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octuscle · 10 months

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My boss has been giving me shit ever since I got this job. If I could just put him in his place for one day…

Your boss's day is off to a great start. Power cut. And the Tesla is not charged. The only way to get to the office is by bus and suburban train. He hates public transport. But what should he do? At the bus stop, he pulls out his cell phone to buy his ticket. All around him are schoolchildren and wetbacks on their way to work. Damn, did he pocket the cell phone of his cleaning lady from Colombia? All in Spanish. And the phone far from his own brand new show-off model. And already has a few scratches too... Maldita sea! Why can't he buy a ticket now? Tarjeta bloqueada. That's all he needs. His not-so-clean trousers hang low on his narrow hips. The waistband of his fake Calvin Klein briefs is clearly visible. When the bus arrives, he rummages in his deep trouser pockets for a few dollars. Just enough to buy a ticket.

When your boss changes trains, he realizes that his briefcase is gone. Where the hell did the hip bag come from instead? He looks inside. Tobacco, cigarette papers, a few crumpled dollar bills, some weed. And condoms. Lots and lots of condoms. His gaze falls on his reflection in the window pane. Mierda, soy un espalda mojada. ¡Un sucio y apestoso espalda mojada! Instead of his spotless white shirt, he wears a dirty wifebeater. And the jacket has become a sleeveless open plaid shirt. Not entirely clean either. His feet are in dirty biker boots. A couple of silver chains around his neck. Shit, something's not going well. When he arrives at the station, he walks towards the toilets. He needs a mirror. Sporty and dynamic, he jumps over the turnstile at the entrance. He has no more money to use the toilets. There are the mirrors. And that's no longer your boss. Okay, the other hustlers at the station all call Juan "jefe" because he has the biggest cock. But apart from that, he's nothing but a well-trained wetback hustler.

One of the other hustlers comes up to jefe and asks for a fag. Juan panics. Should he be nice to the scum? Juan will probably need help. On the other hand, the mere presence of this gay trash makes him nauseous. At least he speaks English. Juan decides to be friendly. And he tries to reply that they can share a fag. He replies in broken English with a heavy Spanish accent. The other hustler thanks him with a fist bump. He doesn't seem surprised by the language. Juan builds a cigarette, takes a first drag and passes the fag on. While they smoke in a corner of the train toilet, a punter wanders around them. Juan doesn't think much about it. He needs money. And it can't get much worse than this. His eyes and those of the punter meet. The rest happens without a word. A few minutes later, Juan kneels on the piss-strewn floor of the toilet and swallows the cum of a strange man. And he's a pro, he gets a hard-on even though the punter is rather disgusting.

It gets quieter from 10:00 onwards. The rush hour is over. There's nothing to do at the station until 16:00. Juan counts his takings. 120 dollars. Not bad. He joins the other hustlers at the kiosk in front of the station, smokes a cigarette and drinks a beer. He needs to get rid of that damn taste of cum from old fat white men. Then Juan has to go to the wholesale market and clean the market halls. He's definitely no longer the boss here. The job is also badly paid, but he has to prove he has a regular job so as not to lose his residence permit. And there are showers for the employees. If he goes back to the station sweaty and dirty, he can forget about good sales.

Juan is just getting out of the shower when a regular customer contacts him via Facetime. He asks how his favorite slut is doing. Juan poses a little in front of the cell phone camera. He doesn't understand English very well, but he knows that his customer gets horny when he shows off his hairy armpits. And the customer pays well. Most of the time, Juan even gets a bit to eat. And if he's lucky, he can even spend the night with the client and doesn't have to go to the dirty dormitory where Juan has currently rented a bed. But if he's not lucky, at least he knows where his place is.

