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#give kashmiris autonomy
kashmirichaiwithmehr · 4 months
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everythingkashmir · 2 days
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Game of Thrones
Engineering Rashid?
By Faisul Yaseen
In politics snakes marry rats and bulls chase lizards. This holds particularly true about the politics of Kashmir.
Engineer Rashid’s political comeback in Kashmir after his release from Tihar Jail is an unfolding chapter in the region’s turbulent political saga. Outspoken and often virulently critical legislator, and with politics in the most unorthodox of flavours, Rashid’s reentry comes just at the time when the waters of Kashmiri politics run very turbulently – a seat of dominance of the regional parties and decay among the youth.
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Rashid’s meteoric rise in the parliamentary polls was not at all an electoral fluke. His soft-separatist stance sang to that particularly excluded voice of Kashmiris in the post-Article 370 era. Catering to pro-Kashmir sentiments, he often challenges the New Delhi’s narrative. Rashid tapped into an undercurrent of discontent, especially among Kashmiri young voters. The triumph over two heavyweights of local politics – Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister, and Sajad Gani Lone of the Peoples Conference (PC) – marked the shift in Kashmir’s political mood.
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Abdullah and Lone have been stalwarts in mainstream politics for long. Their defeats at the hands of Rashid indicated an increasing impatience with traditional power structures. Traditionally, the NC and the PC, and for that matter the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), have had to walk a tightrope between Kashmir’s regional aspirations and their engagements with New Delhi. For Rashid, there was no intent to walk this tightrope: The message stayed squarely on a pro-Kashmiri and anti-Delhi plank – a message of identity and autonomy.
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To much of the young generation, Rashid’s anti-establishment rhetoric is especially attractive. They have grown up in an age that has seen greater military presence, more frequent curfews, and a clampdown on digital expression.
For these voters, then, his categorical criticism of New Delhi and his commitment to Kashmiri offer a refreshing alternative to the PDP and the NC stances-that seem so placatory. His ability to question New Delhi with openness has made for him a loyal constituency of citizens who feel disenfranchised by both New Delhi and the old party networks in the region.
The youth was a significant factor in Rashid’s success in parliamentary polls. Unlike the mainstream parties, Rashid has been candid about his reservations regarding the kind of concessions he feels have been made to New Delhi and has stressed the importance of dialogue and negotiation more than once. His politics is boldly strident and that goes down pretty well with the youth in Kashmir who will have little time for sweet talking. He is the voice for their issues in their minds and is, by his own words, ready to fight for the very rights they are denied. Rashid gives voice to the frustrations, hopes, and aspiration for a freer tomorrow.
The rising Rashid might fracture the erstwhile hardcore electorates of both the NC and the PDP or the Congress. The NC and the PDP have traditionally called the shots in regional politics, and voters have felt them to be the best bet in the mainstream political establishment. But what Rashid has done, with his very straight, often combative politics, is in contrast sharply with the more nuanced New Delhi-oriented politics of Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti, which was where his strength actually lay.
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The NC and the PDP, though contesting over the traditional votes of each party, have, over the years itself, found it difficult to sustain these voter bases because of the respective internal divisions and shifting allegiances both these parties had to contend with. The regional parties will now face the challenge of forming their political identities yet better enough to satisfy voters not satisfied with the established political elite; in which Rashid is trying to present an alternative. They can no longer rely only on the politics of representing New Delhi in Kashmir but have to turn around, not just the narrative but deliver by representing Kashmir in New Delhi. Rashid has shown that a more direct approach to politics can yield most political benefits, at least for voters who feel they have been excluded from old political frameworks.
Rashid’s rise is also intertwined with fluidity of the contours of a relationship between Kashmir and the BJP. Pro-BJP stance subscribed by some regional parties has furthered that polarisation of the electorates. While the NC and the PDP have found it hard to retain any level of autonomy in talks with New Delhi, the PC and the Apni Party have hitched their wagon to New Delhi, a strategy that they claim makes sense in terms of bringing development and stability to the region.
However, this alliance with the BJP has antagonised a considerable section of the Kashmiri electorate who view it as a party that functions with policies detrimental to Kashmir’s special status and cultural identity. Rashid’s anti-BJP rhetoric has capitalised on these feelings. His political rise, in part, becomes a reaction to the growing feeling that just like the PC and the Apni Party thought to be furthering Delhi’s agenda, the regional parties – the NC and the PDP have sidelined Kashmir’s interest always when power was on their side. In positioning himself as a bulwark against this perceived erosion of Kashmiri identity, Rashid has marshalled the support of the disillusioned voters who felt let down by the pro-BJP stance of other regional players.
Rashid’s return to the stage of Kashmir politics reflects a larger shift in the electoral landscape of the region. His ability to ride the soft-separatist wave, attract youth, and split the traditional vote marks him as a force to reckon with for any contender. His politics, based as they are on pro-Kashmir posturing and anti-Delhi sentiments, resonate with a population increasingly feeling itself to be marginalised in today’s political climate. As the regional parties reorient themselves to his challenge, will Rashid’s role in shaping up Kashmir’s political future increase or will he by being close to New Delhi end up eroding his own support base like Ghulam Nabi Azad, only time will tell.
It does not take long in Kashmir for things to change. The new Mehbooba Mufti became the old Omar Abdullah. Today’s Rashid might be the new Mehbooba Mufti. Tomorrow’s Rashid might be the new Sajad Lone and G N Azad. In politics, nothing is stagnant. Everything changes. And in Kashmir politics, doves turn into hawks and hawks into doves. How will the dice roll in the game of snakes and ladders? Only time will tell.
Greater Kashmir
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kurtwagners · 4 years
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Hey! Just wanted to drop in and check if you’re doing okay in the midst of recent events/the China v. India clash... I suspect they are fighting over land that is actually Tibetan? I know you’re not in Tibet, but I understand (as part of a culture also fucked by the Chinese govt— I’m viet) how upsetting it is to see the same old bullshit happen to your people— even from a distance. In any case, we’re here to stick with you and stand in solidarity with Tibetan community
I really appreciate your kind message...That border skirmish was in Ladakh, a Himalayan kingdom that is officially a part of Jammu and Kashmir in India. There are many Himalayan ethnic groups, and we all practically share the same culture and language with differences being things like dialect. The country of Bhutan and some northern Indian states like Sikkim are also Himalayan. 
I do have family in Ladakh and I’ve visited the capital, Lei, before. It’s a very beautiful area, but it has a lot of military activity because of its location at the India/China border (which should just be the Ladakh/Tibet border...). Thankfully the border skirmish did not involve any local Ladakhis or Tibetans since it was just Chinese and Indian soldiers pretty far out in the mountains. But it is a consistent problem that India has been ruthlessly exploiting Ladakhi ancestral land for military advantage, which ends up damaging the fragile high altitude environment and disrupting the indigenous Ladakhi way of life.
Actually I retweeted an article about it earlier if you want to learn more: 
https://blogs.ei.columbia.edu/2020/06/16/superpower-conflicts-indigenous-peoples/
This is one of the many reasons why Kashmiris are fighting for autonomy and independence from India, and why many Ladakhi young people joined the protests. With India, Pakistan and China all arguing over who the territories really “belong” to and already having tense and volatile relationships with each other, border locations like Jammu and Kashmir just become a pawn to these huge, self-interested governments. They don’t give a shit about how the indigenous people are affected by their war games. 
It’s all really fucked up, but we’re all fighting for the same thing, just with different oppressors. Thank you for your kindness, I’m really grateful for Vietnamese solidarity with Tibetans!
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aristeianet · 4 years
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P-5, 2020/07/06, 01:11pm, IST
THE FABRICATED IDEA OF GIVING A DAMN TO EVERY MOVE
PART TWO OF THREE
"KASHMIR - A LOST EMPYREAN"
“Agar Firdaus barrow e zameen ast, hume astoo, humee astoo, humee ast.” 
A very common Persian line often being heard or read by everyone has lost its true meaning.
Beauty of Kashmir can only be perceived in the photographs apprehended in far off uncivilized places. However, the reality is still outspread before the people who trust it to be a paradise. According to me if the reality gets exposed, in spite of beautiful mountains, rivers and lakes, one could perceive descriptions of blooded roads, rivers full of dead physiques, crying children, frightened faces and many such that will truly alterate your judgements about this so-called paradise. 
In other fragments of the country one can wander across the streets without any terror except of getting robbed. But this paradise is such a place where one has margins to move out of his house and roam in his streets. Also, one is imprisoned in a fear of not getting robbed but getting murdered, kidnapped or beaten superfluously and that too without being a criminal or without having any such records in the past.
The people are contented as you know but not universally. The unremitting shutdowns at least once or twice a year for a couple of months snatch the livelihood of many individuals and become a result of their disenchantment in their life and in many cases, these disappointments had occasioned in perversities. Also, women in Kashmir as many news channels or many outsiders report after being to Kashmir are not relishing their homes, many of them are mourning and some of them remain to mourn from decades back as maximum of these ladies are widows or half widows as either their husbands had been murdered or unidentified and the credit for this goes to the Indian forces and the government has not even punished them for a single day.
 India is a democratic country all and sundry knows but at the identical time, there is not even a solitary law of justice relevant for Kashmiri people. The special status that was given to Kashmir had also been snatched and that too without the agreement of the people living in Kashmir and then too these majority of people with no knowledge will say for what Kashmiri need freedom?
