkin, of the opportunity to enact a 15-week abortion ban. Democrats maintained their majority in the state senate and flipped control of the house of delegates, where Republicans previously held a narrow advantage. Democrats’ victories quashed Youngkin’s hopes of securing a Republican-controlled legislature that would be able to advance his policy agenda, casting doubt upon his prospects as a potential presidential candidate. “Governor Youngkin and Virginia Republicans did everything they could to take total control of state government, but the people of the Commonwealth rejected them,” Susan Swecker, chair of the Democratic party of Virginia, said in a statement. “Virginians won’t go backwards. Instead of extremism and culture wars, people voted for commonsense leadership and problem solvers.”

Virginia's off-off year elections take place in odd years prior to Congressional and presidential elections. They provide some insight as to the direction of the prevailing political winds.

As one of the only states holding off-year elections, the Virginia results could serve as a bellwether for the presidential race next year.

Things haven't been going well for radical anti-abortion, anti-democracy Republicans in general.

The Democratic victory in Virginia was good news for President Biden.

Why Democrats’ big Virginia win is also a victory for Biden

Joe Biden wasn’t on the ballot on Tuesday in Virginia. But Democrats’ big win will bring welcome news on the other side of the Potomac. Virginia’s off-year elections have long been seen as a bellwether of the broader political environment — and a partial referendum on the incumbent president. So Democrats sweeping control of the state legislature — which both parties believed was in play — will serve as a boost to Biden’s reelection campaign next year. [ ... ] Tuesday’s wins will likely validate Democrats’ plans to continue to run on abortion next year, a strategy that has given them a series of almost uninterrupted wins since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade last summer. “In hundreds of races since Donald Trump’s conservative Supreme Court appointments overturned Roe v. Wade, we’ve seen Americans overwhelmingly side with President Biden and Democrats’ vision for this country,” Biden’s campaign manager Julie Chávez Rodríguez said in a statement Tuesday night. “That same choice will be before voters again next November, and we are confident the American people will send President Biden and Vice President Harris back to the White House to keep working for them.” They also show that Youngkin doesn’t have the silver bullet for solving the GOP’s electoral problems with abortion, as his operation had hoped.

Republicans had been trying for 49 years to get Roe v. Wade overturned. When the GOP Supreme Court finally did the deed last year, it turned out to be a poison pill for Republicans running for office.

In Virginia, Democrats won 21 of 40 seats in the Senate and 51 of 100 seats in the House of Delegates.

When the official counting of late absentee ballots and provisional ballots is completed next week, Dems could end up gaining one additional seat in each chamber. 🎉

[burningtacozombie]

Before the 35th Hispanic Heritage Awards, Danny Pino was part of a delegation of celebrities to visit the White House to meet with Second Gentleman Doug Emhoff, POTUS Senior Advisor Julie Chávez Rodríguez, and other key Biden administration staff. Together, they urged the administration to work with them to ensure Latinos are represented and create clear pathways for the Smithsonian to designate a location on the National Mall for the future Latino museum.

Find out more about it here: https://americanlatinomuseum.org/latino-museum/

X - X - X - X - X - X

[arpov-blog-blog]

..."Julie Chávez Rodríguez was scheduled to meet with a range of local elected officials and leaders from Michigan’s Arab and Palestinian-American, Hispanic, and Black communities in the Detroit area, including Dearborn, which has a substantial Arab American population.

The sessions reflect the continuation of a monthslong effort to meet with local Democratic officials across the nation to hear concerns and build enthusiasm for the reelection campaign.

In a sign of the deep fissures on the ground, several Arab-American and Muslim leaders declined invitations to meet with Chávez Rodríguez, said Michigan state Rep. Alabas Farhat, a Democrat who represents Dearborn.

Those leaders were invited to a Friday afternoon meeting but, after surveying their constituents, determined there would be little to gain from the session.

“I represent a community that’s actively hurting,” said Farhat, who was among those to decline the invitation. “When speaking to the community about this, it was a resounding no. Now is not the time for political conversations, now is the time for a ceasefire, and then we can talk.”

Michigan’s Democratic primary is scheduled for Feb. 27. Recent polling has shown Biden losing ground to former President Donald Trump in Michigan, a must-win state for the president’s reelection. Liberal voters, including the state’s large Arab American population, have been outraged by the administration’s support of Israel amid its war in Gaza.

Dearborn Mayor Abdullah Hammoud, who is not part of the planned meetings, told POLITICO in a recent interview that his concerns about the Biden administration’s handling of the war have fallen on deaf ears.