Pic of your jefe found @marechais

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if-you-fan-a-fire · 5 months

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"During the winter of 1918–19, Ottawa was rattled by the extreme rhetoric it was hearing from some of the country’s labour leaders. Police spies were sending in alarmist reports that unions were seething with revolutionary discontent. In response, the government set in motion a campaign of counter-propaganda to discredit the Reds. Chief press censor Ernest Chambers routinely fed information gleaned from police reports to members of the print media. Chambers kept his eyes peeled for anti-Red articles in the daily press so that he could dash off a letter offering the author more inflammatory information about the present danger. He did his best to orchestrate a comprehensive propaganda campaign, involving the press, university professors, service clubs, churches, even movies, all fuelled by information of the right type provided by his department. In January he wrote to the presidents of several major universities asking that they makes speeches or write articles exposing the fallacies of “extreme red Socialism and Bolshevism.” At the same time, he warned against revealing the existence of this anti-Red campaign. “Were the agitators conducting this propaganda able to plead that they are being made the subject of organized attack,” he wrote the president of the University of Toronto, Sir Robert Falconer, “it would aid them tremendously in their campaign with the disaffected.” (Falconer wrote back declining the invitation to take part in Chambers’ campaign: “If prices could be kept down and employment could be assured,” he told the censor, “I think many of our immediate troubles could be quickly surmounted.”)

The kind of information Chambers wanted to disseminate could be found in the Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs, published by J. Castell Hopkins, a prolific author of popular biographies and encyclopedias. Hopkins’ portrait of the Soviet Union under Bolshevik rule exemplified the mixture of misinformation, fear, and smug middle-class superiority which fuelled anti-Red hysteria in Canada. “In Russia,” he told his readers, “disorganization, starvation, individual license, robbery, brutal crime, the over-throw of social laws and religious influence and ordered government, wholesale immorality, were natural products of the rule of men who were ignorant of all but wild theories nursed in malignant or disordered minds.” For Hopkins, Bolshevism simply meant “wholesale pillage and the murder of the classes owning money or property.” Things were better under the tsars, he said; at least the Romanovs were honest and meant well. The Bolsheviks were terrorists who roused the basest instincts in the Russian masses and rode them to power. Life in Russia, he told his readers, had become a living hell. There was no free speech, no democracy, no private property, only terror, mass executions, and torture,

including mutilations of all kinds, slow starvation, burning alive, piercing with bayonets [...], deliberate breaking of arms and legs, stamping on wounded living bodies with hob-nailed boots, nailing officers’ shoulder straps to their bodies, thrusting of gramophone needles through finger nails, blinding in most brutal forms.

Hopkins’ list of bizarre atrocities was reminiscent of the most extreme anti-German propaganda during the war, now turned against a new enemy, the Bolshevik.

Implicit in Hopkins’ overheated prose was a warning to his Canadian readers: This could happen here. The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and other socialists preached a form of class warfare every bit as frightening as their Russian counterparts, he said. Working under the cover of the One Big Union and organizations such as the Social Democratic Party, they intended to destabilize the economic situation with general strikes and exploit the chaos to seize power from the government. According to Hopkins, this was no theoretical danger. “At the end of 1918 there were 21 Soviets established in the country awaiting for action,” he announced, without any evidence whatsoever.

One powerful institution that shared the concern about the insidious threat of Bolshevism was the Canadian Pacific Railway. In the fall of 1918, John Murray Gibbon, CPR publicist, broached the subject with filmmaker George Brownridge. Gibbon was one of the country’s leading intellectuals. A graduate of Oxford University and an experienced journalist, he had joined the CPR’s London operations in 1907 and had moved to the company’s Montreal head office just before the war. He was not only an ambassador for the railway but, as author and festival impresario, he was an energetic promoter of Canadian culture as well. The CPR had a problem with Bolsheviks stirring up its workers, Gibbon told Brownridge, and he thought that the film industry could do something about it. During the war Brownridge had established a studio, Canadian National Features, in Trenton, Ontario, where he managed to make two feature films before going broke. Neither of those films was ever released, but the indefatigable Brownridge was back in business at Trenton two years later as the Adanac Producing Company (the name is Canada spelled backwards) and eager to attract corporate support from the likes of the CPR.