The dialogue is not ended here. In this so-called ecstasy, a person who knows the authenticity is not the news reporter that too dances on the beats of the briefings of Indian government, neither the one who lives miles away from here. But a person who has been living here since decades but not from a couple of months or years and when these long living Kashmiri people are asked, they have nothing to start with but tears.  
Being alleged as terrorists, being discriminated as Kashmiri, facing curfew days and nights, months and years, for being beaten in our own hometown perversely and that too by the people who don’t even belong to Kashmir, this is Kashmir not a paradise on earth rather “once a paradise on earth” and a Kashmiri who had faced and qualified this can a hundred and thousands of times repeat with tears in his eyes and boiling blood that Kashmir is not what the outsiders see but it is what a Kashmiri practices.
                                   “From boundaries to passage freely in our own lanes to not being legalized to enjoy privileges, KASHMIR saw it all.  From thousands of rapes to official murders, KASHMIR tackled it all, from all cold-blooded assassinations to human right desecration and much more, we saw it all.” And they will still have a damn question in their minds “autonomy from what?”
There are many such episodes that are indications of the discrimination a Kashmiri faced. A very common example to this is what every single illiterate and literate, young and old has a knowledge of it is the restrictions of call and internet service for many continuous months that result in the isolation of Kashmiri from the outside world. Their studies, business, communication and what not gets isolated or barred.
Kashmir is the only room in the whole so called democratic India where a student studying here joins his school once for 3 or 4 months only and that too with distress in their hearts and fears in the hearts of their parents just because of not having the surety to reach home safely in the twilight. The only place is this so called paradise where efficacious business person is the one who does government jobs and work in private schools, colleges and universities as they enjoy getting salary even during continues lockdowns and strikes, and a poor old farmer, a shopkeeper or a vegetable vendor, a milkman or a carpenter, a mason or a cobbler in Kashmir sometimes has to sleep with empty intestinal for many days. This is Kashmir which the Indian news channels will never report, foreigners will never say and hence, the truth gets clandestine.
In modern state relations not only money works better that ethics but double face also works better that that of single. But this principle can never master the law of nature that falsehood and cruelty are always disappeared and there rises the truth. When the suppressed ones become “emergers”, they emerge into amazing society which the planet needs and deserves. I rather want to ask that how, a group of five countries (Having veto power), out of which only one share the geographical area with Pakistan, Kashmir and India and three do not even share the continent, can decide that what should and what should not be done to the people of Kashmir. How they can understand ground realities of a state which is under lockdown from almost a month? And if they can, what they had understood in last 70 years? Print, electronic or social media, no matter of which country and nation it is, can never be true representative of public passions and wishes. Rather it is selected one. From the one side of border Television and newspapers show you that people in Kashmir are badly mutilated, punished, kidnapped or killed by Indian Army and from other side you got a narrative of “all is very well” in Kashmir. But if the media by chance, few and far, promote the voice of people of Jammu and Kashmir, the world is even deaf and dumb to that. It seems that the terms like ‘international community’, ‘global village’ and ‘international relations’ only applies when leaders of the states wear the special glasses which cut off all views other that exchange of dollars or trade ships. Anyhow the disability of all stakeholders to listen and sort out any acceptable situation now led to the horrible condition of Kashmir with two surrounding nuclear states who are casting shadows of war like climate on each other.
 What may be the result of this situation (that may be not as simple as this sentence is), whether international organizations and states try to help Kashmiris and to avoid any devastating scenario, Kashmir would be free soon. Kashmir would be free soon but the toxicity of this criminal silence will turn out to be a deadly poison for those who prefer investment of money over the investment of humanity.
 “I was innate when Kashmir was in blood
I elevated up bleeding with Kashmir
I grew up seeking autonomy for Kashmir
I might die redeeming Kashmir
What is Kashmir?
A wound of a soldier in endless war
An exclamation of a mother in pain
A land between fire and water
That fire is Pakistan and water is India
The land agonizes for nothing 
Both can go to hell
Both are erroneous
Both are benefiting from lives of Kashmiris
I used to have a friend with nick name Kashmiri
He was from Kashmir full of pain and anger
I listen to his tears
They are tired of blame games
They just want their birth given right to breath freely 
One day Kashmir will be free
It is the dream of every soul that sees
Dream of every sacrifice of sons of that soil
I might die with blood of Kashmir
I might die with this dream
One day Kashmir will be free.” 
Main aaunga GHATI mein ek din, 💫
~R.
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deadpoetsmusings · 5 years
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what I read: give a shit edition
I’ve been obsessed and distraught over news coming from around the world this past month. Fascism is trendy again but in a weird (perhaps not unsurprising) twist of fate, it’s coming from countries that pride themselves on their democratic values. 
What is a person like you and me to do? It feels helpless and passive to sit at home just reading about how big companies suppress voices criticizing fascism, how a massive glacier wasn’t supposed to melt until later in the century, how voices for autonomy are ignored, suppressed, and opposed, and how, in addition to ruining our environment indirectly due to capitalistic greed, we’ve now succumbed to actively destroying-- setting fires to the Amazon, endangering the indigenous population and way of living. And yet, there has to be some sense in caring, knowing, not giving in to ignorance, listening. And through that maybe we can help those who are far away from us, not be complicit in lies fed to us on the daily. And we have to look to the helpers.
Mostly, though, I have been reading about Kashmir. 
I remember watching Haider (a Hamlet adaptation set in Indian-occupied Kashmir, highly recommended) a couple months ago and just thinking about how things have taken a turn for the worse in Kashmir is heartbreaking because  India, which prides itself on being the biggest democracy in the world, has perhaps pulled the biggest fascist move of the century. The local media is peddling lies, Kashmiri journalists are silenced, right-wing ruling party is calling everyone who criticizes the annexation unpatriotic. In times like these, I’m glad for social media; some modicum of truth spills out, we’re not easily swayed by mainstream propaganda, there is always a counter narrative challenging what media is telling us. 
So, if you’re reading this, I urge you to seek out Kashmiri narratives to the atrocities being carried out by Indian government on Kashmir. It’s also important to note that many, many sane voices from India are also speaking out. Not everyone is party to tyranny. And though it’s not easy to understand all at once the historical (or the political, environmental, strategic) context of the crisis, nor the many nuances of how the UN and the international community are failing Kashmir, or why you should even care at all for a place you’ve never heard of before, we can always start somewhere:
Arundhati Roy: The Silence Is the Loudest Sound
The World Is Reaping the Chaos the British Empire Sowed: Locals are still paying for the mess the British left behind in Hong Kong and Kashmir.
The Indian Government insists all is well in Kashmir. But as the communications shutdown continues, its citizens are struggling to reach the outside world
Modi’s brutal annexation of Kashmir follows the Israel-Palestine script to the letter.
When India’s government abuses power, the media cheer 
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fuckyeahsouthasia · 5 years
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India has made a series of drastic, and in some cases unprecedented, moves in the disputed region of Jammu and Kashmir, which is administered by New Delhi but claimed by Pakistan.
On Aug. 2, the state government of Jammu and Kashmir issued an extraordinary order. Citing terrorist threats, it ordered tourists and pilgrims to evacuate, and it shuttered schools. This came several days after New Delhi deployed thousands of new troops to the region. Then, on Aug. 4, officials in Kashmir cut off internet access and placed several prominent leaders under house arrest.
That was wildly disproportionate to any given threat of attack, especially in a region that’s faced terrorism before. Clearly, something bigger was at play. New Delhi was taking steps to head off potential unrest in a region with sizable levels of support for independence. Polls have found that as many as two thirds of the residents of the Kashmir valley want regional independence, though surveys find that support for independence tends to be weaker in Jammu. The last time the government took such dramatic measures was in 2016, when Indian security forces killed Burhan Wani, a charismatic young militant revered by Kashmiris as a freedom fighter, and implemented a regionwide crackdown.
Sure enough, on Aug. 5, India announced that it plans to revoke Article 370, a constitutional clause dating back to 1949 that gives Jammu and Kashmir its special autonomous status. The scale of this move cannot be overstated. Abrogating Article 370 represents a major tipping point for an already fraught dispute—and it could easily backfire on India.
The Kashmir dispute goes back more than 70 years, to when India and Pakistan became free from British rule. After Partition in 1947, the leader of Kashmir could not decide whether to have his Muslim-majority region join India or Pakistan. After fighters entered Kashmir from Pakistan, Kashmir agreed to an accession treaty with New Delhi in return for India’s intervention to push back the Pakistani fighters. In 1948, the United Nations called for a plebiscite to occur after the region was demilitarized, in order to determine the future status of Kashmir. That never happened, however, and ever since then Kashmir’s status has remained unresolved. The region has also triggered multiple wars between India and Pakistan.
Article 370, however, enables Kashmir to craft and implement policies independently, with the exception of key spheres such as foreign affairs and defense. It also prevents outsiders from acquiring land in Kashmir. Article 35A, a separate constitutional clause also likely to be scrapped, strengthens Kashmir’s autonomous status by providing special rights and privileges to its permanent residents.