“This idea of maybe the White House is unaware — I think all that is bullshit,” he said.

Katie Doyal, a spokesperson for the mayor, said Hammoud turned down a meeting Friday with the Biden campaign.

Farhat, the state lawmaker, also expressed concerns that the Biden campaign has not yet grasped the gravity of the situation.

“I don’t think they’re taking it seriously enough,” he said. “As a Democrat, I welcome conversations with our party in telling them how we can do better to secure the Arab vote. … But not during a time when over 30,000 people have died, and more are dying every day.”

[nbmsports]

Biden and D.N.C. Announce $72 Million in Fund-Raising, a Substantial Haul

President Biden’s campaign announced on Friday a combined fund-raising haul of more than $72 million from April through June alongside the Democratic National Committee and a joint fund-raising committee, a figure that far surpasses what former President Donald J. Trump and other leading Republican presidential candidates have announced.The campaign said that along with the D.N.C. and the committee, it had a combined $77 million in cash on hand at the end of the reporting period. It did not disclose how that money was divided between the campaign and the committees.“While Republicans are burning through resources in a divisive primary focused on who can take the most extreme MAGA positions, we are significantly outraising every single one of them,” said Julie Chávez Rodríguez, Mr. Biden’s campaign manager.While the fund-raising total is well short of the $105 million Mr. Trump and his allies collected during the same period in his 2020 re-election campaign, it is likely to serve as a salve for Democrats who have been privately gloomy about Mr. Biden’s sagging approval ratings. The finance numbers prove that whatever private misgivings Democrats have about Mr. Biden’s re-election campaign, the party’s donor class is fully on board.“This is proof positive that this party and its people and the country believe in Joe Biden and the accomplishments of this administration,” said Henry R. Muñoz III, a former Democratic National Committee finance director. “This reaffirms Joe Biden’s appeal to the working people and everyday heroes of this country.”At the dawn of President Barack Obama’s re-election campaign, he and the D.N.C. raised a combined $86 million between April and June 2011.Comparisons to Mr. Obama’s fund-raising efforts for the 2012 campaign are imprecise, however, because a 2014 Supreme Court decision and other legal changes allowed candidates and parties to form joint fund-raising committees that can accept single donations of hundreds of thousands of dollars.And in Mr. Trump’s re-election bid, he had a significant head start over Mr. Biden. Mr. Trump formally announced and began fund-raising for the 2020 race on the day he was inaugurated in 2017, while Mr. Biden, who at the end of March had $1.36 million left over in his campaign account, did not actively solicit money for his campaign until he made his run official in April.Mr. Biden began his 2024 campaign on April 25 — nearly a month after the fund-raising quarter began. His first major fund-raising event was in mid-May in New York, and he did not do any significant fund-raising himself during the heat of negotiations over extending the federal debt ceiling in late May.In June, Mr. Biden traveled to San Francisco and Chicago to meet with major donors before the close of the fund-raising period.Mr. Biden was never a prolific fund-raiser before he became the party’s de facto presidential nominee in the spring of 2020. Three other Democratic candidates raised more money than he did during the third quarter of 2019, well before his resurgence as the primary season unfolded.But once Democrats unified around Mr. Biden and against Mr. Trump while the pandemic gripped the country, Mr. Biden emerged as a magnet for donors large and small.“Just like 2020 was a record year, I imagine 2024 is going to be a record year,” said Alex Lasry, a former Senate candidate and D.N.C. member from Wisconsin who is the co-treasurer for the Democratic Governors Association.The Republicans vying to replace Mr. Biden will not have the benefit of raising money through their national committee until one emerges as the party’s nominee. Mr. Biden and supportive Democrats also have the advantage of not having to spend much money to get through what for the Republicans is expected to be a rough-and-tumble primary campaign.Mr. Trump said his campaign and his joint fund-raising committee had raised $35 million in the second quarter. Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida announced he had raised about $20 million. Nikki Haley, the former South Carolina governor and United Nations ambassador, raised $4.3 million for her campaign and an additional $3 million for her affiliated committees. Senator Tim Scott of South Carolina said his campaign had raised $6.1 million.Other Republican presidential candidates, including former Vice President Mike Pence, former Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey and Vivek Ramaswamy, a businessman, have not released their fund-raising totals for the second quarter.Full reports on all federal candidates’ campaign finances, which will include spending and an indication of how much of their money has come from small donors, are due on Saturday to the Federal Election Commission.Rebecca Davis O’Brien contributed reporting. Source link Read the full article

[kristablogs]

New Biden Campaign Manager Confirms Job Mainly Figuring Out Who President Means By ‘Buster’

WILMINGTON, DE—Describing how she had hit the ground running in managing the incumbent’s 2024 bid, President Joe Biden’s campaign manager Julie Chávez Rodríguez said Wednesday that her job mainly involved figuring out who exactly the president meant by “Buster.” “It’s been a whirlwind couple of days that have…

Read more...

