#chomage

[jloisse]

Manifestations en Inde contre la crise du coût de la vie, le chômage et le gouvernement de Narendra Modi. Plus de 330 dirigeants politiques de l'opposition dont 65 députés ont été arrêtes par la police.

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

“In agitational mode, the Union des Comités des Chômeurs de la Région Parisienne promoted a number of regional or national activities to elevate the sights of the local committees beyond the parochial horizons of municipal politics. It called for a protest outside the Chamber of Deputies on 12 November 1931 to force the demands of the unemployed on to the parliamentary agenda. The deputies – even the socialists, with the sole exception of the communists – refused to give the delegation a hearing and the socialists’ failure on this score became a mainstay of Le Cri’s recriminations. Turnout was relatively poor and the police estimated there were only 1,500 participants in the demonstration.

In fact, as a result of the protest, fifty demonstrators were arrested, eight of whom were identified as communists. Amongst their number were two Algerians, a Czech, two Turks and three women. Most were aged between eighteen and thirty-four and hailed from throughout the department of the Seine. A similar protest was organized for 12 January 1932. Le Cri des Chômeurs reported that 20,000 people had illegally assembled outside the Palais Bourbon. Demonstrators had responded to the police baton charge with courage, using doors and windows to defend themselves near the Invalides metro station. The police made 4,000 arrests and deported numerous foreign workers.

Reflecting on the events of 12 January, both Jacques Doriot and Benoıt Frachon privately identified errors and lack of preparation. Doriot maintained that to ignore the 180-day limit on unemployment relief was mistaken and that secrecy had hampered mobilization. Frachon believed that the demonstrations were unsatisfactory despite involving many more unemployed and their committees than the previous day of action. He blamed this failure on a clandestine mentality, police infiltration and an insufficiently militant approach. Despite some truth in these explanations, none of the leaders dared confront the key problem: the Comintern’s sectarianism and its flawed analysis of the situation. The leadership of the Confédération Générale du Travail Unitaire (CGTU) resolved to step up its work amongst the unemployed by various means. It sought to raise awareness through increased coverage in L’Humanité. Directives on the unemployed and for the day of action planned for 4 February would be circulated to the party and its affiliated unions.

...

Movements of the unemployed were volatile affairs and the Parisian movement’s ranks swelled rapidly in March 1932. At last a strong dynamic from below animated the Parisian movement of the unemployed. This month brought together both a peak in unemployment and a dramatic sharpening of activities on the part of the unemployed after police killed an unemployed demonstrator, named Edmond Fritsch. On 17 March the CdC (Comité des Chômeurs) of the 11th arrondissement delegated Fritsch to report on the soup kitchen in communist-run Ivry. On hearing of a demonstration against overtime at a building site in Vitry, Fritsch changed his plans and went along. 

At 4 p.m., 200 unemployed gathered outside the site and employees stopped work to join them. A construction worker affiliated to the CGTU addressed the assembly, but soon after the police arrived and told the demonstrators to disperse. The ‘flics’ then attacked the demonstrators with batons, some police drawing revolvers and shooting. The workers replied with bricks and hurled the chant ‘murderers, murderers’. In the mêlée, the police shot Fritsch in the head and another demonstrator, Palaric, was wounded in the thigh. Le Cri’s special edition bore the headline, ‘Standing up to murderers! An unemployed man is killed by brutes acting on government orders. Assemble en masse for the funeral.’

The April issue of the paper reverberated with sympathy and anger over Fritsch’s death. Despite the failure of the press to condemn the police, 120,000 attended the funeral march according to Le Cri (though the police put the figure at just 15,000). Carpentry and building unions called twenty-four hour strikes for the funeral. Protests and messages of support were sent to Le Cri from the 5th arrondissement and Villepinte. The Gonesse CdC held a large protest meeting on 20 March. At Bezons, a hundred people demonstrated against the police despite simultaneously sending a large delegation to the funeral. At Argenteuil, a meeting of 600 elected their representatives to the commission paritaire (the tripartite committee that adjudicated benefit decisions), but boycotted the meeting because of the presence of the police commissioner who ‘had Fritsch’s blood on his hands’. On 24 March the Bobigny CdC organized a demonstration in honour of Fritsch and called for the arrest of ‘police murderers’. The Alfortville CdC published 20,000 leaflets and 300 posters to explain the murder. The 12th arrondissement CdC reported continuous activity since 20 March and an increase in sales of Le Cri from 200 to 800. 