It’s easy to understand New Delhi’s decision to remove Kashmir’s autonomous status.It’s easy to understand New Delhi’s decision to remove Kashmir’s autonomous status. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)has frequently telegraphed its intention to ax Article 370, which is explicitly described by the constitution as a purely “temporary provision.” The BJP has long viewed the region as an integral part of the nation and rejects the idea that Pakistan has any claim to the territory. By dispensing with the region’s autonomous status, it can formally consummate that integration and deliver a definitive blow to the region’s separatist impulses. It can also better take advantage of investment and broader development opportunities for Kashmir. For these reasons, many Indians will celebrate the decision as a bold but necessary move.
Two recent developments probably pushed the government to act now. The first was U.S. President Donald Trump’s offer to mediate the Kashmir dispute. The second is a rapidly progressing Afghanistan peace process, facilitated to an extent by Islamabad, which could lead to an eventual political settlement that gives the Taliban a prominent role in government. Each of these developments strengthens Pakistan’s hand. Making a dramatic move on Kashmir enables New Delhi to push back against Islamabad. It also sends a strong message to Washington about New Delhi’s utter lack of interest in external mediation.
Domestic politics are also at play. A big-bang, early term move from the newly reelected BJP is sure to attract strong support from its rank and file, and such backing can blunt potential disillusionment and unhappiness down the road if the government struggles to ease India’s growing jobs crisis. Indeed, it may not be a coincidence that the party, during its previous term, stepped up its Hindu nationalist policies—another surefire way to attract support from its base—after it struggled to carry out an oft-promised economic reform agenda.
But the repeal of Article 370 is fraught with risk. India is unilaterally altering the territorial status of a highly disputed territory that is, per square mile, the most militarized place in the world. Something has to give, and New Delhi understands this—which is why it implemented a draconian lockdown before the announcement.
For many Kashmiris, Article 370 had more symbolic than practical meaning, given that the longstanding and repressive presence of Indian security forces had undercut the notion of autonomy. Many Kashmiris face daily restrictions on their freedom of expression and movement, along with the constant risk of rough treatment from security personnel. Still, for many Kashmiri Muslims, the dominant group in Jammu and Kashmir and the victims of what they regard as an Indian occupation, the revocation of Article 370 is a nightmare scenario, because it brings them closer to an Indian state that they despise. Most of them want to be free of Indian rule.
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anniekoh · 5 years
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The Partition Archive
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 1947 Partition Archive An archive that helps you record & share oral histories of the world's largest mass refugee crisis - 1947 Indo-Pak Partition. Join our #ChasingMemories campaign.
The Partition is not the beginning of the problem but it is a place to start to understand the stakes of what’s going on in Kashmir. I’ve only caught the teeniest bit, but it’s scary as hell. Total communications blackout in Kashmir. Anti-democratic decision making on the part of Modi’s regime. 
India’s settler colonial project in Kashmir takes a disturbing turn   Hafsa Kanjwal (Washington Post, Aug 2019)
Monday marked a devastating turning point in India’s long-standing occupation of Kashmir.
Home Minister Amit Shah on Monday informed the Parliament of a presidential order revoking Article 370, which gave the state of Jammu and Kashmir special status within the Indian Constitution. The article was instituted by India’s early leadership to give a certain degree of autonomy to its only Muslim-majority state — one it had incorporated without the consent of its people, who would have preferred independence or accession to Pakistan.
As a number of Indian historians and legal experts have noted, the presidential order is essentially unconstitutional. Article 370 is the only legal link between India and the disputed state; for it to be revoked, it has to be approved concurrently by the Jammu and Kashmir constituent assembly, which was dissolved in 1956.
But dramatic shift in policy came amid a brutal crackdown in a territory that already holds the title of being one of the most militarized in the world. India has deployed an additional 35,000 troops, ordered tourists, pilgrims and journalists to leave, and implemented a curfew. It also arrested not only Kashmir’s pro-freedom leaders, but also leaders of the varying client regimes it has installed in the recent past. For days, people were gripped with fear and uncertainty as they tried to determine their fate. Even as the announcement was made, Kashmiris were kept in the dark because of a total communications clampdown, with Internet and mobile services blocked.
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political-fluffle · 5 years
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Imran Khan says he is afraid India will carry out ethnic cleansing in disputed territory
(so am I...)
Pakistan will expel the Indian ambassador and suspend trade after suggesting its rival could carry out ethnic cleansing in Kashmir, where tensions remain high following Delhi’s decision to revoke the state’s special status and divide it in two.
Amid an unprecedented communications blackout in Kashmir, the Indian government announced on Monday that it would dramatically change its relationship with the state, revoking the special status that the territory was granted in exchange for joining the Indian union after independence in 1947. It also said it would divide the state in two.
The move has sparked fierce rhetoric from Pakistan, which also claims Kashmir and has fought two wars with India over the territory, with the country’s army chief vowing to “go to any extent” to stand by Kashmiris.
In a statement on Wednesday, Pakistan said it would cut bilateral trade and raise the issue with the UN. Analysts point out trade between the two countries is relatively small and that it is unlikely the UN will take any action. (...)
Indian-administered Kashmir remains gripped by an unprecedented communications blackout that has cut off phone lines, internet and mobile coverage. Cable TV, initially suspended, is now running again but not showing any news programmes. The only source of news is satellite TV, which fewer people have access to. (...)
Indian-administered Kashmir has held special status since 1954, giving it a degree of autonomy including its own constitution and as well as rules that prevented people from outside the state buying land in the territory. Many Kashmiris believe this is crucial to protecting the demography and traditions of India’s only Muslim-majority state.
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solowonderer · 2 years
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Important and Interesting Facts About Jammu & Kashmir
The heaven on the earth, Jammu and Kashmir is a place filled with beauty that is beyond description. If nature happily stays somewhere, that is Jammu and Kashmir. This place is filled with the magic of nature that attracts tourists from all over the world. Amazing hills surrounded by pine and deodar trees playing hide and seek. It looks so soothing with the wind carrying unknown fragrances lakes that has the bluest eyes. When you explore these things, you will definitely realize that there is a paradise on the earth and that is Jammu and Kashmir. 
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This place can take you to another part of the world that will give you a feel of beautiful reverie. Most of the Indian films have been shot here and some of them are named Kashmir. Let’s get to know some interesting facts about Jammu and Kashmir. 
1. Most Importantly
The state gets complete autonomy with article 370 of the Indian Constitution. Due to this, the status of J&K is internationally disputed. It is the only Indian state that has its own flag. 
2. Kashmiriyat 
The syncretic culture of Jammu and Kashmir is famously known as the Kashmiriyat. This culture is a great blend of Hinduism, Islam, and Buddhism. This state is contiguous to the Afghan lands that they might have formed links with the legendary silk route. Srinagar is one of the famous cities of Kashmir, was founded by Emperor Ashoka. 
The main tapestry of Kashmiriyat is the togetherness or oneness of all Kashmiris that they are one irrespective of their creeds. 
3. Longest Railway Tunnel in India 
You may feel shocked but the longest railway tunnel in India is in Jammu and Kashmir. This tunnel is known as Pir Panjal Railway Tunnel and is also famous as Asia’s fourth longest tunnel. It is 11.215 km long, 8.4 m wide and 7.39 m tall. It is a great experience to see the trains buzzing, whistling, and piercing through the snow-capped mountains. 
It is very easy to gaze at Shikaras floating on the lakes which are like the eyes of the valley, the bluest eye, with oarsmen singing Kashmir folk songs vivaciously. When the train takes an exit from the tunnel that really feels like entering heaven on the earth. Someone has said that if there is paradise anywhere, it is here. 
4. Kashmir and Kashmiri Valley
It is a jurisdictional area of Kashmir that is separated from Jammu. Some of its parts are currently under the rule of Pakistan and China. Kashmir Valley is one of the Kashmir Valleys that is marked as the area between the Pir Pinjal range in the southwest and the Himalayas in the northeast. Jhelum is the only river that flows through Jammu and Kashmir. 
5. Kalhana 
Kalhana is known as one of the gems of Kashmir. Kalhana has written a book famously known as Rajatarangini. He is the first history writer of India. He mentions unimaginable traces of the Kashmir of the 10th century. Jammu and Kashmir are set apart from the various other regions of India. There are plenty of stories associated with Shankaracharya who visited here in the 8th century. 
It is also said that there are many saints in the valley such as Lalla who is famously known as Lalleshwari, Nand Rishi. One of the famous movies, Haider was shot in Kashmir and the famous song Bismil was shot at Kalhana. 
Jammu and Kashmir have two sides, one shows the beauty of it and the other one scares you. The fight for this land between the three countries has made this state a little scary. But we consider you as a traveller and nature enthusiast and with that purpose, we have mentioned these places. Make sure you visit them and get the real meaning of Paradise on the earth.
Read More - http://satgurutravel.com/india/top-5-exciting-places-to-visit-in-goa/
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mzemo0 · 2 years
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Kashmiri Pandits Face Targeted Killings
In Indian-administered Kashmir, there has been a rise in the targeted killings of Kashmiri Pandits. Hindu minorities from other states of India living in Kashmir have also been targeted allegedly by militants.