[triciansmithdesign]

Biden Picks Julie Chávez Rodríguez as 2024 Campaign Manager

http://dlvr.it/Sn2mYm

[martinezfigueroaefrain]

Biden elige a Julie Chávez Rodríguez como directora de su campaña para las elecciones de 2024 | Latinus 

Julie Chávez es directora de la Oficina de Asuntos Intergubernamentales de la Casa Blanca; según una fuente, la funcionaria aceptó el cargo Origen: Biden elige a Julie Chávez Rodríguez como directora de su campaña para las elecciones de 2024

[justinspoliticalcorner]

Maggie Baska at PinkNews:

Trump, who is the first former president in US history to face criminal charges, lashed out at public disagreement with his stance on reproductive rights in several posts and a video on his Truth Social media platform Monday (8 April). In the four-minute address, the Republican 2024 presidential hopeful proclaimed he was “proudly the person responsible for ending” Roe v Wade, which was the constitutional right to abortion in the US. The landmark 1973 decision was overturned by the Supreme Court in 2022, throwing access to reproductive healthcare into turmoil. 

The ruling faced immense backlash, and the debate over reproductive rights has plagued Republicans at the ballot box ever since.  However, Trump claimed it’s Democrats, not Republicans, who are the “radical ones” in this debate. He then pushed an unfounded conspiracy theory that Democrats support “abortion in the later months and even execution after birth”.  “It must be remembered that the Democrats are the radical ones on this position because they support abortion up to and even beyond the ninth month,” Donald Trump alleged.  “The concept of having an abortion in the later months and even execution after birth. And that’s exactly what it is. 

“The baby is born, the baby is executed after birth is unacceptable. And almost everyone agrees with that.” The remarks are part of a smear campaign that Donald Trump and his far-right allies, such as Texas senator Ted Cruz and Georgia congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene, have repeated in the past to attack reproductive rights, as well as attempt to blunt the support Democrats have seen on the issue.  Wisconsin that parents and doctors in America have the option to “execute” babies. At another rally in Florida, he alleged Democrats were “pushing extreme late-term abortion”, “allowing children to be ripped from their mother’s womb right up until the moment of birth”. Pregnancy terminations after the first trimester are extremely rare in the US. 

[...] Biden-Harris 2024 campaign manager Julie Chávez Rodríguez called Donald Trump’s claim Democrats support “executions” of children after birth a “disgusting and blatantly false accusation” that the presumptive Republican presidential candidate is “making to try to distract from his own unpopular policies”.

On Monday, Donald Trump repeated the baseless anti-abortion lie that Democrats support "executing" babies up to and after birth in a bid to falsely paint the Democratic Party as the "radical ones" on abortion.

FACT CHECK: It's Trump and the GOP are that are the ones out-of-touch and extreme on abortion, not the Democrats.

See Also:

Public Notice: Trump's deeply misogynist lie about moms killing babies

[enlaces-finde]

Celebra Hospital General graduación virtual de 44 pasantes de enfermería

Debido a la pandemia que se vive a causa del COVID-19, la Secretaría de Salud de Chihuahua a través del Hospital General “Dr. Salvador Zubirán Anchondo”, celebró de manera virtual la graduación de 44 pasantes de enfermería de la generación 2019-2020.

El Director del Hospital, Carlos Benítez Pineda, comentó a las y los recién graduados que viven un momento histórico, especialmente en materia de salud, motivo por el cual les incentivo a siempre trabajar de forma profesional y destaquen por el trato humano y sensible para ayudar a la población, principalmente a quienes más lo necesitan.

A su vez, les reconoció todo el esfuerzo que han realizado durante estos meses tan duros que se han vivido a nivel mundial.

De esta manera se dio paso al nombramiento de las y los pasantes de enfermería, que durante los próximos días podrán pasar por su papelería al área de Enseñanza.