After talking to Gibbon, Brownridge, armed with a suitable script about a Red plot to take over a trade union, came back to the railway for financial help. Eventually the CPR and several other large employers did put up the money. CPR president Edward Beatty made his position clear in a letter that he wrote to journalist and president of the Canadian Reconstruction Association, John Willison.

Of course there can be no doubt that from one end of the country to the other an effort must be made to stamp out this extreme socialism which practically amounts to disloyalty…

Brownridge began work on his film, called The Great Shadow and starring Tyrone Power Sr. The film was directed by Harley Knoles, who had just completed another anti-Red feature in the United States called Bolshevism on Trial co-starring his Canadian-born wife Pinna Nesbitt. The final script of the new film included most of the elements of Red Scare melodrama: vicious Bolsheviks determined to destroy society by setting one class against another; a handsome secret service agent to provide love interest; a fairminded employer who only wants what is best for his workers; and a “responsible” labour leader who must wage a life-and-death struggle to keep his union free of extremism. The Great Shadow was one of several Red Scare features to appear at this time in Canada and the US. The newest forms of popular entertainment were not ignored when it came to combatting the threat of Bolshevism. The film was finished too late to influence opinion during the crucial spring of 1919, but when it did reach the screen in the late fall it met with widespread critical praise. Unfortunately, no copy has survived.

Another busy scaremonger was Charles Cahan. In January Cahan, whose extreme views had managed to alienate most of his support in the federal Cabinet, resigned from his job as director of public safety. He had failed to convince the government to create a secret service modelled on the American Bureau of Investigation, and with his departure the entire Public Safety Branch was abolished after just three months in operation. In a letter to Prime Minister Borden, Cahan explained that,

I tried in vain, after your departure [for Europe], to obtain a hearing from your colleagues; but they treated my representations with such contemptuous indifference, that there was for me no alternative but to retire quietly and await events.

In Cahan’s view, the ultimate aim of the “Reds” was to “kick the Government off Parliament Hill.”

Cahan had no intention of retiring quietly; far from it. He continued to speak out at every opportunity about the Bolshevik threat, and one of his speeches, “Socialistic Propaganda in Canada,” was printed as a pamphlet and had wide distribution. In it, he summarized the four main doctrines of “International Socialism” as he understood them. First of all, class warfare between workers and capitalists caused “envy and hatred of all who have acquired property of any kind whatsoever.” Second, the state acquired ownership of all means of production and responsibility for all social relationships. Third, only the interests of workers had any importance. And last, the capitalist class was stripped of all possessions. Propaganda in favour of these views was flooding the western world, said Cahan. In Canada it was mainly the IWW that was fomenting class warfare, especially among the large “alien” population. If this was allowed to continue, he warned, there would be “tumults and disorders” that would require the intervention of the army. He suggested denying the right to strike, keeping a watchful eye on labour organizations and the foreign-language press, restricting immigration, and the speedy acculturation of immigrant children in the schools. Cahan’s basic message was that anyone who accepted the concept of class differences was contributing to a civil war in Canada that threatened democratic institutions and individual liberties.

Cahan carried his campaign to the pages of Maclean’s magazine. Under the ownership of Colonel John Bayne Maclean and the editorship of Thomas Costain, this magazine had become a major organ of the Red Scare. Cahan sounded his familiar warning about the IWW and other “Red” elements who were spreading “pacifist, socialistic, revolutionary and seditious literature” and organizing “societies for the insidious propagation of doctrines destructive of our existing political, social and industrial institutions.” He revealed that these activities were funded by thousands of dollars provided by agents of the Russian government, and he even hinted that the conspiracy to overthrow the government reached into the corridors of power in Ottawa. In the absence of Borden (in Europe), he wrote, the cabinet had been “utterly lacking in unity of purpose and in courageous action.” In case after case, Cahan claimed, federal authorities had intervened to secure the release of agitators who had been arrested for their activities. And, of course, had he not been removed from any position of influence under suspicious circumstances?