The targeted killings have increased after the BJP-led government revoked the special autonomy of the region. The government subsequently changed state-subject laws of the state, giving rise to fears of demographic change. The erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir (now a Union Territory) was the only Muslim-majority state of India. Read More
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expatimes · 4 years
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Pakistan PM: We would give Kashmiris ‘right to independence’ | Human Rights News
Addressing thousands, PM Khan said he is willing to allow Kashmiris the full right to self-determination even if they vote to stay with Pakistan.
Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan has pledged to allow the people of Kashmir the right to independence if residents of the disputed Himalayan territory were to vote for joining Pakistan in a United Nations-mandated plebiscite that has been delayed for decades.
Since gaining independence from the British in 1947, Pakistan and India have fought two of their three wars over Kashmir, with both sides claiming the territory in full but administering separate portions of it that are divided by the Line of Control (LoC).
Addressing thousands at a Kashmir Solidarity Day rally in the Pakistan-administered Kashmir town of Kotli on Friday, Khan asserted he was willing to allow citizens of the territory the full right to self-determination.
“When you decide on your future, and when the people of Kashmir, God willing, decide in Pakistan’s favour, I want to say that after that Pakistan will give Kashmiris the right that if you want to be independent or a part of Pakistan,” said Khan. “This will be your right.”
In 1948, a UN Security Council resolution mandated the holding of a plebiscite in the territory, giving residents a choice between joining India or Pakistan.
Independence was not stated to be an option for that referendum.
India has rejected holding such a plebiscite until Pakistan withdraws its troops from the territory, including from Pakistan-administered Kashmir.
In 2019, New Delhi altered the constitutional status of Indian-administered Kashmir, removing a provision that allowed the region its autonomy and absorbing it into the country’s administrative mainstream.
The move was rejected by Pakistan, which has demanded India reverse the decision as a precondition for any talks.
India’s move was also met with anger within Kashmir, where a months-long curfew was enforced by hundreds of thousands of security forces.
If India demonstrates sincerity in seeking a just solution to the Kashmir issue, in accordance with UNSC resolutions, we are ready to take two steps forward for peace. But let no one mistake our desire for stability & peace as a sign of weakness.
— Imran Khan (@ImranKhanPTI) February 5, 2021
Many restrictions on Kashmiris’ movement and communication remain in place in Indian-administered Kashmir, where an armed separatist movement has been fighting Indian forces since the 1990s.
Rights groups have documented human rights abuses by Indian security forces, including the use of pellet guns to target protesters, extrajudicial killings and the intimidation of journalists.
Speaking on Friday, Khan reiterated that his government was prepared to engage in dialogue with India, but only if it revoked its removal of Kashmir’s special constitutional status.
At the UN, Pakistan’s foreign minister presented a letter to the secretary-general and head of the Security Council on Friday, asking the body to urge India to remove restrictions on Kashmiris and to reverse new laws aimed at easing the settlement of non-Kashmiris in the territory.
Kashmir Day rallies
Rallies in solidarity with Kashmiris were also held across Pakistan, with at least 16 people wounded in a hand grenade attack on one such gathering in the southwestern province of Balochistan.
The attack took place in the district of Sibi, about 110km (68 miles) east of the provincial capital Quetta.
“There were 16 people injured, out of them, one is in critical condition and is being shifted to Quetta by air,” said local official Yasir Bazai.
Three of the wounded were policemen providing security to the rally.
While no group immediately claimed responsibility for that attack, the province has been the site of an armed separatist movement by ethnic Baloch, who accuse the Pakistani state of extracting resources without providing rights or governance to locals.
  Read full article: https://expatimes.com/?p=17782&feed_id=32432
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ericfruits · 4 years
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India is still trampling on civil liberties in Kashmir
Highland brig India is still trampling on civil liberties in Kashmir
Some in the Muslim-majority region have been detained without trial for over a year
SAIFUDDIN SOZ is not under house arrest; he is just not allowed to leave his home. Now 82 years old, he once represented the northern Kashmir valley in the national parliament in Delhi. He spent five years as a minister in the government of Manmohan Singh, the prime minister who preceded the present one, Narendra Modi. Since August 5th, 2019, the day parliament deprived Jammu & Kashmir of its statehood at Mr Modi’s behest, the police have forced Mr Soz to remain in his home. “You are under house arrest,” they told him. His family petitioned the courts for his release, since he has not been charged with any crime, much less convicted. But the Supreme Court dismissed the request, since the authorities had informed the honourable justices that Mr Soz was “never detained nor under house arrest”. When local journalists went to Mr Soz’s home to get his reaction to the happy news, he tried to speak to them over the fence—until uniformed soldiers pulled him away.
The government’s blatant lying to the court (which is otherwise prickly about what it considers contempt) gives a sense of how far it is willing to go to have its way in Kashmir and how little it cares about abusing the rights of even the great and the good in the process. The state’s peculiarities have long angered the Hindu nationalists of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). They see it as an affront that Pakistan, which like India claims all of the former British protectorate, seized part of it in 1947. Worse, the Muslim majority in the Indian part has long chafed under Indian rule, prompting frequent popular protests and an endless insurgency. Most infuriating of all, in spite of their ingratitude, the 12m people of Jammu & Kashmir, including some 7m Muslims in the Kashmir valley, used to benefit—until last year—from a special form of autonomy accorded to no other state in India.
Mr Modi’s decision a year ago to rescind that autonomy and split the state into two territories (Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh—see map) run directly by the national government was intended to please his supporters. It was always going to enrage Kashmiris, who were not consulted, even though the constitution demanded it. (To get around this, Mr Modi dismissed the elected state government, appointed his own lieutenant to run the state and then got this appointee to consent to the loss of autonomy and statehood on Kashmiris’ behalf.) To keep a semblance of order, the government has had to suspend local politics and many civil liberties for over a year—with no end in sight.
Even before the change, there were some 500,000 troops deployed in Kashmir (the government does not disclose precise numbers). About 35,000 more were sent last year to help enforce the new order. Phone lines and the internet were cut and politicians of every stripe, along with businessmen and other prominent citizens—some 7,000 people in all—were arrested without charge. Gatherings of all kinds were banned. The government claimed all this was to prevent terrorists backed by Pakistan from organising any kind of retaliation and not to prevent ordinary Kashmiris from expressing their views. In fact, the government maintained, Kashmiris were not really protesting at all, even though, as with the unfortunate Mr Soz, video footage suggested otherwise. Thirteen months later, most of the restrictions remain in some form.
The internet is back, but only sporadically and in many parts of Kashmir only via a rickety 2G service. The covid-19 pandemic has provided a new rationale to prohibit all gatherings. Such rules are enforced in Kashmir in ways not seen in the rest of India: on August 29th a procession marking the Shia Muslim holy day of Muharram was broken up by police firing shotguns. Dozens were wounded, some of them blinded, in theory to preserve public health.
Hundreds of bunkers covered in camouflage netting have popped up across Kashmir. A dozen line the embankment of the Jhelum river in Srinagar, the capital, where couples used to stroll in the evening. Blast-hardened military vehicles with gunners at their turrets roar along the highways, forcing civilian traffic to halt. Drivers can be held up for hours at the many new checkpoints, often waiting for a long military convoy to pass.
A host of repressive laws give the security services free rein. The Public Safety Act allows preventive detention at will. The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act criminalises speech and organisations the government considers secessionist. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act allows troops to kill with impunity. In May police and soldiers were filmed ransacking a village in northern Kashmir, where they beat men and women, looted stores and burned goods on the street. The rampage was a reprisal: a senior officer had been hit by a stone-thrower. If not for the footage, the episode would have gone unnoticed.
That gives the authorities an incentive to stop information flowing. A new media policy, introduced in June, allows the prosecution of publishers associated with reporting deemed “anti-national”. In August about 300 young people, mostly teenagers, were rounded up for saying things considered to be critical of the state on social media. Some were beaten, others forced to promise not to post anything political.
All this has upended ordinary life. The economy, already battered by the lockdown that came with the end of statehood, is now reeling from a second one, owing to covid-19. Schools have been open for only 20 days in the past year—and the disruption to the internet has made online learning impossible. The legal system is hamstrung: many of those detained without charge could not challenge their incarceration because the lawyers’ guild went on strike to protest the arrest of its president.
To all these tribulations Kashmiris add an extra concern—that an influx of migrants from the rest of India will turn them into a minority in their homeland. The revoked autonomy included restrictions on who could own land in the state. The government promised that the new order would preserve locals’ say over who gets to live among their alpine peaks. Yet new criteria have made many more Indians eligible for “domicile certificates”. Instead of seeking to allay such fears, Mr Modi chose to celebrate the anniversary of the abolition of Kashmir’s autonomy by laying the foundation stone of a new temple, to be built on the site of a demolished mosque. ■
This article appeared in the Asia section of the print edition under the headline "Highland brig"
https://ift.tt/3ilt1mL
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xtruss · 4 years
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Fascist India
Meet Kashmiri Cartoonist Taking a Dig At Indian Rule
A Year After India Revoked Kashmir's Limited Autonomy and Imposed Security Lockdown — This Young Kashmiri Artist Has Continued to Amplify the Voices of Kashmiris Through His Provocative Cartoons.
Mir Suhail speaks to Al Jazeera one year after India revoked region's limited autonomy and imposed security lockdown.