On 8 April the trial of those arrested during the Vitry incidents took place. Several hundred demonstrated outside, protesting that whilst Fritsch’s murderers walked free, two demonstrators faced jail. The court became the scene of another clash between police and the unemployed. The tragic tale did not end there. Palaric’s uncle (Palaric had been wounded on 17 March) and Fritsch’s widow lost a court case against the police for murder and were made to pay costs of 853 francs. The uncle died shortly afterwards so the costs fell to Fritsch’s unfortunate widow. 

The aftermath of Fritsch’s death signalled the high point of the movement of the unemployed in Paris, but such tumultuous high emotion was bound to be short-lived. Fritsch’s death also highlighted the degree of repression exerted against the unemployed. The authorities monitored, infiltrated and physically harassed the movement of the unemployed. From the very first, the authorities prohibited demonstrations of the unemployed. Le Cri read like a catalogue of repression. On Christmas Eve, when around 1,000 unemployed protested at the conspicuous luxury of revellers at nightclubs in Montmartre, the police baton-charge shocked on-lookers, some of whom received truncheon blows themselves. On another occasion, police in the 15th arrondissement attempted to break up a meeting of 300 unemployed and arrest the speaker. They assaulted a disabled veteran and, when a woman worker who was passing spoke out against it, they arrested her too. 

Given the ban on demonstrations, protesting for any length of time was deemed a victory. At Choisy-le-Roi, 600 unemployed were able to demonstrate for ten minutes before the police dispersed them and made two arrests. In Colombes, the balance of forces was reversed as 200 people were able to demonstrate for over an hour outside the mairie in the face of ten panic-stricken police. In Livry-Gargan, 350 unemployed were able to demonstrate for thirty minutes, half of the time in the presence of the police, before they were dispersed with two arrests. In Aulnay-sous-Bois, the police prevented workers attending a meeting outside the Westinghouse factory.

The difficulty of defying the ban on demonstrations should not be underestimated, because the municipal authorities could always summon the police to halt an unemployed protest. In Bondy, the socialist council called the police to disperse a delegation asking for more coal for the unemployed. In Noisy-leSec, the mayor put a stop the unemployed committee’s collection of funds. The police were also a factor in the anti-eviction campaign. In the 3rd and 4th arrondissements, the police arrested an evicted man and six unemployed persons who participated in a successful 200-strong anti-eviction demonstration. 

The paper recounted harassment of even the most innocuous activities. At Aubervilliers, sellers of Le Cri were arrested and the number of police present when the unemployed signed on for benefit doubled. In the 13th arrondissement, the police arrested CdC leafleters who were complaining about the insulting treatment of the unemployed at the bureau de bienfaisance (poor law office). At Aulnay-sous-Bois, three young unemployed persons were arrested for distributing leaflets. At La Courneuve, the police arrested four CdC members who were selling membership cards. This repression restricted unemployed activity, especially the kind of militant action that the communists favoured. 

Indeed, the mobilizations that followed Fritsch’s shooting constituted a paradox: they were the most sizeable and visible expression of unemployed anger to that date, yet the funeral march commemorated an event that showed the authorities’ resolve to use armed force if necessary, and indicated their physical superiority and brutality. Those marching on the funeral cortège must have understood that the balance of force was stacked against them. Despite the degree of mobilization, the political isolation and vulnerability of the movement of the unemployed was laid bare.” 

- Matt Perry, “‘Unemployment Revolutionizes The Working Class: Le Cri des Chômeurs, French Communists and The Birth of the Movement of the Unemployed in France, 1931-1932,” French History, Vol. 16, No. 4, 2002. p. 454, 455-458.