Colonel Maclean was an enthusiastic proponent of conspiracy theories. A long-time member of the militia, he had encouraged the government to take a hard-line, anti-Hun, anti-pacifist approach during the war. At the end of 1918, he wrote in his magazine that the Germans, had they won the war, had plans to dismember Canada and distribute parts of it to their leading bankers, nobles, and businessmen. Quite literally, therefore, the Canadian army had saved the country from extinction; it only made sense, wrote Maclean, to put the army in charge of society now that the war was over. He recommended, for instance, that military men take control of the school system. “It makes one dizzy to think of the great things that could be accomplished,” he wrote.

The January 1919 edition of Maclean’s carried an article titled “Is Bolshevism Brewing in Canada?” to which the author, Thomas Fraser, answered with an emphatic “Yes.” The magazine had commissioned Fraser to discover if Bolshevism was present in Canada. His conclusion: “There is a bold, systematic and dangerous effort being made to lay the fuse of Bolshevism from one end of the Dominion to the other.” The IWW was behind it, he explained. “Their idea is to seize control of all industries and abolish the wage system.” Their aims were completely hostile to democracy, Fraser warned, and to the middle class. The “root of the whole matter” was that “much of the good old Anglo-Saxon stock” was gone, slaughtered in the recent war, and Canada was filled up with “workmen of foreign extraction” sympathetic to Bolshevik propaganda.

One appreciative reader of Fraser’s article was press censor Ernest Chambers. He wrote Colonel Maclean a congratulatory note in which he warned that “the situation is very much more dangerous, in my opinion, than the public has the least conception of.” Encouraging Maclean to continue to raise the alarm, he concluded:

I am firmly convinced that, without the real solid, sensible people of the country taking into their own hand the active combatting of this Bolshevist propaganda, we run the risk of reaching, within measureable time, the conditions which at present prevail in Russia.

Among the more extreme anti-Red fanatics, a rationale seemed to be emerging that justified taking the law into their own hands to preserve the nation from revolution.

In the June 1919 issue of his magazine, Maclean himself took Chambers’ advice. In a provocative article titled “Why Did We Let Trotzky Go?” he blamed unnamed “politicians or officials” in Ottawa for allowing Trotsky to leave his Amherst internment camp and return to Russia to lead the revolution there. Trotsky, claimed Maclean, was a German agent paid to take Russia out of the war. If Canada had held onto him, the war would have been shortened by a year. This was a familiar belief at the time, but Maclean went further. He claimed that Trotsky had organized groups of revolutionaries in Toronto and Ottawa who were poised to take over the country. Charles Cahan had revealed some of this threat, wrote Maclean, but then “the Trotzky influences got busy and Mr. Cahan was ordered to cease his inquiries and send in his resignation.” (Despite the allegations of Cahan and Maclean, no evidence was ever produced that Leon Trotsky had supporters within the Canadian government who were twisting its policies in his favour.)

By the August issue, Maclean was getting even more alarmist. By then, of course, the Winnipeg General Strike had taken place. Not surprisingly, Maclean’s saw it as a prelude to revolution. The Bolsheviks were pouring money into the country to cause strikes and encourage social unrest, the Colonel wrote. It was all a conspiracy organized by the Germans and their Russian Bolshevik agents to disrupt western countries so that Germany could rebuild its economy and regain its markets. For Maclean, and for many others, the Hun and the Bolshevik were indistinguishable. In their view, the war was still going on and it was being fought in the streets of Winnipeg and other Canadian cities."

- Daniel Francis, Seeing Reds: the Red Scare of 1918-1919, Canada’s First War on Terror. Arsenal Pulp Press, 2011. p. 58-62.

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thatsonemorbidcorvid · 2 years

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“Another option is directly recruiting detectives. The nature of crime has changed, Baird said, with a growing prevalence of sexual crimes and domestic abuse.

These need specialists, who don’t necessarily need to have gone through riot training or the standard police career paths. Officers would still have to learn the law, but the “boot camp stuff” wouldn’t be necessary.

“I wonder whether there is any need at all for every copper to be quasi-military,” Baird added.

Baird floated, as an example, recruiting women working in domestic abuse refuges to investigate cases.”