— by Usaid Siddiqui | August 13, 2020 | Al Jazeera English
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Meet Kashmiri cartoonist taking a dig at Indian rule Suhail is currently based in New York City (Mir Suhail)
Last August, India stripped Kashmir of its special status and imposed a communication blackout cutting off the Muslim-majority region from the outside world, but a young Kashmiri artist has continued to amplify the voices of Kashmiris through his provocative cartoons.
Around the first anniversary of abrogation of Article 370, which granted a measure of autonomy to the Himalayan region of nearly 12 million people, Mir Suhail - a Kashmiri cartoonist based in New York - was preoccupied with thoughts about his native place.
He sketched a cartoon depicting an Indian soldier shooting saffron-coloured bullets at the feet of a Kashmiri man, forcing him to celebrate the August 5 decision by India's Hindu nationalist government.
There is an air of despondency as last year saw tourism and trade devastated, school and college classes washed out with tens of thousands of troops guarding every corner of Kashmir. The outbreak of coronavirus further added to the economic woes of the people.
"Before there was some hope, that something might work out for our people," the 31-year-old Kashmiri cartoonist told Al Jazeera from New York City - but after August 5 last year, he said Kashmiris "were in maatam [mourning]".
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As like other artists from the region, Suhail's provocative and hard-hitting cartoons and illustrations on Indian rule has earned him online accolades, as well as a flurry of abuse.
His large body of work, done both on paper and digitally, includes depicting the torture of Kashmiris by security forces; satirising Indian Prime Minister Modi and other Indian media personalities and lampooning Kashmir's pro-India leadership.
For over a decade now, his work has been published widely in both Kashmiri and Indian media outlets.
While his animations are praised by fellow Kashmiris, they have received trenchant criticism and abuse online mostly from supporters of India's Hindu nationalist government.
"Having people insult my mother and sister online is a daily occurrence," Suhail said.
Some of the most vicious online campaigns against Suhail were in the wake of a sketch he posted satirising Indian media's portrayal of a July incident in Kashmir's Sapore district - where security forces killed a civilian while he was travelling with his grandchild.
Images of the three-year-old boy sitting and crying on top of his grandfather's lifeless body, brought worldwide condemnation, including from the United Nations.
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The cartoon mocks the media for only showing its viewers an Indian soldier carrying the kid in his arms to safety while ignoring the dead grandfather, who was caring for the child in the first place.
The cartoon went viral with more than 11,000 likes on Instagram and shared thousands of times on Twitter.
But he was accused of being a "Pakistani" and a " Muslim fake journalist" among other insults by supporters of the Indian government.
Several of his cartoons in the past 12 months have been censored by Instagram after his posts were reported by online users for alleged inappropriate content.
His sketches at times also landed him into trouble at previous news outlets in Indian-administered Kashmir, where he worked between 2006 and 2016 before moving to India's capital New Delhi.
His former bosses often expressed discomfort with his depictions of life back home - many times persuading him not to draw on political matters and pick other less-charged topics.
In the wake of Pulwama attacks in February 2019, in which 40 Indian soldiers were killed, his then-editor asked him to remove a cartoon that caused outrage online.
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One of Suhail's satirical cartoon removed by Instagram for 'hate speech' [Mir Suhail]
In that cartoon, he had drawn a Kashmiri boy inserting a rose into the gun of an Indian soldier, as the thorns of the flower pierce his body and weapon.
Suhail said he scaled back on his cartoon work concerning Kashmir, and largely stayed off social media - until he had left for the US in December last year.
However, for many Kashmiris, his work is a true representation of the hardships the people in the region face on a daily basis.
"Mir Suhail's work brings you face-to-face with the stark reality of Kashmir's brutal military occupation," Kashmiri poet and professor at the University of Northern Colorado Greeley Ather Zia told Al Jazeera.
"He leaves nothing to the imagination ... his honest takes on minute-by-minute events happening in Kashmir, acts of violence that occur on Kashmiri body all ooze out from the images he offers the world, if only the world pays attention," Zia added.
'They Will Build Settlements'
India's revocation of Article 370 has been the main focus of Suhail's caricatures in the past one year.
In one sketch, he depicts Indian military boots topped with houses marching into Kashmir, in a pool of blood - illustrating the new domicile laws announced in April, which will now allow Indian citizens to buy land in the Muslim-majority region.
"They will start building settlements there soon ... they will colonise us just like Palestine," Suhail said.
Earlier, Indians from other states were not allowed to buy land in Kashmir to safeguard the region's demography.
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Suhail's sketches also depict the internet blackout across the region, and its subsequent, yet unsatisfactory, restoration in the form of 2G services.
"In today's world, many people travel and live elsewhere away from their families and friends ... communication is very important," he said, noting this was not the first time internet and telephone services were suspended in the Kashmir Valley.
In 2016, internet services were suspended for more than four months after the killing of popular Kashmiri resistance fighter Burhan Wani.
Suhail, who was living and working for a Kashmiri publication at the time, said the whole experience was "very suffocating".
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“It felt like someone had cut off your tongue, arms and legs and all you could do was watch what was happening around you without the ability to respond."
He has particularly highlighted the Indian media's coverage of Kashmir.
"When I came back to New Delhi on August 11 after my wedding, it was like nothing had happened ... people [at work] were acting like normal," Suhail lamented.
Prime Minister Modi's decision was well received in India's journalist circles - with primetime anchors like Arnab Goswami, saying: for "every Indian, there is an overwhelming, unbelievable sense of pride at the integration of Jammu and Kashmir."
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Modi government has said that removal of Kashmir's special status was meant to integrate the region with the rest of the country and bring development.
"They (the Indian media) did not care to show our (Kashmiris) suffering. I could not stand it any more there."
In November last year, Suhail decided to resign from his post as senior art director at a New Delhi-based media organisation and a month later moved to New York to join his wife - a recent law graduate.
'Never felt peaceful'
Suhail said he has been sketching cartoons and illustrations as a teenager.
"Almost every day since I was like maybe 14, I have been drawing cartoons," he said, noting that his parents had always encouraged his passion.
"My grandfather on my mother's side was a musician - and so my family has always been supportive of my work, especially my mother," he added.
Raised in a working-class family in Srinagar, Suhail experienced first-hand the decades-long violence and militarisation of the region.
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At the age of eight or nine, Suhail witnessed his childhood friend, a disabled kid, lying dead on the floor - a memory that gives him nightmares today.
"I don't think there was one day in Kashmir that ever felt peaceful," Suhail said, recalling the times his mother would come to school crying, forcibly take him out of school and rushing home after a major crackdown in the valley.
"You can just imagine the psychological effect that has on a kid, soldiers with guns everywhere."
India has deployed more than half a million troops in the region. New Delhi has said that its military is fighting rebels, most of whom want independence or merger with Pakistan.
Pakistan and India both claim Kashmir in full since the partition of the region in 1947 but control parts of it.
Suhail says there is no elaborate thought-process behind his sketches depicting the political upheaval that has come to define the region in the past three decades.
"There is no need for me to imagine, it just flashes in front of my eyes," he said
"Much of what is happening today, I have seen it all before."
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'Will Always Draw For Kashmir'
Since moving to the US, Suhail has been unrelenting in his critique of the Modi-led government.
Now free from any institutional pressure, and working as a freelancer, the cartoonist has pledged to continue drawing his sketches as he deems fit.
"In New York, there is certainly more freedom to do as I please," he said.
However, Suhail's increasing popularity through his work means he is unsure when he is likely to go back to Srinagar, saying it is getting less safe for him.
"I feel like that door is closing for me," he said, adding it was becoming more difficult for Kashmiri journalists to express their opinions on the political situation in the Himalayan region.
During the past few months, at least four local journalists in Kashmir had investigations opened on, detained or arrested, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.
Qazi Shibli, a journalist based in Srinagar was detained in July 2019, and later arrested for nine months by Indian security forces without trial, for his tweets.
Last month, Shibli was arrested again by Indian security forces on unknown charges.
Photojournalist and Srinagar resident Masrat Zahra was detained in April by police under anti-terror laws for posting a photo online of a Kashmiri protester with a banner displaying the now-deceased fighter Wani.
Suhail, however, remains undeterred.
"No matter where I live in the world, I will always draw for Kashmir. That is my place."
— SOURCE: AL JAZEERA English
— Usaid Siddiqui is a producer at Al Jazeera English Online based in Doha.
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margdarsanme · 4 years
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NCERT Class 12 Political Science (India) Chapter 8 Regional Aspirations
NCERT Class 12 Political Science Solutions (India Since Independence)
Chapter 8 Regional Aspirations 
TEXTBOOK QUESTIONS SOLVED : Q 1. Match the following :
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Answer: (a)-(iii), (b)-(iv), (c)-(ii), (d)-(i). Q 2. Regional aspirations of the people of North-East get expressed in different ways. These include movements against outsiders, movement for greater autonomy and movement for separate . national existence. On the map of the North-East, using different shades for these three, show the States where these expressions are prominently found.
Answer: Tripura, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh (See the Map at the end of the Chapter). Q 3. What were the main provisions of the Punjab accord? In what way can they be the basis for further tensions between the Punjab and its neighbouring States?