Las y los graduados son:

Yulissa Daniela López Baca

Berenice Calzadillas Ramos

Juan José Pilar Orozco Solís

Aracely Romero Quezada

Lizbeth Alexandra Granados Rivero

Silvia Patricia Villalobos López

Carmen Lydia Miranda Rascón

Andrea Yajaira Moreno Pizarro

 Marisol Rocha Guillen

Bertha Fava Nava

Silvia Lizeth Falomir Ozuna

Andrea Julie Gallegos Anchondo

Rubén Beltrán Lara

Jesús David Nájera Rodríguez

María Liliana Altamirano Rodríguez

David Antonio Carrasco Rubalcaba

Brianda Yael Hernández Candía

Jhonatán Jovani Camacho Ibarra

Cesar Raymundo Ledezma Ávila

Luis Octavio Moran Graciano

Celine Adely Guzman Nava

Jorge Grijalva Rodríguez

Heimy Daniela García Alcocer

Vanessa Rosario Grano Rodríguez

Leo Agustín Domínguez Chávez

Carlos Elías García Rodríguez

Ángela Yoaneli Rodríguez Martínez

Judith Enríquez Acosta

Virginia Muñoz Balderrama

Leslie Johana Frías Sánchez

Mayra Mireya Alfaro Galván

Aykyro Juliana De La Garza Bustillos

Alondra Angélica Luna Mingura

Irvin Alexis Chávez Mendoza

Regina Lilian Treviño Flores

Lluvia Guadalupe Corral Valles

Ángel Alberto Tecillo Grijalva

Alexis Alberto Piñera Campos

Analy Pando Zapata

Cinthia Valeria Chávez Aguilar

Evelyn Alexa Chavarría Barrera

Gloria Almendra Gutiérrez Ortega

Liliana Enríquez Acosta

Mariana Jocelyn Buenfild Setien

La dependencia estatal felicita y agradece a cada uno de ellos su labor y desempeño que han realizado en favor de las y los chihuahuenses que lo han necesitado.

The post Celebra Hospital General graduación virtual de 44 pasantes de enfermería appeared first on Noticias Locales.

[superurmet1]

Washington, 19 may (EFE News).- Julie Chávez Rodríguez, nieta del histórico activista latino de los derechos civiles y laborales César Chávez, se ha sumado a la campaña presidencial de Joe Biden, que busca un empuje entre el electorado hispano vistos los malos indicios de las últimas encuestas.

[newstfionline]

Fear spreads in Venezuela ahead of planned protest of controversial election

By Anthony Faiola and Mariana Zuñiga, Washington Post, July 28, 2017

CARACAS, Venezuela--Venezuela prepared Friday for a possible showdown between opposition protesters and government forces ahead of a vote that critics decry as a final step toward authoritarian rule in the South American nation.

Residents here in the sprawling capital poured into supermarkets, already struggling with food shortages, to stockpile what they could amid fears of violence. Flash points emerged in parts of the city, with clusters of protesters clashing with security forces who fired tear gas. Many streets were calm, though, some even eerily quiet.

“I’m going to stay home all weekend, because I feel there will be violence,” said Rosa Aponte, 45, who was shopping in a packed grocery store in wealthier eastern Caracas, buying bread, plantains, juice, yogurt and sardines. “I do not want to take the risk.”

Ahead of Sunday’s vote, the socialist government of President Nicolás Maduro--the anointed successor of leftist firebrand Hugo Chávez, who died in 2013--issued a ban on public gatherings and protests through Tuesday. The opposition answered with a vow to pour into the streets nationwide, although exactly how many would heed that call remained unclear.

In Caracas, a downpour dampened the early turnout, although clusters of demonstrators had begun to set up roadblocks. Rising tensions led the U.S. State Department late Wednesday to order family members of American staff at its embassy in Caracas to leave the country and authorize voluntary departures of personnel. Images on social media showed massive lines at Caracas’s Maiquetia International Airport.

Opponents are boycotting Sunday’s vote, which would create a super-congress that could prolong Maduro’s rule. A whopping 6,120 candidates are running in the election, including Maduro’s son and wife, former officials and rank-and-file government supporters. The new institution would possess great powers, including the right to change the constitution and supplant the National Assembly.

Although robbed of its power by the government-controlled supreme court, the assembly is dominated by the opposition, which won it in a landslide in 2015.

Roads were blocked Friday in eastern Caracas, but the city center appeared relatively normal, as did western parts of the capital.

Demonstrators said fear was apparently keeping some people away.

“I feel a bit sad [there aren’t more people here], but I am here for Venezuela,” said a 29-year-old protester who declined to give her name. She was stuffing fuses inside molotov cocktails at a spot in eastern Caracas where a small group of demonstrators was battling police.

“Nothing is going to stop us. We need to stop this country from becoming a second Cuba,” she said.