[immunobiz]

Voici un petit résumé de notre belle province!

Comme voulait faire croire la CAQ ou la Coalition Anti Québécoise!

Continuons.... Le mur s'en vient!

[alaoar]

Je n'ai pas de boulot

JOB est l’apôtre

SENTIMENT en majuscule!qui es tu , tu fais quoi ? Penser, petites affiches, pas de « super idée internet », 

POUR LA SOCIÉTÉ, je suis trop « illuminé » pour avoir un plan clair!!

Je suis pas pensée design, nul à chier, inutilisé

PAS DE TRAVAIL > question, petit objet, publier, manif, participer

PAS D'OBJECTIF > HOBBY, aller dans plein de positions. je fais ça - fais pas ça la suite : Je réforme : je suis crédible 

BUSINESS ASSISTANT Je n'ai pas le bureau / je suis pas bureau  

BERK> rester ici tout seul, l'important c'est le projet. Discipline ?

et alors!!!!!!!

Envie ? Je veux travailler mais je suis face au vide. Ambition et ne pas savoir. Bof le truc pour les entreprises. 

FAIRE DES CHOSES

MA PAROLE

remaquille, innovation de “bâtard”,

Fock le modèle d’engranger

inventer

 je fais 

hahaha

[villefrancois]

LA RETRAITE AVANT L'ARTHRITE ! Un visuel à personnaliser en boutique : - Spreadshop : https://chacunsonbonmotchacunsonteeshirt.myspreadshop.fr/retraite -20% sur tout ! - Spreadshirt : https://www.spreadshirt.fr/shop/design/la+retraite+avant+larthrite+t-shirt+homme-D5df8db2d5fd3e44a53741ed6?sellable=aZdLxyROmat9D7ejR8AG-6-7 livraison gratuite ! - Tostadora : https://www.tostadora.fr/web/la_retraite_avant_l_arthrite/2559386 -30% sur tout dès 3 articles avec SOLDES30 ! - Redbubble : https://www.redbubble.com/shop/ap/43311478 - Zazzle : https://www.zazzle.fr/z/a73yqe8c?rf=238490267840558249 -30% avec le code WEEKENDGIFTZ #retraite #reformeDesRetraites #Macron #manifestation #greve #travail #tpmp #quotidien #sante #vieillesse #chomage #anniversaire #potDeDepart #syndicat #emploi #seniors #vacances #politique #ElisabethBorne #gouvernement #ephad #JeuxDeMots #humour #citation #punchline #Tshirt #mug #sweat https://www.instagram.com/p/Cn_giQbACwJ/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

[juno7haiti]

3250 ouvriers de Diquini Manufacturing, Palm Apparel et Digneron Manufacturing au chômage à cause de la crise

3250 ouvriers de Diquini Manufacturing, Palm Apparel et Digneron Manufacturing au chômage à cause de la crise.- #Juno7 #J7Nov2022

3250 ouvriers de Diquini Manufacturing S.A, Palm Apparel S.A et Digneron Manufacturing S.A au chômage à cause de la crise La crise multidimensionnelle qui frappe actuellement le pays contraint de nombreuses entreprises à mettre en disponibilité ou à licencier tout simplement certains de leurs employés. À titre indicatif, 3250 ouvriers viennent de perdre leur emploi au sein de Diquini…

[christophe76460]

Il a ni maison ni parents Ni profession ni enfant Nous sommes craintifs De loin nous lui déposons un regard furtif. Il a ni ami ni nourriture Simplement il vit dans sa voiture Différents de nous, il nous fait peur Il est un sujet tabou, or peu à peu il se meurt Dans sa voiture, à part lui Personne, pas un bruit Je m'approche.. Il ne respire plus Et on ne lui a pas parlé de Jésus... Combien de gens dans le monde meurent Sans connaître leur Sauveur Sans qu'ils rencontrent le Seigneur Cette situation ne doit plus arriver Mobilisons nous, parler de Toi sans hésiter Réveillons nous, des âmes sont à sauver Moi je sais que c'est mon appel Je me dois parler de l'Eternel Je ne connais pas le tiens Mais ne reste pas immobile jusqu'à demain Des gens ont besoin de toi ici et maintenant Je compte sur toi à présent Amen !! #crainte #chomage #sansabris #difference #different #ReveillezVous #mobilisation #ames #sauver #chretien #chretienslifestyle #poeme #poesie #mort #jesuschrist #jesuslovesyou #Jesus #sauveur #Seigneur #temoignage https://www.instagram.com/p/CflSuJos4ma/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

