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dwellordream · 3 years

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"In The Crowne Conjugall (1632), John Wing reminds readers that "an undutifull wife is a home-rebell, a house-traitor." As Wing's hyphenated terms reveal, the analogical relation between the household and the commonwealth could elide distinctions between the two. The resulting conflation of the domestic and the political informed legal as well as literary representation; the possibility that a wife might actually kill her husband was so disturbing that the crime had a special legal status. In legal statutes after 1352, killing one's husband, defined as petty treason, was carefully distinguished from other forms of murder and pronounced analogous to high treason-any threat to or assault on the monarch and his or her government. While a man who killed his wife or servant was accused of murder, the statutes provided that "if any servant kill his Master, any woman kill her husband, or any secular or religious person kill his Prelate to whom he owes Obedience, this is treason."

One justice of the peace succinctly explained that a wife or servant who "malitiously killeth" a husband or master was accused of treason while a husband or master who "malitiously killeth" a wife or servant was accused of murder "for that the one is in subjection and oweth obedience, and not the other...” In the statute that first defined killing a husband or master as a form of treason, killing a king and killing a husband or master were not explicitly distinguished as high and low, grand and petty, treasons but were instead described simply as versions of the same act, that is, kinds of treason. According to many legal historians, the definition of petty or domestic treason did not grow out of the definition of high treason, nor was the definition of the latter applied to the household analogously; instead, the understanding of treason against the sovereign, and even more abstractly, against the state, may well have evolved out of the more local, particular concept of betrayal of one's feudal lord.'

In marking any distinction between the two kinds of treason, the 1352 statute might be seen as defining high as well as petty treason, marking a difference between king and lord and placing greater value on loyalty to the king. Although it is unclear exactly when the term "petty" or "petit" was first used to describe acts of domestic treason, the term "petty treason" was widely used in popular and legal discussions of the crime by the early seventeenth century. Until 1790, the punishments for petty treason were different than those for murder and drew attention to the crime as a particularly egregious treasonous assault on social and political order. Men convicted of petty treason were drawn to the place of execution on a hurdle and then were hanged. This punishment emphasized the shameful display of the disciplined body, but was not as heinous as the notorious executions for high treason, which involved mutilation, disembowelment, and decapitation.

Women convicted of petty treason, however, were sentenced to the same punishment as those convicted of high treason: They were burned at the stake. In legal theory, then, if not always in practice, the punishment of female petty traitors collapsed the distinction between the two kinds of treason. For women, these capital offenses were not only analogous but virtually the same. Although the legal definition of petty treason constructs the subordination of wives and servants to the master of the household as the foundation of domestic and civil order, as natural and inevitable, it also acknowledges that wives and servants did not always cooperate; their subordination was not a given. The very need to define such a crime and the fairly regular opportunities to see or read about the offenders who committed it suggest the pervasive fear that wives and servants could and would rebel; they might not acquiesce to their subordination, which was achieved only by a complex network of constraints and coercions.

The statute thus tells two stories that contradict one another: "These are the incontrovertible, non-negotiable principles according to which our world works"; and, simultaneously, "Our world does not always work according to these principles, so perhaps they are controvertible and negotiable." The transgressions of curates against their ministers and male servants against their masters inscribed in the legal definition of petty treason offer a useful reminder that domestic hierarchy and gender hierarchy are not the same thing and that gender and class categories do not neatly overlap. Some discussions of petty treason, although not the legal statute itself, suggest that a female servant who kills her mistress or a child who kills his or her mother could be considered guilty of petty treason.

Such texts grant women positions of authority analogous to those of the king or queen-or husband or master-and present crimes against them, in their roles as mothers and mistresses, as crimes against familial and domestic authority. Although it was possible for female gender to coincide with domestic authority, as the relatively frequent murders of women by their rebellious servants and children confirm, the popular texts that survive seldom tell these stories, nor does the statute of treasons explicitly address this possibility. Petty treason narratives inevitably present the story of the murderous wife (and, often, of her servant-lover); when they grant a woman an important role in a story of domestic violence, she is usually the perpetrator rather than the victim of that violence.