One remote hope to prevent the vote had rested on secret, indirect talks mediated by former Spanish prime minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. In an interview, Julio Borges, president of the National Assembly, acknowledged that Zapatero had delivered messages between the opposition and government.

But he described that process as now being effectively dead and said there was “zero” hope of a deal that would forestall the vote.

The crisis is mounting amid shortages of food and medicine and a 16 percent drop in the already-rock-bottom black-market value of the bolívar, the local currency, in just the past week. The United States this week sanctioned 13 more Venezuelan officials. The Trump administration is weighing far tougher steps, including a deeply painful embargo on Venezuelan oil, if Maduro does not call off the vote.

Other nations in Europe and beyond have pledged to follow suit. Mexican officials said this week that they would impose sanctions on Venezuelan officials. “Mexico once again expresses its preoccupation with the grave crisis that Venezuela is going through,” the Mexican Foreign Ministry said in a statement, calling on Maduro “to fully restore democracy and the rule of law in a peaceful way.”

Maduro argues that the new assembly will bring peace and stability as well as empower citizens in poor neighborhoods. His critics call the effort a ploy to replace the National Assembly and consolidate power after four months of protests that have left at least 112 people dead.

[evelyngarciatirado-blog]

Mirando el 2018 - Recuento Literario

Por: Ricardo González Vigil | Lo mejor del año en poesía, novela, ensayo, cuento y no ficción.

Mario Vargas Llosa publicó el ensayo La llamada de

La tribu

(Alfaguara, 2018), lo que desató un debate entre liberales. Y protagonizó el Hay Festival 2018.

GRAN año vallejiano.- La conmemoración de los 80 años de su muerte y del centenario de Los heraldos negros (el pie de imprenta registra 1918, aunque salió en 1919), lo convirtieron en protagonista del año.

La noticia literaria fue la publicación virtual de la rigurosa edición diplomática de Enrique Ballón Aguirre de los Manuscritos poéticos de César Vallejo, originales escritos a mano (y no mecanografiados como los que dio a conocer Georgette en 1968) de decenas de Poemas humanos y gran parte de España, aparta de mí este cáliz, los cuales Georgette confió en 1978 a Ballón. Aunque la mayoría fueron publicados por Juan Fló y Stephen Hart, en base a copias que Georgette envió a Ángel Rama, la relevancia de esta edición es que difunde digitalmente los originales (incluyendo material no conocido) y una lectura más completa y atinada de las tachaduras, modificaciones y variantes.

Además la legendaria Biblioteca Breve, de Seix Barral, publicó la Poesía completa, con introducción, notas y vocabulario. Por su parte, la editorial Cátedra Vallejo publicó las Poesías completas, edición de Ricardo Silva-Santisteban. El centenario de LHN motivó una caja de colección, con una ed. facsimilar de la primera edición y un Homenaje hermosamente ilustrado. También circuló una edición de LHN con estudios de Mariátegui y Arguedas. De otro lado, la Universidad César Vallejo completó la serie dedicada a su poesía con España, aparta de mí este cáliz, con introducciones de José Antonio Mazzotti y Paolo de Lima. A su vez, la Universidad Ricardo Palma publicó una edición facsimilar de la tesis El romanticismo en la poesía castellana, con estudios de Iván Rodríguez Chávez y Ramón León.

Papeles fantasma (Jochamowitz). Derecha, Edgardo Rivera Martínez publicó Soliloquios antes de fallecer.