[cgt-metz-arsenal]

Les comptes de l'Unédic excédentaires, les radiations de chômeurs en forte hausse

Les comptes de l’Unédic excédentaires, les radiations de chômeurs en forte hausse

L’Unédic, l’organisme chargé de la gestion de l’assurance chômage, a présenté ses prévisions financières. Il annonce un excédent de 10 milliards d’euros sur trois ans, entre 2022 et 2024…   (more…)

[leblog2roubaix]

#1055 ICI ROUBAIX : Forum Positiv' Emploi

#1055 ICI ROUBAIX : Forum Positiv’ Emploi

Si tu ne viens pas à l’emploi, c’est l’emploi qui viendra à toi ! Tel aurait pu être la signature de ce concept de forum de l’emploi imaginé par le Comité de quartier SERVIR. Il s’agit de réunir divers acteurs (emploi, insertion, formation..) afin de toucher les populations concernées. Nous nous sommes rendus dans le quartier du Fresnoy-Mackellerie pour un petit live “ICI ROUBAIX” où nous…

[unetealombre]

[maskbuster]

TZCLD signifie Territoire Zéro Chômeur Longue Durée C'est une loi d'expérimentation gouvernementale votée à l'unanimité à l'Assemblée Nationale et au Sénat en 2016. Qui a abouti à la création d'EBE. Ce n'est pas l'Excédent Brut d'Exploitation d'un bilan comptable mais Entreprise à But d'Emploi, où le bilan humain prime sur le bénéfice. Parce que nul n'est inemployable. Parce que ce n'est pas le travail qui manque. Parce que ce n'est pas l'argent qui manque. Et parce que, face au chômage, on a pas tout essayé. Ce n'est pas LA solution miracle non plus. C'est une main tendue pour retrouver un emploi, utile et digne. Sans pour autant faire concurrence aux entreprises locales. Un contrat à durée indéterminée (CDI), à temps choisi (temps plein ou temps partiel), sur des activités utiles localement, pour les habitants et les entreprises. Au Salaire MInimum de Croissance, le SMIC, pour tout le monde. Les 10 premières EBE ont déjà créé des milliers d'emploi, et la deuxième loi devrait permettre de créer au moins 50 nouvelles EBE. Je suis fier de faire partie de Novita à Vannes, projet initié en 2018 et qui vient d'aboutir à la création d'AcSoMur en 2022. Première EBE de la deuxième loi d'expérimentation. Longue vie aux Activités Solidaires de MéniMur. @acsomur56 Maraîchage Bio, créations à partir de palettes, ateliers d'aide au numérique, de nombreuses activités vont permettre de créer au moins 80 emplois en 2 ans. Peut-être même un atelier de recyclage des masques et des plastiques? Envie d'en savoir plus ? Il y a forcément un TZCLD auprès de chez vous. Sinon, à vous de le créer ! #emploi #TZCLD #chomage #chômage #insertion #local #entreprise #territoire #action #solidaire #utile #consensus #social #masques #recycle #plastique #vannes #menimur #morbihan #bretagne #france (à Nov'ita Territoire zéro chômeur Ménimur) https://www.instagram.com/p/CdS7Y2RN4I6/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

“It is clear from discussions in the Confédération Générale du Travail Unitaire (CGTU) political bureau and the Comintern that the communists were the catalyst for the development of the movement of the unemployed in the Parisian region. A concerted effort on their part explains the pattern of geographical expansion in January and February. Just as the political impetus shaped expansion of the movement, however, so it contributed to decline as the party and CGTU expended their meagre resources, especially the energies of their activists, on the electoral campaign of May 1932 instead. The unemployed responded to communist advances and the presence of communist councils meant a very different orientation and conditions for particular CdCs (Comité des Chômeurs). 