Full text under cut

The Met Police is institutionally racist, with discrimination “baked in” to the system, the Casey Review found this week. Along with exposing a litany of failures to protect Londoners, the landmark report also raised the spectre of breaking up the Met if the situation does not improve.

“If sufficient progress is not being made at the points of further review, more radical, structural options, such as dividing up the Met into national, specialist and London responsibilities, should be considered to ensure the service to Londoners is prioritised,” Casey wrote.

It’s a debate you might be familiar with. In the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests, the concept of “defund the police” and police abolition entered the mainstream in the UK. Keir Starmer even called it “nonsense”.

Yet police misconduct, especially in the Met, is not new. Since the Macpherson report into the death of Steven Lawrence, report after review after report has laid bare a rotten culture and failed victims.

So what comes next? We spoke to experts from a range of backgrounds to outline the options for reforming the police.

The former Victims’ Commissioner: Directly recruit detectives and have an external body to vet officers

Dame Vera Baird was the most recent Victims’ Commissioner. She resigned in September, accusing justice secretary Dominic Raab of ‘deceptively and deliberately’ undermining her, and her role has yet to be filled.

Before that, she was a Labour MP and cabinet minister, and then the Police and Crime Commissioner for Northumberland.

“I spent all my time trying to get money for the police, not defund them, because there’s a lot for them to do. I don’t think there is any option of rejecting police in a wholesale way,” she said.

“What we have to do is open it up, modernise it and bring it closer to the community.”

What would that look like? One option is an external body to help recruit and vet officers, Baird said,

“They don’t think they’re public servants. They think they’re swaggering, quasi-military, know-it-all, men, don’t they?”

This, Baird argued, was difficult for the police themselves to fix. Officers need to be vetted for their attitude to the public, as well as for their ability to do the job.

“I don’t think the police can do that, because they don’t see what they don’t see, do they? Because they’re soaked in the culture too,” she said.

Another option is directly recruiting detectives. The nature of crime has changed, Baird said, with a growing prevalence of sexual crimes and domestic abuse.

“I wonder whether there is any need at all for every copper to be quasi-military,” Baird added.

Baird floated, as an example, recruiting women working in domestic abuse refuges to investigate cases.

Joining these together would be a change in what’s rewarded, and what helps officers move up in their careers. A culture of emulating past failures and ingrained ways of working needs replacing.

“I used to say to my chief constable, when I used to come and present awards, it was always about somebody who chased somebody down the street,” she said.

“It was never about somebody who’s supported a domestic abuse victim successfully to leave a horrible violent partner, and set up a new life with their children, and a new job. I said the day there’s an award for domestic abuse, I’ll know we’ve turned the corner.”

Your support changes lives. Find out how you can help us help more people by signing up for a subscription

The think tank expert: Hand over specialist units and focus on policing London well

The Met is in the last chance saloon, said Rick Muir of the Police Federation think tank.

“I think you give it one big last chance to reform itself, then if it isn’t able to do that I think you have to look at options,” he said.

In the meantime, Muir said better vetting, and making it easier to dismiss officers guilty of gross misconduct would help turn the situation around.

There’s also a culture where officers don’t report incidents, he said, describing ”a minority of officers who are behaving unprofessionally and criminally in some cases, but then they’re surrounded by a wider culture of silence”.

It is possible for things to change, with Muir pointing to an increase in confidence in policing in the 2000s. From neighbourhood policing, supporting young people, and early intervention to prevent crime: “None of this is rocket science, we kind of know what works in policing.”

In some ways, the Met is a victim of areas where it succeeds, Muir added, citing excellent counterterror and firearms units.

“I think all that creates an image that ‘we’re the best in Britain, we’re the best in the world’. I think that creates a sort of arrogance,” he said.

But if things do not change, Muir laid out some options for deeper reform.

Putting specialist functions such as counter-terror and diplomatic protection in the hands of an independent organisation, such as the National Crime Agency, would streamline the Met.

“I think that could be done in a relatively straightforward way, because they’re relatively self contained,” he said.