Sobresalen dos investigaciones: uno de los estudios más hondos y esclarecedores de su bibliografía, Vallejo y el dinero de Enrique Foffani; y la biografía más completa y documentada, ¡Yo que tan solo he nacido!, de Miguel Pachas. Aplaudamos, además, los comentarios didácticos de Luzmán Salas, en Vallejo iluminado; y las consideraciones sobre la trayectoria vallejiana de Saniel Lozano, en César Vallejo nació mañana. Finalmente, se constituyó el Centro de Estudios Vallejianos. Dio vida al primer número de su revista Archivo Vallejo. Poemarios.- El mayor acontecimiento poético fue la publicación del inédito Khirkhilas de la Sirena de Gamaliel Churata, gracias a una extraordinaria edición analizada y anotada por Paola Mancosu. Precedidos por marcos narrativos y reflexivos de Churata, los poemas se yerguen como una cumbre expresiva del originalísimo lenguaje híbrido (aimara, quechua y español) de uno de los mayores escritores peruanos (e hispanoamericanos) contemporáneos, rango cada vez más reconocido internacionalmente. Descollaron, además, tres poemas extensos: un microcosmos vivencial, de fascinante desmadre creador: Y habrá fuego cayendo a nuestro alrededor de Mario Pera; un microcosmos del país, que fusiona lo lírico, lo narrativo y lo reflexivo, lo culto y lo popular, carnavalizador: Sin piloto automático de Antonio Sarmiento; y una lograda versión posmoderna de la poesía sapiencial y/o didáctica de la Antigüedad: Notas para un seminario sobre Foucault de Mario Montalbetti. Les acompaña el poemario incisivo, irónicamente sapiente, de Oswaldo Chanove: El motor de combustión interna. Sigue otro elenco fulgurante: la primera edición completa del mejor poema de Manuel Scorza, Balada de la guerra de los pobres / Cantar de Túpac Amaru; El piano negro de Marco Martos; Sologuren  de Mirko Lauer; Odiario de Renato Sandoval; y la consolidación creadora de Ana Carolina Quiñones, en Matacaballos. Elogiemos la alta calidad de Heredar la tierra de Samuel Cárdich, Tao y zen de La Alhambra de César Toro Montalvo; Mi mundo rarode Marita Troiano; Versos trenzados en ida y vuelta de Nora Curonisy; Mi abuela, mi patria de Gloria Mendoza; Balbuceos de un pequeño dios de July Solís; Matrioska, el consistente debut de Valeria Román (Premio José Watanabe); Colección privada o los colores ocultos de la turbación de Marco Quijano (Copé de Oro); La noche y su sombra de Ernesto Zumarán (Copé de Plata), Gitana de José Luis Velásquez Garambel y Ele de Stuart Flores. Y no omitamos los aciertos de Bajo la mancha azul del cielo de Alejandro Susti (Copé de Bronce), Muña con olor a viento de Raquel Prialé, Para que tú me escuches de Atala Matellini, De ese hombre que dicen de Gonzalo Espino, Yuyarinapag de Alberto Quintanilla, Reino de lo inútil de Jorge Chávez, Lejos del día de JJ Beteta, El sol negro de José Beltrán, Patria larga de Jorge Ita, Haikus de Fanny Jem, Racimo de fotogramas de Natalia Roncal, Opacidad de la quietud de Eduardo Ugarte y Chocano, y Hombre fractal de Luis Alonso Cruz. Cuento.- Poseedor de un imaginario burlesco muy personal y una prosa cincelada, rica en matices expresivos, Alejandro Neyra tejió el volumen más memorable: Biblioteca peruana. Junto a él, brillaron Siete noches en California… y otras noches más del consagrado Eduardo González Viaña; Spunkitsch de Leonardo Aguirre, otro autor personalísimo e incisivo, el mayor cultor en su generación del relato protagonizado por el lenguaje; Lluvia de Karina Pacheco Medrano, voz en plena madurez creadora; y No somos cazafantasmas del reconocido internacionalmente Juan Manuel Robles. Aplaudamos la maduración de Nataly Villena Vega, en Nosotros que vamos ligeros; Haydith Vásquez del Águila, en Agosto; y Victoria Vargas, en El intérprete de la muerte; así como el contundente debut de Andrea Ortiz de Zevallos: La mudanza imposible. Páginas perdurables de Papeles fantasma del prosista magistral que es Luis Jochamowitz, Cuentos de otoño de Feliciano Padilla, ¿Quién mató a Correa? de Leonardo Caparrós, Historias de ciencia ficción de Carlos Enrique Saldívar, Flores nocturnas de Miguel Bances, El inmenso desvío de Juan Carlos Cortázar, De barrios y ternura de César Panduro Astorga y Las dos caras del héroe de Jorge Santiago.

Novelas históricas de Rafael Dumett y Jorge Eduardo Benavides. Der: lo último de Fernando Ampuero.

Microrrelato.- Inspirados volúmenes: Crónicas del argonauta ciego de Carlos Herrera, Fruto original de Alejandro Estrada, Susurros en la oscuridad de Carlos Trujillo, El celular del diablo 4: el inca perdido de Pedro López y Transparencias de Manuel Terrones.