The many popular versions of the story of the betrayed male authority figure and the female home-rebel and house-traitor exclude the complexities with which the justices of the peace wrestled. The murderous wife invited representation and debate in a huge array of seventeenth-century printed texts, including legal treatises, pamphlets, scaffold speeches, political polemic, ballads, and plays. Depicting actual domestic crimes, these texts serve a variety of functions-spreading news, correcting false reports with "true relations," offering moral lessons and "warnings," debating legal issues, and fulfilling the taste of a burgeoning audience for titillation and retribution. The proliferation of texts about petty treason does not demonstrate that wives and servants suddenly began killing their husbands and masters in record numbers.

Nor does the relative paucity of texts on husbands killing their wives (especially before 1650) mean that they rarely did so or, more important, that they did so less frequently than wives killed their husbands. Indeed, statistics on domestic homicide in this period suggest that husbands murdered their wives at least twice as often as wives murdered their husbands. Using assize indictments from Essex, Hertfordshire, and Sussex from 1559 to 1625, J. S. Cockburn calculates that women were the victims of almost three-fourths of the instances of "marital killing." In Essex assizes from 1560 to 1709, J. A. Sharpe finds that women outnumber men as the victims of spousal murders two to one. Servants, too, were more often the victims than the perpetrators of violence.

Although women and servants committed proportionately fewer acts of violence, the story of the murderous wife or the murderous servant is far more frequently narrated and published than the story of the murderous husband or master. The process of textual representation amplifies rather than suppresses women's violent assertions of self, revealing and contributing to an anxiety about murderous wives in inverse proportion to the actual threat they posed. Although popular texts offer varying accounts of the extent and nature of the contradictions inherent in the story of the murderous wife, all of them constitute a wife's subjectivity as violent in its interiority and speech as well as in its action.

These texts represent married women's consciousness of their conflict with and separateness from their husbands, their articulation of themselves as speaking subjects, and their plotting and execution of murder as interrelated and as equally violent. They also portray the subjectivities of their protagonists as produced through the hierarchies ordering gender, class, and domestic relations (they are wives) and their resistance to those hierarchies (they are murderous wives). By asserting her entitlement to grievance and self-will and endeavoring to reshape her circumstances by means of violence, the murderous wife calls into question the legal conception of a wife as subsumed by her husband and largely incapable of legal or moral agency. She also violates the vigorous and persistent, if not necessarily descriptive, cultural constructions of women as incapable of initiative or autonomous action.

While evidence suggests that actual early modem women found many ways of challenging, outwitting, or ignoring such sexual ideologies, the representations of the murderous wife explore the most extreme, visible, threatening scenarios of resistance. The heterogeneous narratives of the murderous wife construct the conditions of wifely subjectivity as criminal, because, in violent action, the contradictions of wives' social and legal status prove uncontainable. Legal and literary discussions of the murderous wife and her crime, petty treason, interrogated the contradictory, disturbing nature of wifely subjectivity in its most extreme and uncontainable form. But it is in those moments of violent criminality that prescription constituted married women as subjects.

As numerous scholars have noted, in early modem England, husband and wife became one legal agent-the husband-by means of the husband's "subsumption" of his wife into himself. In this process, the wife became a fame covert, meaning that she was ''vailed, as it were, clouded and over-shadowed." The wife emerged from this coverture into legal responsibility when her husband ("her steme, her primus motor, without whom she cannot doe much at home, and lesse abroad") died or deserted her, or when she committed a serious crime on her own: "In matters criminall and capitall causes, a Femme covert shall answere without her husband." "

As Catherine Belsey explains, "Women became capable while and only while they had no husbands, but were always accountable," especially when it would cost them most. Contemporary discussions of married women's legal status reveal that criminality was the most extreme instance of one strategy by which women accommodated themselves to the demands of coverture. In The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Rights ( 1632), an encyclopedia written to inform women, T.E. explains that the husband's incorporation of his wife into himself is the reason "that Women have no voyse in Parliament, They make no Lawes, they consent to none, they abrogate none. All of them are understood either married or to bee married and their desires [are] subject to their husband, I know no remedy though some women can shift it well enough."