This would give the Met more room to focus on policing London, with more autonomy given to police in individual boroughs.

But, to change, the Met needs to respond better to crises and criticism. “What hasn’t changed at all is that the Met’s response to criticism is always an ingrained institutional defensiveness,” he said.

“That fundamental culture of not getting it and not changing, battening down the hatches and hoping the world will go away, that culture has been continuous. That’s the thing that has to change. In many ways, that’s probably the most difficult thing to change. But that’s what Mark Rowley’s got to do.”

The academic: Keep the police as a ‘blue light’ service and let other services take care of problems

“Defund the police” is a slogan popular in the US, where forces can often be equipped like military units. But the debate has relevance in the UK, said Goldsmiths lecturer Jennifer Fleetwood.

“The UK is quite different to the US in that budgets have been cut (in the US they have been expanding for some time, including ex-military equipment such as tanks). Public services in the UK have been underfunded since 2009, since the austerity agenda/Conservative government,” she said.

Large-scale reform requires imagining a different role for policing entirely, Fleetwood added.

“Rather than break up the Met, we would rather see the role of the police radically redefined to restrict their autonomy,” she said.

“We would propose that in most circumstances, the police are actually not best placed to deal with problems and so their role should be to ‘make safe’ so that others could move in.”

Get the latest news and insight into how the Big Issue magazine is made by signing up for the Inside Big Issue newsletter

The domestic abuse campaigner: Properly fund officers who investigate violence against women

Dr Hannana Siddiqui, the head of campaigns and policy for Southall Black Sisters, works with a number of minority women who have experienced domestic violence.

One push by her organisation has highlighted the difficulty of change for the Met. Southall Black Sisters’ firewall campaign is calling for a buffer between migrant victims reporting domestic assault and the police reporting their immigration status to the Home Office.

“A lot of the victims are frightened of going to the police in the first place. Even though they need protection from the police, they don’t go because they are frightened that they will be deported. And the perpetrator knows that,” Siddiqui said.

It was the subject of the first ever police “Super Complaint”, and led to the police inspectorate agreeing the policy caused “significant harm”.

But, three years on, the firewall is not a reality, and Southall Black Sisters’ frustration is such that Siddiqui said: “We’re actually boycotting the Home Office now”.

In terms of reform, vetting and the suspension of officers under investigation would help, Siddiqui said, as well as properly funding officers who investigate violence against women. An officer should visit every report of domestic abuse.

Siddiqui described the end goal for women reporting abuse: “Straight from the call handler to the very end of the criminal justice system, you are going to be treated well, you are going to get a sympathetic response.

“You are going to be treated with respect and dignity regardless of your background.”

The criminal justice lawyer: Stop giving the police new powers

Tyrone Steele, a criminal justice lawyer at JUSTICE, highlighted a lack of change coming at the same time as expanded powers for police in the form of the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts act, and the Public Order bill.

“The Casey Report’s revelations further evidence the unacceptable state of the Metropolitan police, which remains rife with racism, sexism, and homophobia both at the institutional and individual levels,” he said.

Almost 30 years after the murder of Stephen Lawrence, “it is unacceptable that the UK’s largest force has not made sufficient progress, and continues to lose trust among all communities”.

Highlighting the lack of progress the Met has achieved, he said: “It is therefore disappointing that, in parallel, the government has continued to push for broad new policing powers, from last year’s Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act, to the ongoing Public Order Bill. With sexism, racism, and homophobia endemic in the country’s largest police force, it is inevitable that expanded police powers will be used to damaging and discriminatory effect.”

A root-and-branch approach to addressing these issues is needed, Steele added.

“To start, the Casey Report rightly concludes that stop and search powers need ‘a fundamental reset’, yet the Public Order Bill is set to scale up these controversial measures,” Steele said.

“JUSTICE’s 2021 report on racial disparity urged the government to suspend the discriminatory and ineffective section 60 ‘suspicionless’ stop and search powers, which do nothing to tackle crime and instead lead to the over policing of ethnic minority individuals across the city. Today represents a chance to take action and set things right. There is no time to waste; London’s communities deserve better.”