Novela.- Año fuera de serie. La mayor obra literaria es El espía del Inca de Rafael Dumett, cumbre peruana de la novela histórica (conectada con el relato de espionaje). Recrea el momento central de nuestra historia (prisión y muerte de Atahualpa), pródiga en peripecias y recursos expresivos, con más de 200 personajes, decenas de ellos de sabrosa actuación y caracterización matizada. Otra magna recreación de otro proceso histórico crucial: Los Túpac Amaru 1572-1825 del consagrado poeta, estudioso y editor Omar Aramayo. La cosmovisión andina, el español andinizado y las voces de la “multitud” (Basadre) nutren su prosa de gran vuelo creador. Completa el trío de formidables novelas históricas, una recreación de la España carlista del siglo XIX: El collar de los Balbases de Jorge Eduardo Benavides.  La admirable novela policial El asesinato de Laura Olivo (Premio Fernando Quiñones) confirma su madurez creadora. Un año redondo: dos estupendas novelas, un premio prestigioso y un volumen de estudios sobre su obra: La narrativa de Jorge Eduardo Benavides, compilado por César Ferreira y Gabriel T. Saxton – Ruiz.

Alejandro Susti y José Güich: premio, dos cuentarios y dos antologías.

Otra excelente novela, la mejor sobre Madre de Dios: El laberinto de los endriagos (Premio Copé) de Hugo Yuen, quien asume lo real maravilloso amazónico, con humor jocundo y óptica carnavalizadora de la explotación y la marginación. En cambio, la pesadilla histórica de las dictaduras y los terrorismos latinoamericanos se empozan refractadas (en la senda pesadillesca y obsesiva de Sábato, Donoso y Bolaño) en la poderosa trama asfixiante, hipnótica, de la novela peruana más tanática y turbia (psíquica y éticamente): Vivir abajo de Gustavo Faverón. Añadir la prosa impecable de Eduardo González Viaña en las páginas realmaravillosas de La frontera del paraíso; y la maduración de Christiane Félip Vidal en su sustanciosa inmersión en lo oscuro y reprimido (el incesto, sobre todo), cincelando la imprescindible: Los espejos opacos. Tres textos de indudable interés: el pulso seguro con que Carlos Rengifo recrea la vida de Borges, en El lenguaje de los espejos (Premio Altazor); la consolidación de Evelyn García, en Génesis; y el vigoroso debut de Rodrigo Murillo, en Los héroes sentimentales (Premio José Ángel Mañas). Aunque resultan excesivos el alargamiento del nudo y desenlace de una, y la artificialidad de la relación con la editora, así como la escasa funcionalidad narrativa del regodeo verbal de la otra, se impone reconocer e vuelo fantástico (fantaciencia), con pasajes de un ingenio superlativo, de La vida de Horacio de Lucho Zúñiga; y el virtuosismo léxico de Interruptus de Leonardo Aguirre. Otros aportes: El sol infante de José Güich Rodríguez, Madrugada de Gustavo Rodríguez, Mi madre soñaba en francés de Luis Hernán Castañeda, Cassi, el verano de Juan Manuel Chávez, La guerra que hicieron para mí de Carlos Enrique Freyre y La velocidad del pánico de Stuart Flores. Mención aparte reclama un libro colectivo, dirigido por Juan Manuel Chávez, teniendo como modelo una novela de 1920: La novela limeña 2019. Firman Alina Gadea, Daniel Soria, Rosa Carrasco, Martín Roldán, Miguel Ángel Vallejo, Miguel Ruiz Effio, Carolina Cisneros, Julia Wong, Ofelia Huamanchumo, Pedro Novoa, Gabriel Rimachi, Francisco Ángeles y Jennifer Thorndike. Novela corta.- Para recordar: Edgardo Rivera Martínez, Soliloquios; Antonio Gálvez Ronceros, Perro con poeta en la taberna; Luis Freire Sarria, El bizco de la calle Roma; Marco García Falcón, La luz inesperada; Ernesto Carlín, Nostalgias africanas; Lorenzo Helguero, Bodas de plata; Jorge Monteza, El viaje de las nubes (Premio CPL); Mayte Mujica, Una ciudad para perderse; Ángela Luna, Diario de un verdugo; Juan Rodríguez, Una casa junto al río y Helmut Jerí, Titanes. Obras reunidas.- Prosa y poesía: Yolanda Westphalen, 2 vols., Poesía y Cuento, ensayos y artículos periodísticos. Poesía: Luis Hernández, Vox horrísona; Abelardo Sánchez León, Poemas reunidos; Carlos López Degregori, Lejos de todas partes y José Antonio Mazzotti, El zorro y la luna (Premio José Lezama Lima 2018). Narrativa: Enrique López Albujar, Obras completas: Narrativa, 2 vols.; y Rodolfo Hinostroza, Cuentos [in]completos. Antologías.- Prosa y poesía: Alberto Benavides Ganoza, Bosque de palabras; y Dante Vargas y Elva Moreno, Tránsito callado. Poesía: José Ruiz Rosas, Inventario permanente; Mario Florián, Homenaje centenario; Manuel Morales, Trazos líricos; Gloria Mendoza, Biografía de los marginales; Enrique Sánchez Hernani, El estruendo de las cosas y Taller de maestranza; Carlos López Degregori, 99 púas; Róger Santiváñez, Ofertorio; Paolo de Lima, Perú: Los poemas del hambrey varios autores (Premio Copé). Narrativa: Enrique E. Cortez, Incendiar el presente; José Güich Rodríguez, Universos en expansión; Segundo Cancino, Narrativa en Tacna; José Donayre, Lo mejor de Arena; José Güich y otros, Extrañas criaturas y Antonio Zeta, Desafío de la brevedad. Híbridos.- Gregorio Martínez, Pájaro pinto. 1: Orígenes, y 2: Canícula; Tulio Mora, Once cielos; Julia Wong, Pessoa por Wong y Carlos Yushimito, Marginalia. Infantil y juvenil.- Óscar Colchado Lucio, Cholito goleador y Cholito y el terrible Wakon; Jorge Eslava, Niños del camino; Pilar González Vigil, Tita, la pirañita; Edgar Bendezú “Fabulinka”, El sapito y la luna y Abraham Carbajal, El niño que vivió en un grano de arroz. No ficción.- Joseph Zárate, Guerras del interior; Fernando Ampuero, La bruja de Lima y Lobos solitarios y otros cuentos; Silvia Núñez del Arco, Nunca seremos normales; David Hidalgo, La biblioteca fantasma; Ana Izquierdo Vásquez, El hijo que perdí y numerosos libros sobre fútbol, firmados por Littman Gallo, Daniel Peredo, José Carlos Yrigoyen, Umberto Jara, Toño Angulo Daneri y Jorge Cuba Luque. Una excelente antología: Perú: crónicas y perfiles de Jorge Coaguila. Un aguerrido manual: Una pasión crónica de Eloy Jáuregui. Ensayo.- Fernando Iwasaki, Las palabras primas (Premio Málaga de ensayo); Jorge Wiesse, Dante contempla la trinidad (Premio Flaiano de Italianística); y Dorian Espezúa, Perú chicha. Estudios literarios.- Resaltemos los numerosos aportes de Elton Honores: Fantasmas del futuro, La división del laberinto, El teatro político y la ciencia ficción y la selección Más allá de lo real. Dos magistrales ediciones críticas: la de la primera novela peruana, Historia del Huérfano de Andrés de León, a cargo de Belinda Palacios; y la de Fundación y grandezas de la muy noble y muy leal Ciudad de los Reyes de Lima de Rodrigo de Valdés, a cargo de Martina Vinatea. La penetración crítica de Íbico Rojas, Blas Valera, primer cronista, poeta y lingüista peruano; Efraín Kristal, Tentación de la palabra, Víctor Vich, Poemas peruanos del siglo XX, J.A. Mazzotti (ed.), Cornejo multipolar, y J.A. Mazzotti y Luis Abanto Rojas (eds.), Memoria del Perú. Grandes ediciones.- Edición facsimilar de la revista Narración.