T.E. simultaneously constitutes wives as subjects of desire and, in that very desire, as subject to their husbands. In pursuing their desire, married women are represented as "shifting it," as managing a demanding, repressive situation, by bending, if not breaking, the rules ..... Married women are "covert" both in that they are subsumed by their husbands and in that they are stealthy, sly maneuverers within that subsumption. In T.E.'s text, it is only in infractions (presented as "shifting or managing within" rather than "transgressing against") that subjectivity is conferred on married women, even when they are not criminal or violent. By this formulation, T.E. constitutes married women as subjects, but never challenges the sexual ideologies within which they must operate.

If, by presenting wives as "shifting it," T.E. constructs them as subjects without fracturing marriage or reshaping their legal status, she or he also describes a strategy that works only if it does not draw attention to itself. Women who abandoned the covert tactic of "shifting it" in favor of violence and thereby challenged the subordinate place allotted them in the institution of marriage and in legal discourse employed tactics that were conceptually allied with the more widespread strategy of "shifting it." Yet, because they were less covert in either meaning of that word, these wives gained more attention-and more censure. Scholars have demonstrated the contradictions and tensions within prescriptive discourses about love, sexuality, and marriage that construct wives as authorities and dependents, partners and subordinates, sometimes allied with their husbands and sometimes with the children and servants.

…Such representations of the violated home both reinforce the household as the sphere in which women act and suggest that women were not only confined to the household but were empowered within it. There they may suffer frustrations and annoyances so great that they turn to violence, but at home they also dare to transform their household tasks into the occasions of retribution and their household tools into the weapons they need. By depicting the home as an arena of female power as well as subordination and by representing the feme covert as both subsumed by her husband and stealthily insubordinate, accounts of petty treason show how the analogy between the household and commonwealth could work to grant the household significance as a locus of conflict.”

- Frances E. Dolan, “Home-Rebels and House-Traitors: Petty Treason and the Murderous Wife.” in Dangerous Familiars: Representations of Domestic Crime in England, 1550 - 1700

#renaissance #tudor #elizabethan #jacobean #stuart #cw: domestic violence #frances e. dolan #dangerous familiars #history #marriage

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theblogtini · 3 years

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Really looking forward to Harry and Jack walking back his comment about Jan 6 in the next few days

"Obviously I meant another coup you meanie 😡"

Like, does he have the ability to think before he speaks, this could actually have real repercussions for him.

“On January 4 - months and months after everyone in the world could plainly see the shit show that was about to go down. Weeks after extra security had been ordered, after scaffolding had been put up - I, Prince Harry, realized that a COUP was forming on Twitter. And so I, The Duke of Sussex, attempted to rescue the damsel in distress that was democracy as we know it. And I did so by going to the head of Twitter to tell him that his platform was the tool being used to stage the coup. And also that people are very mean to my wife on Twitter. And THEREFORE, Twitter MUST fix itself. And democracy. And the haters.”