A municipality like Saint-Denis or Ivry could put resources at the disposal of the unemployed. The existence of communist officials and staff strengthened the work of the mass organization of the party, a factor of particular significance given the variations in the level of unemployment. Furthermore, communist councils made great efforts to be seen to be alleviating the lot of the unemployed, providing a range of services for them. The propaganda of the unemployed movement repeated the virtues of municipal communism on many occasions and used these councils to condemn the shortcomings of non-communist municipalities. 

Because, with the exception of the Nord, there were only a few communist-held councils outside the Parisian region, the councils of the capital’s ‘red belt’ were held up as examples throughout the land. In Ivry, that bastion of industrial working-class communism, alongside cheap housing and children’s holiday camps, the council funded measures targeting the unemployed and their families: free milk and school meals, health checks, warm winter clothes, a soup kitchen, subsidized rents, and a moratorium on evictions of the unemployed for rent arrears. In Saint-Denis, Jacques Doriot paid particular attention to mass meetings of unemployed residents, speaking regularly during 1931 and 1932 to crowds of up to 850. Indeed, the presence of communists in the mairies assisted the early development of the movement. 

Early demonstrations and mass meetings of the unemployed took place in the communist-held towns of Saint-Denis, Villejuif, Vitry and Bobigny. Under pressure from the Comintern, the communist leadership sought to launch the unemployed movement from Paris. This meant starting from the PCF’s Parisian strongholds. 

In non-communist parts of the region, the CdCs adopted a hostile posture towards their municipal councils. This antagonism was a fundamental aspect of the first phase of the unemployment movement and much more characteristic of its press. In communist areas, by contrast, denunciation was directed towards the departmental conseil général or the national government. The standard mode of operation of the CdCs – the elaboration of a list of demands, followed by delegations to the mairies, supported by protests – only really made sense in non-communist areas. Shrill condemnation of socialist, neo-socialist and, worse still, Parti d’Unité Prolétarienne (Party of Workers’ Unity – PUP, hence pupiste) councils contrasted sharply with comments on communist councils. Thus in Pantin, the CdC was one wing of a concerted communist campaign against the neo-socialist Auray, which eventually bore fruit when communists took office in 1938.

The local committees adopted a range of approaches from militant demonstrations – sometimes clashing with the police – to self-help efforts, like children’s parties or soup kitchens. Some unemployed committees combined both. The CdC of the 11th arrondissement organized a children’s Christmas party, and stormed and occupied the mairie in the same month. The CdC of the 15th arrondissement pooled the skills of the unemployed in co-operative fashion by offering lectures, hairdressing and shoe repairs, besides scuffling with police outside the mairie. The committee of the 18th organized their own soup kitchen and mobilized against evictions. In Choisy-le-Roi they demonstrated, and sold meat and vegetables to the unemployed along co-operative lines. Whilst the communists decried bourgeois charity and urged the formation of self-defence groups to confront the police, they did not openly condemn self-help or advice on benefits and representation for the unemployed.

...

Even when this process was executed perfectly, it was not a recipe for sustained activity for, unlike the workplace, a constant turnover of personnel and lack of routine characterized unemployment. Frustration, or success, for a list of locally generated demands would return the group to its starting-point and this accounts for the short life span of many of the local groups after their initial appearance. The majority of committees submitted only one or two reports to Le Cri des Chômeurs, and two fifths of them entered no more than one. Only ten out of ninety-seven committees sustained enough activity over the year to have four or five reports in the ten issues of the paper that exist. There was a clear connection between the rise and fall of unemployment and the vitality of the committees. The greatest number of committee reports coincided with the unemployment peak of March 1932. The reports declined thereafter with the falling numbers of jobless...

...