Answer: Punjab Accord was an agreement signed between the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Harchand Singh Longowal, the then President of Akali Dal in 1985 to be known as ‘Rajiv Gandhi Longowal Accord’ also to create normalcy in Punjab: 1. Chandigarh would be transferred to Punjab. 2. To appoint a separate commission to resolve border dispute between Punjab and Haryana. 3. To set up a tribunal to settle down the sharing of Ravi-Beas river water among Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan. 4. To provide agreement for compen-sation to better treatment to those affected by militancy in Punjab. 5. To withdraw the Armed forces special power Act ip Punjab. But, peace could not be established easily in Punjab and resulted as follows: (a) It led to many excesses by police and violation of human rights. (b) It fragmented the Akali Dal. (c) President’s rule was imposed and normal political process was suspended. (id) Hence, Political process could not be restored in this atmosphere. Even during elections in 1992, only 24% electors turned out to vote. Consequently above mentioned added to tension between Punjab and its neighbouring states. Q 4. Why did the Anandpur Sahib Resolution become controversial?
Answer: Anandpur Sahib Resolution was passed at the conference of Akali Dal at Anandpur Sahib in 1973: (а) To ascertain regional autonomy and to redefine centre-state relations. (b) Sikhs aspirations aimed at ‘bolbala’ (dominance) of Sikhs. (c) It could also be interpreted as a plea for separate sikh nation despite of federal spirit. But, it became controversial due to following reasons: 1. Due to lack of popularity of Akali Dal resolution had a United appeal. 2. Akali government was dismissed in 1980s it lost its importance. 3. Akali Dal launched a movement on the distribution of water between Punjab and its neighbouring states. 4. Movement went into the hands of extremist elements from moderate Akalis and converted into armed insurgency for which Anandpur Sahib Resolution considered responsible. Q 5. Explain the internal divisions of the State of Jammu and Kashmir and describe how these lead to multiple regional aspirations in that State.
Answer: Jammu and Kashmir comprised of three regions: 1. Kashmir region is Kashmir valley consisting Kashmiri speaking and mostly Muslim with a Kashmiri speaking Hindu minority. 2. Jammu region consists of Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and speakers of various languages, in the areas of foothills and plains. 3. Ladakh region is equally divided between Buddhists and Muslims and maintains an little population area. These internal divisions led to multiple regional aspirations: 1. One strand of separatist to demand a separate Kashmiri nation independent of India and Pakistan. 2. Some other groups want Kashmir to be merged with Pakistan. 3. Third strand wants a greater autonomy for people of state within Indian Union. 4. The demand for intra-state autonomy is as strong as the demand for the state autonomy. In present scenario, most of the separatist in dialogue are trying to re-negotiate a relationship of state with India. Q 6. What are the various positions on the issue of regional autonomy for Kashmir? Which of these do you think are justifiable? Give reasons for your answer.
Answer: On the issue of regional autonomy for Kashmir, the following positions are states as: 1. Kashmiris were promised to make accession on reference of people after situation created by tribal invasion, becomes normal. But it has not been fulfilled, hence, it generated the demand for “Plebiscite”. 2. Sometimes, it was felt that special federal status guaranteed by Article 370 has been eroded practically which led the demand for restoration of autonomy or “Greater State Autonomy”. 3. It is felt that democracy, which is practised in rest of India has not been similarly institutionalised in Jammu and Kashmir. We prefer the first position because ‘Plebiscite’ provides better opportunity to people of J & K to protect and sustain their regional autonomy in a very democratic manner. Q 7. The Assam movement was a combination of cultural pride and economic backwardness. Explain. Answer: Because: 1. It was against outsiders to maintain cultural integration of Assam. 2. There was widespread poverty and unemployment in Assam, despite existence of natural resources like tea, coal and oil. 3. It was felt that these were drained out of state without any commensurate benefit to the people. Q 8. All regional movements need not lead to separatist demands. Explain by giving examples from this chapter.
Answer: Because: 1. Regional aspirations are part of democratic politics. 2. Expression of regional issues is not an abnormal phenomenon. 3. Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland have regional aspirations in United Kingdom. 4. Regional movements are responded through democratic negotiations rather than suppression. – 5. Its examples are in eighties, military erupted in Punjab, problems persisted in the North-East, students agitated in Assam and Kashmir valley was on the boil. 6. The government of India settled down some negotiations with these regional aspirations to reduce tensions in many regions. 7. Mizoram is an example of political settlement to resolve the problem of separation effectively. Q 9. Regional demands from different parts of India exemplify the principle of unity with diversity. Do you agree? Give reasons.
Answer: Yes, we agree with the statement because India adopted a democratic approach on these regional aspirations in place of considering them as anti-national: 1. India’s democratic politics allows people and groups to address the people on the basis of their regional identity, aspiration, and specific regional problems. 2. India’s democratic politics focus on regional issues and problems to receive adequate attention and accommodation in the policy making process, i.e. regional aspirations of Assam, Punjab and North-East, Kashmir etc. 3. Its examples are in eighties, military erupted in Punjab, problems persisted in the North-East, students agitated in Assam and Kashmir valley was on the boil. 4. The government of India settled down some negotiations with these regional aspirations to reduce tensions in many regions. 5. Mizoram is an example of political settlement to resolve the problem of separation effectively. It can be concluded that regional aspirations do not encourage separation but these respect diversity to retain unity in the nation. Q 10. Read the passage and answer the questions below: One of Hazarika’s songs dwells on the unity theme; the seven states of north-eastern India become seven sisters born of the same mother ‘Meghalaya went own way …., Arunachal too separated and Mizoram appeared in Assam’s gateway as a groom to marry another daughter.’ The song ends with a determination to keep the unity of the Assamese with other smaller nationalities that are left in the present-day Assam- ‘the Karbis and the Mising brothers and sisters are our dear ones.’ —Sanjib Baruah (a) Which unity is the poet talking about? (b) Why were some States of North¬East created separately out of the erstwhile State of Assam? (c) Do you think that the same theme of unity could apply to all the regions of India? Why?
Answer: (a) The poet is talking about the Unity of Assamese. (b) Because these states face that Assamese government was imposing Assamese language on them. Hence, regional aspirations began. (c) Yes, same theme of unity could apply to all regions of India because Indian government deals with all these regional aspirations with respect to accommodate regional diversities.
Very Short Answer Type Questions [ 1 Mark]
Q 1. Name the three social and political regions of the Northern most state of India.
Answer: Names of the three social and political regions of the Northern most state of India— (i) Jammu (ii) Kashmir (iii) Ladakh Q 2. Why were the seven small states created in North-East India?
Answer: Seven small states were created in North-East India because of demands for (i) autonomy (ii) movements for secession and (iii) opposition to outsiders. Q 3. Which students group led the anti foreigner movement in Assam?
Answer: All Assam Students’ Union in 1979 (AASU). Q 4. Who were the signatories of Punjab Accord of 1985?
Answer: The then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Harchand Singh Longowal, the then President of Akali Dal. Q 5. Jammu and Kashmir state comprised of which three social and political regions?
Answer: Kashmir, Jammu and Laddakh regions. Q 6. How did India meet with the challenge of diversity?
Answer: By redrawing the internal boundaries of the country, i.e. created Chhattisgarh Jharkhand and Uttarakhand etc. Q 7. What is the significance of Article 370? Ans. Article 370 signifies special status of Kashmir:
Answer: 1. To give greater autonomy to J & K. 2. To specify that state has its own constitution. 3. All provisions of constitution are not applicable to state. Q 8. Which Prime Minister expressed regret over violence against Sikhs after Indira Gandhi’s death?
Answer: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in 2005 after twenty years in Parliament to regret over the killings of Sikhs. Q 9. When was first normal election held in Punjab after violence?
Answer: In 1997 in the post militancy era and alliance of Akali Dal and BJP scored victory. Q 10. What do you mean by Seven Sisters?
Answer. The ‘North-East region’ consisting of seven states is referred to as seven sisters.
Very Short Answer Type Questions [2 Mar ks]
Q 1. What does the special status given to J & K under Article 370 mean?
Answer: Article 370 signifies special status of Kashmir: 1. To give greater autonomy to J & K. 2. To specify that state has its own constitution. 3. All provisions of constitution are not applicable to state. Q 2. Highlight any two characteristics of Dravidian movement.
Answer: Dravidian movement was one of the first regional movements in Indian Politics with the ambition to create a Dravid nation: 1. This movement used democratic means like public debates and the electoral platform to achieve its ends. 2. Due to this strategy, movements acquired political power in the state and became influential at national level. 3. Dravidian movement led to formation of‘Dravid Kazhagam’ (DK) under the leadership of Tamil Social reformer ‘E.V. Ramaswami Periyar’. Q 3. Mention the outcomes of Assam Accord of 1985.
Answer: ‘Assam Accord’ was signed between Rajiv Gandhi-led government and AASU leaders over the issue of ‘outsiders’ in 1985: 1. The foreigners who migrated into Assam during and after Bangladesh war and since were to be identified and deported. 2. The Asom G. ;,a Parishad came to power in 1985 with the promise of resolving the foreign national problems as well as to build a ‘Golden Assam’. Q 4. Which accord proved to be a turning point in the history of Mizoram? 
Answer: The accord between Rajiv Gandhi and Laldenga of 1986 granted full fledged statehood with special powers to Mizoram. Even MNF (Mizo National Front) agreed to give up secessionists struggle. Q 5. What was the role of Congress in the politics of Jammu and Kashmir?