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minervacasterly · 4 years

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Margaret Pole was born on the 14th of August 1473. She was the only daughter of George Plantagenet, Duke of Clarence and Isabel Neville. Her paternal grandparents were Cecily Neville and Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, while her maternal grandparents were Anne Beauchamp and Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick. She was executed on the 27th of May 1541, at the age of 67. In his book “Wars of the Roses: The Fall of the Plantagenets and the Rise of the Tudors” Dan Jones does an excellent job describing the harrowing experience to those who witnessed Margaret Pole’s execution, and her prior experience in the tower, as well as the royal charity she received from Henry VIII’s fifth wife, Kitty Howard: “At seven o’clock in the morning on Friday, May 27, 1541, within the precincts of the Tower of London, an old woman walked out into the light of a spring day. Her name was Margaret Pole. By birth, blood and lineage she was one of the noblest women in England … Margaret’s life had long been exciting. For twenty-five years she had been the countess of Salisbury, one of only two women of her time to have held a peerage in her own right. She had until recently been one of the five wealthiest aristocrats of her generation, with lands in seventeen different counties. Now, at sixty-seven –ancient by Tudor standards- she appeared so advanced in age that intelligent observers took her to be eighty or ninety. Like many inhabitants of the Tower of London, Margaret Pole was a prisoner. Two years previously she had been stripped of her lands and titles by an act of parliament which accused her of having “committed and perpetrated diverse and sundry other detestable and abominable treasons” against her cousin, King Henry VIII. What these treasons were was never fully evinced, because in truth Margaret’s offenses against the crown were more genera than particular. Her two principal crimes were her close relation to the king and her suspicion of his adoption of the new forms and doctrines of Christian belief that had swept through Europe during the past two decades. For these two facts, the one of birthright and the second of conscience, she had lived within London’s stout, supposedly impervious riverside fortress, which bristled with cannons from its whitewashed central tower, for the past eighteen months. Margaret had lived well in jail. Prison for a sixteenth-century aristocrat was supposed to be a life of restricted movement tempered by decent, even luxurious conditions, and she had been keen to ensure that her confinement met the highest standard. She expected to serve a comfortable sentence, when she found the standards wanting, she complained. Before she was moved to London she spent a year locked in Cowday House in West Sussex, under the watch f the unenthusiastic William Fitzwilliam, earl of Southampton. The earl and his wife had found her spirited and indignant approach to incarceration rather tiresome and had been glad when she was moved on. In the Tower Margaret was able to write letters to her relatives and was provided with servants and good, expensive food. Her nobility was not demeaned. Earlier in the year Queen Catherine’s tailor had been appointed to make her a set of new clothes, and just a few weeks previously another order of garments had turned up, ordered and paid for directly by the king. Henry had also sent her a nightgown lined with fur and another with Cypriot satin, petticoats, bonnets and hose, four pairs of shoes and a new pair of slippers … As she walked out into the cool morning air, Margaret Pole could therefore have reflected that, although she was due to beheaded that morning, she would at least die wearing new shoes. Her execution had been arranged in a hurry. She had been informed only hours previously that her nephew the king had ordered her death: a shockingly short time for an old lady to prepare her spirit and body for the end. According to a report that reached Eustace Chapuys, the exceptionally well-informed Imperial ambassador to England, the countess “found the thing very strange,” since she had no idea “of what crime she was accused, nor how she had been sentenced.” Few, in truth, would ever quite understand what threat this feeble old lady could have posed to a king as powerful and self-important as Henry VIII. A thin crowd had gathered to bear witness. They stood by a pathetically small chopping block, erected so hastily that it was simply set on the ground and not, as was customary, raised up on a scaffold. According to Chapuys, when Margaret arrived before the block she commended her soul to her creator and asked those present to pray for King Henry and Queen Catherine, the king’s three-year-old son, Prince Edward, and the twenty-five-year-old Princess Mary, her goddaughter. But as the old woman stood talking to the sparse crowd (Chapys put the number at 150; the French ambassador, Charles de Marillac, suggested it was fewer), a feeling of restlessness went around. She was told to hurry up and place her neck on the little piece of wood. The Tower’s regular executioner was not on duty that morning. He was in the north, alongside KIng Henry, who had visited the farthest reach of his kingdom to dampen the threat of rebellion against his rule. The Tower’s ax had therefore been entrusted to a deputy: a man of tender years and little experience in the difficult art of decapitation. (Chapuys described him as a “wretched and blundering youth.”) e was faced with a task wildly inappropriate to his years … When the signal was given to strike, he brought the weapon down toward the block. But he botched the job. Rather than cutting cleanly through Margaret’s neck in one stroke, he slammed the ax’s blade into the old woman’s shoulders and head. She did not die. He brought the ax down again, and missed again. It took several more blows to dispatch her, a barbarous assault in which the inept axeman literally hacked the old woman’s upper body to pieces.” I also recommend the biography on Margaret Pole by Susan Higginbotham, Tudor by Leanda de Lisle and Tudors by Dan Ackroyd.