Yrigoyen: crónica mundialista. Hildebrandt: entrevistas en CARETAS.

Antropología: Juan Ossio, Etnografía de la cultura andina. Historia: Izumi Shimada (ed.), El imperio Inka; Lydia Fossa, Bajo el cielo de Chuqikirau; Fernando Iwasaki, ¡Aplaca, Señor, tu ira!; Carmen McEvoy y Alejandro M. Rabinovich (eds.), Tiempo de guerra; y Manuel Chust y Claudia Rosas (eds.), El Perú en revolución. Biografías: Guido Podestá, Apología del aventurero: José Carlos Mariátegui; y Enrique Bernales, 60 años en la PUCP. Lingüística: Julio Calvo, Lexicografía peruana. Filosofía: Los cien años de Francisco Miró Quesada Cantuarias. Arte: Bellas Artes: centenario y San Pedro de Lima. Música: Carlos Torres Rotondo, Demoler; y Pedro Cornejo Guinassi, Alta tensión y el tomo I de Enciclopedia del rock peruano. Cine: Isaac León Frías y Federico de Cárdenas, vol. 2 de Hablemos de cine. Antología; I. León F., Más allá de las lágrimas y Melvin Ledgard, Una incursión por la historia del cine latinoamericano.

Más en Culturales

http://caretas.pe/culturales/85446-mirando_el_2018?fbclid=IwAR3ZTwV5Fg3gmLLjOmluXN9kFYvWrghUc05i6duhGAzKG_yrdGjrlZFmeTU