Answer: Congress dominated the politics of J & K between 1953 to 1974 in the following manner: 1. National Conference remained iconic power with the active support of Congress for sometime but later merged with the Congress. 2. The Congress gained direct control over the government in state. 3. The Congress party also made attempts to have an agreement between Sheikh Abdullah and Government of India. 4. In 1974, Indira Gandhi reached an agreement with Sheikh Abdullah and he became the Chief Minister of State. Q 6. Which communities wanted separate states in the North East region?
Answer: Despite reorganisation of North-East in 1972, autonomy demand arose: 1. Assam communities like Bodos, Karbis and Dimosas demanded separate states. 2. They mobilised public opinion and popular movement and same area was claimed by more than one community. 3. Federal set up satisfied their autonomy i.e. Karbis and Dimosas were granted autonomy under district councils while Bodos were granted autonomous council. Q 7. In what ways the issue of outsiders continues to be a live issue in Assam?
Answer: Assam Accord could not solve the problem of immigration: 1. The issue of‘outsiders’ continues to be alive issue. 2. In Tripura, the original inhabitants have been reduced to being a minority in North-East. 3. The same feelings formed the hostility of local population to Chakma refugees in Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh.
Short Answer Type Questions [4 Marks]
Q 1. What was the main outcome of Rajiv Gandhi-Longowal accord in July 1985?
Answer: 1. Chandigarh would be transferred to Punjab. 2. A separate commission to be appointed to resolve border dispute between Punjab and Haryana. 3. A tribunal to be set up to settle down the sharing of Ravi-Beas river water among Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan. 4. To withdraw the Armed forces special power Act in Punjab. Q 2. What was Goa problem? How was Goa liberated and how did it become part of Indian Union?
Answer. 1. Goa was under Portuguese alongwith Daman and Diu since 16th century. 2. We expected freedom in 1947 but Portugal refused to withdraw but the people of Goa wanted to merge with motherland. 3. People of Goa^suppressed from religious conversions and civil rights known as ‘Goa Problem’. 4. In 1961, with in two days Goa, Daman and Diu were liberated from Portugal rule under ‘Operation Vijay’ by Government of India. 5. Goa became part of India and in 1987, it attained the status of ‘State Position’. Q 3. Describe the outcome of Anandpur Sahib Resolution of 1973.
Answer: Anandpur Sahib Resolution was passed at the conference of Akali Dal at Anandpur Sahib in 1973: (a) To ascertain regional autonomy and to redefine centre-state relations. (b) Sikhs aspirations aimed at ‘bolbala’ of Sikhs. (c) It could also be interpreted as a plea for separate sikh nation despite federal spirit. But, it became controversial due to following reasons: 1. Due to lack of popularity of Akali Dal resolution had a United appeal. 2. Akali government was dismissed in 1980 and it lost its importance. 3. Akali Dal launched a movement on the distribution of water between Punjab, and its neighbouring states. 4. Movement went into the hands of extremist elements from moderate Akalis and converted into armed insurgency for which Anandpur Sahib Resolution considered responsible. Q 4. State one similarity and one difference between the crisis in Punjab and Assam during 1980s.
Answer: Similarity- It was regional aspirations given to prior importance and solving the crisis through democratic negotiations. Differences- In Punjab, Akali Dal started the movement for formation of ‘Punjabi Sabha’ wdiereas in Assam, the crisis was against the people who were seen as outsiders or migrants who were considered to be competitors to employment opportunities. Q 5. How was DMK entered in Indian Politics? 
Answer: DMK i.e. Dravid Munetra Kazhagam entered in Indian politics with three demands in 1953-54: 1. To restore original name of Kallkudi railway station. 2. The addition of Tamil Cultural History in &hool curriculum. 3. To eliminate craft education scheme. Q 6. When did Independent India first use referendum procedure?
Answer: In 1967 in the case of Goa’s liberation: 1. In January 1967, the central government held a special ‘Opinion Poll’ in Goa asking people to decide it they wanted to be a part of Maharashtra or remain separate. 2. The majority was in favour of remaining outside of Maharashtra, thus Goa became a Union-territory. 3. Goa was granted statehood in 1987.
Passage Based Questions [5 Marks]
1. Read the passage given below carefully and answer thequestions: The Assam Movement from 1979 to 1985 is the best example of such movements against ‘outsiders’. The Assamese suspected that there were huge number of illegal Bengali Muslim settlers from Bangladesh. They felt that unless these foreign nationals are detected and deported they would reduce the indigenous Assamese into a minority. There were other economic issues too. There was widespread poverty and unemployment in Assam despite the existence of natural resources like oil, tea and coal. It was felt that these were drained out of the State without any commensurate benefit to the people.
Questions 1. Name the group that led movement against outsiders in 1979. 2. Why did Assamese seek the detection and deportation of outsiders? 3. What were the economic issues taken up as a part of movement?
Answer: 1. All Assam Students’ Union (AASU). 2. Because they feared that they would reduce the indigenous Assamese into a minority. 3. (i) There was widespread poverty and unemployment in Assam despite existence of natural resources like oil, tea and coal. (ii) It was also felt these were drained out of state without any commensurate benefit to people. 2. Read the passage given below carefully and answer the questions: The best way to respond to regional aspirations is through democratic negotiations rather than through suppression. Look at the situation in the eighties-militancy had erupted in Punjab: problems were persisting in the North-East: students in Assam were agitating; Kashmir valley was on the boil. Instead of treating these as simple law and order problems, the Government of India reached negotiated settlement with regional movements. This produced a reconciliation which reduced the tensions existing in many regions. The example of Mizoram shows how political settlement can resolve the problem of separatism effectively.
Questions 1. How are regional aspirations dangerous for the unity of country? 2. What is meant by democratic negotiations? 3. Who was leading agitation in Assam? 4. What steps were taken by government of India to respond regional aspirations?
Answer: 1. It creates the problem of separatism in the country. 2. Democratic negotiations respect the demand of regional aspirations in place of suppression. 3. The students. 4. (i) Reached negotiated settlement with regional movements. (ii) Produced a reconciliation to reduce the tensions existing in many regions.
Long Answer Type Questions [6 Marks]
Q 1. Describe the secessionist movement of Mizos. How as per the provisions of constitution, was it resolved on accommodation of diversities?
Answer: 1. After independence, the Mizo hills was made an autonomous district within Assam. 2. Some Mizos believed that they were never a part of British India and not to belong to Indian Union. 3. The movement of secession gained popular support after Assam government failed to respond adequately to great famine of 1959 in Mizo hills. 4. It led to formation of Mizo National Front (MNF) under leadership of Laldenga. 5. In 1966, the MNF started an armed campaign for independence. 6. The MNF fought gurilla war, got support from Pakistan government and secured shelter in then East Pakistan. 7. At the end oftwo decades ofinsurgency, Mizoram under leadership of Laldenga started negotiations with Indian government. 8. 1986, a peace-agreement was signed between Rajiv Gandhi and Laldenga which granted statehood to Mizoram with special powers and MNF agreed to give up secessionist struggle. 9. Today, Mizoram is one of the most peaceful places in the region alongwith big strides in literacy and development. Q 2. “Regional aspirations, regional inbalances and regionalism are a hindrance in the way of national unity of India”. Do you agree with the statement?
Answer: Because: 1. Regional aspirations are part of democratic politics. 2. Expression of regional issues is not an abnormal phenomenon. 3. Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland have regional aspirations in United Kingdom. 4. Regional movements are responded through democratic negotiations rather than suppression. 5. Its examples are in eighties, militancy erupted in Punjab, problems persisted in the North-East, students agitated in Assam and Kashmir Valley was on the boil. 6. The government of India settled down some negotiations with these regional aspirations to reduce tensions in many regions. 7. Mizoram is an example of political settlement to resolve the problem of separation effectively. Q 3. What were the main provisions of Punjab Accord of 1985? How has peace been restored on seewar lines in Punjab?
Answer: Punjab Accord was an agreement signed between the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Harchand Singh Longowal, the then President of Akali Dal in 1985 to be known as ‘Rajiv Gandhi Longowal Accord’ also to create normalcy in Punjab: 1. Chandigarh would be transferred to Punjab. 2. To appoint a separate commission to resolve border dispute between Punjab and Haryana. 3. A tribunal to be set up to settle down sharing of Ravi-Beas river water among Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan. 4. To withdraw the Armed forces special power Act in Punjab. 5. To provide agreement for compensation to better treatment to those affected by militancy in Punjab.
But, peace could not be established easily in Punjab and resulted: (a) It led to many excesses by police and violation of human rights. (b) If fragmented the Akali Dal. (c) President’s rule was imposed and normal Political process was suspended. (d) Hence, Political process could not be restored in this atmosphere. Even during elections in 1992, only 24% electors turned out to vote. Consequently above mentioned added to tension between Punjab and its neighbouring states.
Picture/Map Based Questions [5 Marks]
1. On a political outline map of India locate and label the following and symbolise them as indicated:
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Questions 1. The 22nd State of India due to its merger. 2. The state out of which the states of Meghalaya, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh were created. 3. Article 370 has a special significance for this state of India. 4. The state whose leader signed an agreement with Rajiv Gandhi. 5. An important state whose leader was Lai Denga. 6. Two states which were not part of state of Assam at the time of India’s Independence. 7. The state associated with Golden Temple and ‘Operation Blue Star’.