#Margaret Pole #Tudor #History

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stakscaffoldseo · 5 months

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Scaffolding training and qualification involves training about the safe usage of scaffolds and ladders to avoid falls and prevent other types of accidents. This training includes a comprehensive overview of the methods, safety guidelines and regulations required for installing a scaffold at the construction site. Here, you will learn about the importance of proper training for scaffolders in Sussex.

#Qualified Scaffolder #basic scaffold #trained scaffolder #scaffolder training #scaffolding course #scaffolding certification #scaffold inspection course #scaffold training online #scaffolding training near me #scaffolding safety training #scaffold awareness course #scaffold inspection #scaffold inspection training #basic scaffold inspection course #scaffold erector training

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agrscaffolding · 4 years

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#Scaffolding West Sussex

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misslisterkeepsajournal · 3 years

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1831 Thursday 13 October

7 10/.. 12 40/..

Great deal of rain in the night but apparently fair at 7 10/.. and, now at 8, at which hour Fahrenheit 64°. - out at 8 1/2 - Went into the bookseller's shop opposite - bought Chichester guide - they did not burn the bp. [bishop] last night in effigy - the police interfered and prevented the burning - but all the people seem reformers, moderate or radical - then sauntered down to the Cathedral stopping as I went to admire the beautiful gothic market place a little below the hotel (The Swan) -

A verger went all round the cathedral with me and to the top of the tower (about 248 steps) from which springs the steeple, within the latter is a sort of scaffollding by which to secure four ladders, of 40 feet long each, hung, as it were, in air one above another and by which the workmen ascend, and, when at the top, if anything is to be done outside (which has happened without accident 4 or 6 times in the time of this verger, a singing boy in the cathedral 40 years ago) they make a hole in the stone work, and put up a scaffolding on the outside of the steeple - too hazy to see Chichester steeple, or the Portsmouth or the Isle of Wight - but good bird's eye view of the town - not large - merely high Street good and another goodish street or 2 the west Sussex and East Hampshire infirmary is a large handsome looking plain building stone or stuccoed - a small part of boulevard or old rampart left, shaded by 2 rows of fine large elms, the only town walk the inhabitants have - the corporation sold all the rest long ago by bit and bit and it is all built upon - Both inside and outside of the cathedral exceedingly plain - round Saxon arches - no ornament - the interior has been lately cleaned and scraped, so that, the white and yellow wash being gone, the natural colour of the stone is left with great advantage - saw no painted glass -

View of Chichester Cathedral in 1833 by Joseph Francis Gilbert [Image Source]

Walked all thro' the cloisters (3 sides of a square remarkably neat and well kept - roof not underdrawn - of the sweet or chesnut eatable wood that, as is the rest of the cathedral, which spiders have an aversion to, and therefore not a spider's web to be seen - thro' the cloisters, and entered by the South transept door - on one side (right) paintings of all the bps. [bishops] - on the other all the Kings from William the conqueror down to Henry 8 when they were done - this transept screened off by the tomb of St. Richard once famous for the miracles done at his shrine in this cathedral - the transepts communicate with the side aisles of the nave and choir which last takes in the part under the tower roofed in the same height as the rest of the choir - instead of tabernacle work, plain gothicized sort of wainscot of deal painted darkish brown with gild gothic mouldings - looks much better than might be fancied from the description - beyond the choir the Sanctum Sanctorum, a presbytery - handsome and spacious - 2 fine columns of darkish porphyry like Sussex marble (from near Horsham) with 4 smaller columns clustering round them - from the east end of presbytery descend by a few steps into the fine large well-aired vault of the duke of Richmond made in 1750 the 1st. duke buried in westminster abbey till taken up and brought here - 20 coffins there - the broad brickwork bench on which they stand is on arches to prevent damp and there are open windows on each side that the place is as sweet as any other part of the church -