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customknitfactory · 1 month

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customsweaterproducer · 1 month

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mensfashionvibes · 3 months

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Stock Up on Premium Mens Wholesale Jeans for Your Store

When it comes to men's fashion, jeans are a timeless staple that every retailer should have in their inventory. For wholesale retailers and fashion stores, offering a diverse range of high-quality mens wholesale jeans can significantly boost your business. This guide explores the best options for clothing wholesale jeans, providing insights on styles, trends, and how to attract customers with the right selection of jeans.

Why Invest in Mens Wholesale Jeans?

Wholesale jeans are an essential part of any men's fashion collection. They offer versatility, durability, and timeless appeal. Whether your customers are looking for casual wear or something more stylish, mens jeans are always in demand. Investing in mens jeans wholesale allows you to provide high-quality products at competitive prices, attracting more customers to your store.

Benefits of Clothing Wholesale Jeans

Cost-Effective: Buying jeans in bulk reduces the cost per unit, allowing you to offer competitive prices to your customers.

Variety: Wholesale jeans come in various styles, fits, and washes, catering to different tastes and preferences.

Quality: Wholesale suppliers often provide high-quality jeans that are durable and stylish, ensuring customer satisfaction.

Top Picks for Mens Wholesale Jeans

Slim Fit Jeans

Slim fit jeans are a popular choice among men who prefer a modern and sleek look. These jeans are versatile and can be dressed up or down, making them a must-have for any retailer. They are perfect for casual outings and semi-formal events.

Relaxed Fit Jeans

Relaxed fit jeans offer comfort and a laid-back style, making them ideal for everyday wear. These jeans are perfect for customers looking for something casual and comfortable, suitable for weekend outings and casual Fridays at work.

Distressed Jeans

Distressed jeans are trendy and add a touch of edginess to any outfit. They are popular among younger customers and those who love to make a fashion statement. These jeans are perfect for casual gatherings and night outs.

Classic Straight Leg Jeans

Classic straight leg jeans are timeless and versatile, suitable for men of all ages. They offer a traditional look that never goes out of style, making them perfect for both casual and formal occasions.

Bootcut Jeans

Bootcut jeans are designed to be worn with boots, offering a stylish and balanced look. These jeans are ideal for customers who prefer a more rugged and classic style, suitable for outdoor activities and casual wear.

Barabas Wholesale: Your Source for Quality Jeans

Barabas Wholesale is a leading supplier of mens wholesale jeans, offering a wide range of styles and fits. Their collection includes everything from slim fit to bootcut jeans, ensuring that you have the perfect jeans for every customer. By partnering with Barabas Wholesale, you can provide your customers with high-quality, stylish jeans at competitive prices.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

1. Why should retailers invest in mens wholesale jeans? Investing in mens wholesale jeans allows retailers to offer a variety of high-quality jeans at competitive prices, attracting more customers and increasing sales.

2. What styles of jeans are popular among men? Popular styles include slim fit, relaxed fit, distressed, classic straight leg, and bootcut jeans. Each style caters to different preferences and occasions.

3. Where can I find high-quality clothing wholesale jeans? High-quality clothing wholesale jeans can be found at reputable suppliers like Barabas Wholesale, which offers a diverse range of styles and fits.

4. How can I choose the right jeans for my store? Consider the preferences of your target audience and offer a variety of styles and fits. High-quality, versatile jeans are always in demand.

5. What are the benefits of buying jeans wholesale? Buying jeans wholesale is cost-effective, offers a wide variety, and ensures you provide high-quality products to your customers.

Conclusion

Investing in mens wholesale jeans is a smart move for any fashion retailer. With a wide range of styles and high-quality options available, you can attract a diverse customer base and boost your sales. Explore the collection of wholesale jeans from Barabas Wholesale and elevate your store's inventory with the best in men's fashion. Whether your customers are looking for slim fit jeans for a sleek look or relaxed fit jeans for everyday comfort, having the right selection of mens jeans will ensure they keep coming back for more.