Answer: 1. Sikkim 2. Assam 3. Jammu and Kashmir 4. Punjab 5. Mizoram 6. (a) Manipur (b) Tripura 7. Punjab
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Article 370 : Past, Present and future everything you need to know
All of us are aware of the fact that there are many articles in the Indian constitution that has direct implication in the laws of our country. Article 370 is one of them. As per article 370 of the constitution of India the state of Jammu and Kashmir is given some special power. The state has been granted temporary autonomous status. The reason as to why this article had come into existence was the accession of Kashmir to the Indian sub-continent after independence. If we dig into a bit of history we will see that Kashmir was a state with the Muslim majority. The result is that the Muslim population of Kashmir felt insecure. They felt afraid that they might lose their identity amidst a Hindu nation. Moreover, there was a lot of pressure from the radical Muslim groups to give special autonomy to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. So immediately after independence, the Indian government bestowed a temporary autonomous status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. However, since its inception, the Article has gone through several changes. The Provisions of Article 370 The Central Government needs approval from the State Government of Jammu and Kashmir on all matters of law apart from defence, Finance and Communication, and Foreign Affairs. The Indian Government does not have the power to declare Financial Emergency in the state. In fact, an emergency can only be declared in Jammu and Kashmir on grounds of internal disturbance and instances of danger from a foreign enemy. The state government in Jammu and Kashmir has full control over the governance of the state without any kind of interference from the Central government. Article 370 ensures that citizens of any other state in India cannot buy property in Jammu and Kashmir. If a woman from Jammu and Kashmir marries a man from any other state of India she loses her right to ownership in the state. Who has the power to repeal this Article? The President of India has the power to declare Article 370 null and void and take away all autonomy from the state. However, this needs to be done only after a recommendation from the Constituent Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir. At the same time, the President of India also has the power to take this right away from the Constituent Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir through a Constitutional Amendment The Consequence of Article 370 It is true that the discord regarding the state of Jammu and Kashmir is quite huge. In fact, the matter is so serious that it has even been taken up the UN. This was the reason Article 370 was crafted so that the Muslim residents of the state could be appeased. But a middle path needs to be reached instead of letting the autonomy of the state grow. A step has already been taken in that direction as the Article now functions in the state in a much-diluted way. Moreover, the constitution of Jammu and Kashmir states that it is an integral part of the Indian Union and so the dangers of the state going away from the hands of the Indian government are negligible.  
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Historical Background of Article 370
It is important to be aware of Constitutional provisions surrounding Jammu and Kashmir concerning current affairs. The main provision in the Constitution of India dealing with the same is Article 370. Drafted earlier by Sheikh Abdullah and eventually by Gopalaswami Ayyangar, this article is placed in Part XXI of the said Constitution under the heading of Temporary, Transitional and Special Provisions. Till date, it had found a permanent place in the Constitution as the erstwhile Constituent Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir had not abrogated Article 370 before its dissolution. It exempts whole and absolute constitutional applicability over the state. This is done by limiting the Central Legislative power over the state. The entire creation of this provision was an outcome of the region's accession to the Indian Union. Read alongside Article 35A, and the Constitution provides that the people and residents of Jammu and Kashmir shall be subject to their own particular laws mainly with respect to ownership of property, citizenship and fundamental rights as well. Furthermore, it takes away the absolute nature in which separation of powers is made between Center and State. The Seventh Schedule in the Constitution provides the three lists. Accordingly, ninety-four of the ninety-seven items in the Union List was applied to the state, and of the Concurrent List, twenty-six of the forty-seven items were applied. Legislation power on election matters too was granted to the State. Preventive detention was not applicable either. Article 370 further prevents the Union Government from having the power to reorganize the borders of the state. Relevance to current events There had been three main Presidential Orders (1950,1952 and 1954) passed to preserve the internal autonomy of the State. This did not coincide with the current Union Government's objectives, and it was on 5th August 2019, that the President of India- Ram Nath Kovind revoked the 1954 order through a constitutional order. It was then introduced as a resolution before the upper house of the Parliament (Rajya Sabha) with the objective to reorganize the current State of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories- one being the Jammu and Kashmir region, on the western side and Ladakh, on the eastern side. Such presidential orders are made in consonance with Article 370 (1)(d), which empower such orders after consultation with the Government of the State. Revocation of Article 370 would cause Article 35A to cease to exist. This order was termed as Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 2019. What this means for Jammu & Kashmir It is to be noted that this action of proposing such a resolution by the Home Minister does not amount to the scrapping of Article 370. There was no bill passed for an amendment in the Constitution. It is the new order that will supersede the previous ones. The above action will cause the State Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir to be ineffective. Furthermore, this now allows Article 1 and Article 2 of the Indian Constitution to be applicable to the state. This will allow the Union to reorganize the state, thus converting the erstwhile state into two Union Territories which should have legislatures of their own. Also, the Governor of Jammu and Kashmir will now be called the Lieutenant Governor. Article 370 allowed for dual citizenship that is one for the state and one for the country. Now, only single citizenship is available. Furthermore, the other provisions of the Constitution would apply, such as the applicability of the Right to Information, reservation for minorities, the applicability of Article 360 (financial emergency), etc. Children would benefit as they would be provided with the Right to Education. There will also be an abrogation of the clause relating to permanent residents, i.e., Kashmiri women, who marry non-Kashmiri men, and their children are denied their right to inheritance. They may now claim inheritance in ancestral property. The police cadre is also expected to be redefined. Actions which are taken for the furtherance The opposition leaders of the region have not received the proposal well. Rather they have mentioned it as "blackest day in Indian democracy." Foreseeing any insurgent activities or potential for breach of peace and tranquillity due to the proposal, the Executive Magistrate in Srinagar had arrested former Chief Ministers of Jammu & Kashmir, Omar Abdullah, and Mehbooba Mufti.  Section 144, which prohibits an assembly of more than four people in an area, was also warranted by the Executive Magistrate in Srinagar and to be in effect from the midnight of 5th August. There is also reportedly a restriction to internet access and other communication, and this shall remain in force until further orders. Read the full article
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“Hate bundled with so-called faith has become par for the course today,” said T.M. Krishna, one of India’s most renowned traditional singers. “The masks are off, and what we are seeing should deeply worry us.”
Ms. Dubey, a gleeful provocateur, travels India with a 28-person troupe and is in such demand that families invite her to their homes to bless newborn babies.
Her goal, she said in an interview with The New York Times, is to recruit foot soldiers to make India a Hindu nation. At least one state government dominated by Mr. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party has used public money to stage her performances.
Some of the most violent expressions in Hindutva pop focus on Kashmir, the Muslim-majority territory that is disputed by Pakistan and that was stripped of its autonomy by Mr. Modi’s government in August. Popular lyrics call for harsher action against Pakistan and separatist (sic) Kashmiri militants, and for forced conversions and a Hindu settlement campaign in Kashmir. 
For some of the millions of Indian Muslims, those hyper-patriotic expressions are seen as carrying a personal threat.In one music video, Sanjay Faizabadi, another popular Hindutva pop artist, lunges toward the camera in military fatigues. Footage of Indian troops, exploding planes and a pack of lions punctuates the song, called “Kashmir Is Our Life.”
“I will come to Pakistan and play marbles with your eyes!” he sings, boasting in a subsequent verse of waging a campaign of sexual conquest there.
This summer, the police arrested several musicians for recording a song urging Hindus to kill those who do not chant, “Jai Shri Ram!”Ms. Dubey’s biggest hits feature that chant prominently, and she is outspoken about her intention to incite a revolution through Hindutva pop.In her songs, Ms. Dubey exhorts Hindus to “perform ceremonies with bullets,” “fight proudly against ungodly religions” and “cut off the tongues of enemies who talk against Ram.”
Ms. Dubey, 30, said she did not always feel as strongly about Hindu supremacy. She is originally from the city of Bhopal, in central India, and grew up in a musical family regularly singing songs that urged sectarian harmony, like “Hindu Muslim, Brother Brother,” she said.
“We go wherever B.J.P. leaders invite us to perform,” Ms. Dubey said. “That’s because the B.J.P. is helping to propagate Hindutva.”
Her performances draw thousands of people. One show in Raipur, the capital of Chhattisgarh, was marketed as a jagrata, an all-night vigil dedicated to deities.
For a couple of hours, she sang about the goddess Durga. Performers dressed as Hindu gods twirled a giant gold trident and lit torches. Much of the audience came for the free, religious-oriented entertainment and did not know Ms. Dubey specifically.
But the singer’s tone shifted after midnight, when most of the youngest children had gone to bed.
Turning her attention to the beef industry, which employs many Muslims, Ms. Dubey encouraged the crowd to take action to protect cows, echoing comments by Hindu mobs that have killed dozens of minorities accused of slaughtering cattle.
“People who I give milk to have become my butcher,” she said, channeling the animal. “Become a cow protector and fulfill your promise.”
Ms. Dubey transitioned to one of her most popular songs, “Every House Will Be Saffron,” a YouTube juggernaut that has inspired covers sung by children. During interludes, the singer promised to target those “living in Kashmir, exploding things” and to “spill blood in mother’s holy court.”
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