Above the duke's vault is what was the Lady's chapel to which one ascends by a few steps - now the library - in a line with the choir, but much lower - small library - the chapter holds its meetings there - some old brass plates (like small bread and butter plates) a chalice etc. and inscription of William the conqueror's time taken from the tomb of the 2nd bishop - (translated by the reverend Thomas Valentine prebendary of Selsea - the organ is of the time of Charles 2nd - the choir screen very plain gothic of time Henry 6 - 3 pointed arches the middle one much the narrowest - no transept aisles - double aisles on each side nave and choir - fine specimen of quite plain old Saxon - church consecrated 12 September 1199 - believes there is an error about this date in the guide book - several errors - records not consulted that ought and might have been - the belfry tower not mentioned save in a note of errata - a large good loking looking square gothic tower, a little distance from the church built for the bells because of the injury they might do the steeple, as said the verger guide -

The choir at Chichester Cathedral [Image Source]

In returning, sauntered along High street in spite of its raining a little bought sponge, and a pair of strong leather shoes at a venture - back at 11 50/60 and from then to 1 25/.. breakfast and read the Times - sad rioting work at Derby - and the mob burnt down the duke of Newcastle's Nottingham castle, to the ground on Monday - Very comfortable at Chichester - the Swan a very good Inn-

Off at 1 35/.. - Goodwood (3 miles from Chichester) plantations (duke of Richmond) stretch along the range of down (down) at a little distance north of the town - the duke getting rich - a good economist - has bought a great many farms lately in this neighbourhood - at 1 3/4 pass road (left) to Goodwood and in 5 mins. [minutes] more get a peep of the house - oblong - south part a pediment in the middle and a round topped little round tower at each corner - flattish all around after leaving the Goodwood downs, and not very interesting drive till alight at the Norfolk arms Arundel at 3 10/.. - wait for my 2 servants -

At 3 55/.. at the castle - stands high, on a chalk hill - the low rich ground (some of it let at 6 guins. [guineas] an acre belongs great part to the duke great to the corporation) about it, supposed to have been covered by the sea at the time the castle was first built by the Romans - (no date of the castle) - In proof of the retiring of the sea, anchors and other marine implements have been found on digging - at present this low land forms quite a basin round particularly in front south of the castle - the river Arun running along it with remarkable windings - but if it was not for these windings - these great détours - the tide comes up so strongly that it would force the water, so back as to make it overflow this low land - the Arun runs to the sea and to the Thames - and navigable all the way, sometimes by canal-cuts - the man who shewed the house said Arundel was originally perhaps Arundale -

Arundel Castle c1880 [Image Source]

Magnificent castle - the old ruins fine - particularly the great old ivy covered round Keep Tower where we afterwards saw the 7 large horned american owls - but the present house built on the old site, partly keeping up the old walls (4, and, in places, 5 yards thick) by the late duke, who spent above 30 years and £600,000 in doing it, unfinished as he died and left it - on entering the court, the building forms nearly 3 sides of a square - or a centre and wings - centre 4 stories high - entrance (rather projecting) with its large windows above and on each side of it, 4 tiers of 2 three light windows = 8 - on entering (right) baronial hall and unfinished chapels - (left) library and unfinished saloon - baronial hall tho' not quite finished very fine - magnificent oak plain gothic groined roof - capital model for the hall at Shibden? - chapel a heap of brick and rubbish within not seeable - ditto the saloon -