#mens fashion #mens jeans #wholesale jeans #mens style #barabas men

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dao-luxury · 2 months

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Cartier watch

We are a reliable wholesale supplier in China and offer preferential prices. We provide the highest quality products at the most competitive prices, and we ship to all over the world. We sell clothing, shoes, sandals, boots, watches, hats, belts, sunglasses and more. We are looking for partners from all over the world. 📲Website link:www.dao-luxury.com WhatsApp: https://wa.me/8617693130858. ✈ Shipping to all countries ⭐Delivery within 8-14 days ⭐Global online logistics services Order by wire transfer. Thank you for your interest in our partnership! We are pleased to be your company's reliable wholesale supplier.

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2022nursejessie · 7 months

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Check out this listing I just added to my Poshmark closet: Herman Survivors Dover Steel Toe Size 7 Work Boots Waterproof 6" Boot Shaft NIB.

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aayushi1806 · 1 year

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Advantages Of Buying Leather Products For Wholesalers

The most important part of owning a fashion and accessories brand is sourcing the right materials and products at an affordable price. This is where Kiwi Enterprises comes in. We are a family-run company that brings brands’ visions to life with our world-class leather shoe manufacturing operation. We design and create premium-quality custom leather footwear and accessories for many private labels, organizations, fashion houses, brands, and other retailers around the world.

With over two decades of experience in leather product designing and manufacturing, we sell leather products in bulk to the top global fashion brands. Whether you are a private fashion label or a big retailer, you can choose from our repertoire of women’s leather handbags,women’s leather shoes, and men’s leather accessories and put your label on them. Our in-house team of designers from France and Italy create over 300 new designs every season, including timeless and trendy designs in leather products. So, if you are looking to understand the advantages of buying your stock from wholesale leather handbags manufacturers, read on.

Advantages of shopping from leather handbag and leather shoe wholesalers

With the fashion industry booming, leather handbags, leather wallets, and leather shoes are all the rage right now. As a fashion brand, it is important to keep up with that demand while still maintaining high-quality standards. Buying in bulk is a great way to do this, for a variety of reasons. Here are some of the advantages of buying in bulk from a wholesale leather handbags manufacturer like Kiwi Enterprises:

1. Economical: Whether you are a niche designer brand or a mass retailer, keeping your costs low is paramount. Buying in bulk is especially beneficial for private labels and smaller brands that do not have ample financial backing just yet. Leather shoe wholesalers will also give you a competitive rate, allowing you to get more bang for your buck. As a result, you can redirect funds to other parts of your business. Cutting costs by buying in bulk also gives you the ability to purchase the same shoes in several different colours or sizes. This is a good idea for brands who want to appeal to people of diverse ages, from adults to kids.

2. Variety: Kiwi Enterprises ranks among the best leather wholesalers in the industry, offering over 20,000 unique designs and an expansive range of materials, colours, and styles. You can choose from our in-house collection of leather handbags and footwear, or we can manufacture custom designs for your brand. You can collaborate with us for all types of leather products, from hiking boots and jogging shoes to briefcases and wallets. You can even add your own logo and customize the packaging.

3. Allows you to experiment with trends: A key benefit of buying in bulk is that your brand can quickly and seamlessly keep up with the latest trends in footwear and fashion. Not only will your costs remain low, you can avail of Kiwi Enterprises’ in-house design services while also purchasing those designs from us in bulk. We are a one-stop shop for your fashion brand’s sourcing needs, from design to execution and packaging. Our top-quality leather goods will make your brand a frontrunner in the business.

Kiwi Enterprises – Your private label’s one-stop shop for leather goods

With an undying passion for sophistication and style, Kiwi Enterprises has been in the premium leather business for over two decades. We are a family-owned and operated business, bringing you a world-class wholesale and manufacturing platform, with endless customization options. We work with the best designers and shoemakers in the business, combining state-of-the-art manufacturing with traditional craftsmanship and attention to detail. From our raw materials to our custom packaging options, we strive to create top-tier leather products that will elevate your brand.

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