Apart from exerting pressure on the municipal authorities, the local unemployed committees reported two major campaigns: over evictions and working hours. Le Cri recounted dozens of episodes successfully preventing evictions in the Paris region. In March 1932 three evictions were thwarted in the 11th arrondissement; in the 18th, after a landlord had been beaten and evicted a tenant, 200 unemployed forced the landlord to take the evictee back; in Cachan, 500 tried to prevent the eviction of an unemployed woman who lived with her children and a sick mother; and the evictions of unemployed foreigners were halted in Juvisy and Houilles. Le Cri showed a photograph of a group from Chaville who had prevented the sale of furniture seized by his landlord to pay for an unemployed man’s rent arrears. Despite the attempts of twenty police officers and several arrests, the Comité des Chômeurs and the tenants’ association succeeded in stopping the sale. On their demonstration they had chanted ‘Bread and work! Down with the vultures and ceilings on rent rises of 15 per cent!’ 

Committees protested against the poverty associated with widespread short-time working. They called for special relief measures and demonstrated at plants where the practice produced meagre wages. The CdC at Choisy-le-Roi, for instance, campaigned for recruits in a factory paying 3 francs 50 centimes to 4 francs per hour for a twenty-four-hour week. By the same token, the committees protested against excessive overtime as this kept others out of a job. Amongst other (often less successful) examples, in January 1932, two hundred attended a protest at the Lally factory at Asnières and succeeded in ending overtime working. The varied composition and short life span of the unemployed group could be transcended. This relied on finding other focal points of struggle and sufficient anger over local housing or workplace issues to elicit a response from the unemployed.”

- Matt Perry, “‘Unemployment Revolutionizes The Working Class: Le Cri des Chômeurs, French Communists and The Birth of the Movement of the Unemployed in France, 1931-1932,” French History, Vol. 16, No. 4, 2002. pp. 451-454.

[jezatalks]

Évidemment que toutes les lignes de la caf sont saturées depuis ce matin.

C'est pas comme si c'était marqué que mon problème est réglé et qu'ils ne m'ont pas donnés mes 1400€ d'APL bloquées depuis septembre... aka, 8 mois sans aides. Svp je fais partie de la population précaire.

[villefrancois]

LA RETRAITE AVANT L'ARTHRITE ! Un visuel à personnaliser en boutique : - Spreadshirt : https://www.spreadshirt.fr/shop/design/la+retraite+avant+larthrite+t-shirt+homme-D5d7949493d00692bb65aef0f?sellable=nOdoGBJmGjiNqxADDazR-6-7 jusqu'à -20% sur les T-shirts ! - Spreadshop : https://chacunsonbonmotchacunsonteeshirt.myspreadshop.fr/retraite -20% sur tout ! - Tostadora : https://www.tostadora.fr/shop/chacunsonbonmot8/designs/#shop -30% sur tout dès 3 articles avec SOLDES30 ! - Redbubble : https://www.redbubble.com/shop/ap/41105357 - Zazzle : https://www.zazzle.fr/z/awlfgpae?rf=238490267840558249 -15% avec le code JANFLASHSALE ! #retraite #reformeDesRetraites #Macron #manifestation #greve #travail #tpmp #quotidien #sante #vieillesse #chomage #anniversaire #potDeDepart #syndicat #emploi #seniors #vacances #politique #ElisabethBorne #gouvernement #ephad #JeuxDeMots #humour #citation #punchline #Tshirt #mug #sweat https://www.instagram.com/p/Cn6SY2JrEO3/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

[jade-curtiss]

J'pensais que j'aurais plus de temps pour niaiser dans vie, mais là j'vien d'apprendre qui faut que j'aye un portfolio de pret et présentable pour le 13 septembre...ça fini brusquement les vacances???

[versaillesfrance]

Comment un salarié peut négocier une rupture conventionnelle

La négociation d’une rupture conventionnelle est un processus de dialogue entre un employeur et un salarié pour mettre fin de manière mutuelle et consensuelle à leur contrat de travail. Les étapes pour négocier une rupture conventionnelle : Discuter des motivations de la rupture : Il est important de discuter avec votre employeur des raisons pour lesquelles vous souhaitez mettre fin à votre…