But the mahogany lined, beautifully gothic wrought library tower which cost above £30,000 - far the most beautiful library I ever beheld anywhere - from the baronial hall, we saw dining room breakfast room fine drawing room etc. (the centre divided by fine long gallery) but I skip all to get to the library - 130 feet long - gallery round mid-height the room and all the windows above the gallery - the galleries finished at the top like aisles, and the middle part finished likewise at the top and partly for a gallery, library, museum! 3 arcades and a sort of transept. then 3 arcades more at the other end - 6 windows on each side, and one transept window on each side = 14 windows - two beautiful white marble chimney pieces on the same side (north east side) that were bought by the late duke at the sale of the duke of Bedford's house in Bloomsbury square pulled down about 38 years ago - of the 1st. chimney piece the 2 large supporting figures are whole lengths of Socrates and Plato, with a square medallion of Archimedes and his attributes in the centre of the architrave - one of the figures of the other chimney piece is said to be Æsculapius - library walls 4 yards thick - the library windows outside seem large churchlike windows - the lower 1/2 of them lights the library - the upper lights rooms above -

The library at Arundel Castle [Photo by Des Morris]

The castle and its fortifications stands on 5 1/2 acres of ground - the man thought the baronial hall must be 45 feet high - and the drawing room 25 feet high - he recommended me to see Bignall - the fine old Roman mosaic pavement discovered there - 7 miles from here - on the Petworth road - turn off 4 miles from here at the public house at the foot of Bury hill - 1 5/.. hour in the castle - 20 mins. [minutes] at the old round keep tower and 10 mins. [minutes] looking round about the castle - there is a narrow way and parapet wall all round the front towards the town and the south -

Home at 5 35/.. washed hands had hair done etc. - dinner at 6 in 3/4 hour - then till 8 40/.. wrote all the above of today - very glad to have come round to see this castle - the present duke does nothing at it - leaves all unfinished or not just as the late duke left - the present one has lately bought a large estate here of a Mr. Walker - I look everywhere for models for Shibden - I must be contented to do as little at it as possible - my ideas are too apt to grow too large - from 8 3/4 to 11 1/2 at my travelling account and to my great joy brought it down to tonight - oh! that my private account, cashbook and all the rest were equally well done! - but what I have done is better than nothing - I must work at the rest for a day or 2 in London - a little rain while out this morning at Chichester and a little also as I came here but afterwards (from 3 p.m.) fair - Fahrenheit 65°. now at 11 1/2 - Came to my room at 11 40/.. -

Reference: SH:7/ML/E/14/0134 - SH:7/ML/E/14/0135

#anne lister #anne lister code breaker #gentleman jack #1831 #southern england tour #chichester cathedral #arundel castle #arundel

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petnews2day · 2 years

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Australian lizard found in a shipping container in Chichester

New Post has been published on https://petn.ws/dQqF

Australian lizard found in a shipping container in Chichester

People An Australian lizard was found by surprised workers when they opened a shipping container in Chichester. By Kelly Brown 1st Sep 2022, 11:10am Updated 1st Sep 2022, 11:10am West Sussex Wildlife Protection were called out to NJS Scaffolding in Quarry Lane, where staff unpacking goods from their shipping container found a two foot Eastern […]

See full article at https://petn.ws/dQqF #ReptileNews

#Reptile News

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whiskeygin23 · 5 years

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Building Site Art by bmarchant1

#IFTTT #500px #scaffold #Brighton #Brighton Lanes #E.Sussex #East Sussex #England #Street Art #The Lanes #art

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tiny-librarian · 4 years

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In the very year in which her daughter mounted the scaffold steps, Lady Morley made an unprecedented gift toward cost of the bells at St. Giles, Great Hallingbury. John Tonne, who originally came from Sussex but worked extensively in Essex, cast a new bell for the little church. To imagine that Alice Morley thought of Jane every time the bell was rung may be fanciful. Equally, it may be true. And John Tonne’s bell, the sole survivor of those early ones, is still there. It rings to this day.

Jane Boleyn, The True Story of the Infamous Lady Rochford - Julia Fox

#jane boleyn #lady rochford #jane parker #alice morley #lady morley #tudor era #long live the queue

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madamelamarquys · 5 years

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“On Thursday 29 May, Lady Anne, marquess of Pembroke, was received as queen of England by all the lords of England. And the mayor and aldermen, with all the guilds of the City of London, went to Greenwich in their barges after the best fashion, with also a barge of bachelors of the mayor’s guild richly hung with cloth of gold with a great number to wait on her. And so all the lords with the mayor and all the guilds of London brought her by water from Greenwich to the Tower of London, and there the king’s grace received her as she landed, and then over a thousand guns were fired at the Tower, and others were fired at Limehouse, and on other ships lying in the Thames.And on Saturday, the last day of May, she rode from the Tower of London through the City with a goodly company of lords, knights and gentlemen, with all the peers of the realm, richly appareled. She herself rode in a rich chariot covered with cloth of silver, and a rich canopy of cloth of silver borne over her head by the four Lords of the Ports, in gowns of scarlet, followed by four richly hung chariots of ladies; and also several other ladies and gentlewoman riding on horseback, all in gowns made of crimson velvet. And there were various pageant made on scaffolds in the city; and all the guilds were standing in their liveries, every one in order, the mayor and aldermen standing in Cheapside. And when she came before them the Recorder of London made a goodly presentation to her, and then the mayor gave her a purse of cloth of fold with a thousand marks of angel nobles in it, as a present from the whole of the city; and so the lords brought her to the palace of Westminster and left her there that night.On 1 June Queen Anne was brought from Westminster Hall to St Peter’s Abbey in procession, with all the monks of Westminster going in rich copes of gold, with thirteen mitred abbots; and after them all the king’s chapel in rich copes with four bishops and two mitred archbishops, and all the lords going in their parliament robes, and the crown borne before her by the duke of Suffolk, and her two sceptres by two earls, and she herself going under a rich canopy of cloth of gold, dressed in a kirtle of crimson velvet decorated with ermine, and a robe of purple velvet decorated with ermine over that, and a rich coronet with a cap of pearls and stones on her head; and the old duchess of Norfolk carrying her train in a robe of scarlet with a coronet of gold on her cap, and Lord Burgh, the queen’s Chamberlain, supporting the train in the middle.After her followed ten ladies in robes of scarlet trimmed with ermine and round coronets of gold on their heads; and next after them all the queen’s maids in gowns of scarlet edged with white Baltic fur. And so she was brought to St Peter’s church at Westminster, and there set in her high royal seat, which was made on a high platform before the altar. And there she was anointed and crowned queen of England by the archbishop of Canterbury and the archbishop of York, and so sat, crowned, in her royal seat all through the mass, and she offered at the said mass. And when the mass was done they left, every man in his order, to Westminster Hall, she still going under the canopy, crowned, with two sceptres in her hands, my Lord Wiltshire her father, and Lord Talbot leading her, and so dined there; and there was made the most honourable feast that has been seen.The great hall at Westminster was richly hung with rich cloth of Arras, and a table was set at the upper end of the hall, going up twelve steps, where the queen dined; and a rich cloth of estate hung over her head. There were also four other tables along the hall; and it was railed on every side, from the high dais in Westminster Hall to the platform in the church in the abbey.And when she went to church to her coronation there was a striped blue cloth spread from the high dais of the king’s bench to the high altar of Westminster on which she went.And when the queen’s Grace had washed her hands, then came the duke of Suffolk, high constable for that day and steward of the feast, riding on horseback, richly dressed and decorated, and with him, also riding on horseback, Lord William Howard as deputy for the duke of Norfolk in his office of marshall of England, and there came the queen’s service followed by the archbishop’s with a certain space between, which was all borne by knights; the archbishop sitting at the queen’s board, at the end on her left hand. The earl of Sussex was sewer, earl of Essex carver, earl of Derby cup bearer, earl of Arundel butler, Viscount Lisle panter, and Lord Grey almoner.” - Edward Hall

#happy coronation anniversary my love #i know it's tomorrow but the procession has already started #anne boleyn #Natalie Dormer #tudorwomen #aesthetic #mine

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